The Senate Intelligence Committee has released its fifth and final report on Russias aggressive, multifaceted effort to interfere in the 2016 U.S. presidential election on behalf of Donald Trump.

The committee described its 966-page bipartisan report as the most comprehensive description to date of Russias activities and the threat they posed. The report goes further than Special Counsel Robert Muellers report by concluding that President Trump most likely did have advance knowledge of Russias hack of Democratic National Convention emails before WikiLeaks released themcontrary to what the president told Muellers team.

It also provides fresh evidence of Paul Manaforts connections to Russian intelligence officers, establishing a clear pipeline between Russia and the top level of the Trump campaign. And it has new details of how the FBI handled the dossier from ex-British intelligence officer Christopher Steele.

But while it offers a damning assessment of the Trump campaigns extensive contacts with Russia, its vulnerability to foreign manipulation, and its indifference to Russian interference, it does not conclude that the campaign engaged in a coordinated conspiracy with Russia.

Although the full committee signed off on the startling report, which took three years to compile and involved 200 witnesses, Democrats and Republicans ended up with wildly different interpretations about what it reveals about the Trump campaign.

Sen. Mark Warner (D-VA), vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, said in a statement that the report exposes the breathtaking level of contacts between Trump officials and Russian government operatives that is a very real counterintelligence threat to our elections.

Less than three months out from another presidential election, Warner added: This cannot happen again.

However, Acting Senate Intelligence Chairman Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) said the committee found absolutely no evidence that then-candidate Donald Trump or his campaign colluded with the Russian government to meddle in the 2016 election.

Trump 2020 communications director Tim Murtaugh chose to highlight just one instance of foreign interference outlined in the report. The report does remind Americans that there was, however, political reliance on foreign assistance in 2016, since Hillary Clintons campaign and the DNC paid for the bogus Steele Dossier assembled by a foreign operative using Russian disinformation.

The report says that Manaforts high-level access to the Trump campaign and his willingness to share information with Russian and Ukrainian operativesparticularly Konstantin Kilimnik, who hed previously hired and worked with, and oligarch Oleg Deripaskarepresented a grave counterintelligence threat.

[His] presence on the Campaign and proximity to Trump created opportunities for Russian intelligence services to exert influence over and acquire confidential information on the Trump Campaign, it states.

The committee wasnt able to determine why Manafort shared internal polling data and campaign strategy information with Kilimnik, or what Kilimnik did with it. However, the committee did obtain some information suggesting Kilimnik may have been connected to the Russian hack of Democratic emails.

The report goes further than Muellers report by classifying Kilimnik as a Russian intelligence officer who was an integral part of Manaforts prior work in Ukraine and Russia, and worked closely with Trumps campaign manager.

It also states that, after the election, Manafort continued to coordinate with Kilimnik and other Russian operatives to workshop narratives that sought to undermine evidence that Russia interfered in the election by instead fingering Ukraine. The committee concluded there was no evidence Ukraine was behind the interference.

The report goes further then previous public reports to conclude that two other key players, Natalia Veselnitskaya and Rinat Akhmetshin, who were at the infamous 2016 Trump Tower meeting aimed at providing Donald Trump Jr. and others with dirt on Hillary Clinton, have significant connections to the Russian government, including Russian intelligence services.

Manafort was convicted of financial crimes in mid-2018 and was released to home confinement amid the coronavirus pandemic, after serving almost two years of a seven-and-a-half year sentence.

The report addresses the Steele dossier, which made lurid accusations about potentially compromising material from Trumps trips to Russia. The committee didnt use Steeles memos as evidence in their report and states that the FBI gave it unjustified credence, using it to obtain FISA warrants despite having an incomplete understanding of Steeles past and the reliability of his sources.

But the committee says it independently became aware of three general sets of allegations involving women that were in the Steele dossier.

The first allegation, based on testimony and other witnesses, was made by Moscow businessman David Geovanis, who stated that during Trumps travel to Russia, both in 1996 and 2013, Geovanis was aware of Trump engaging in personal relationships with Russian women.

The report states another businessman said in 2015 he overheard two people discussing sensitive tapes of a Trump visit to Russia. The information reached Trumps longtime personal lawyer Michael Cohen, who told the committee he knew of other similar allegations from Trumps travel to Moscow in 2013 that he was unable to corroborate.

Finally, the report states an executive at Marriott International overheard two colleagues discussing how to handle a tape of Trump with women in an elevator at the Ritz Carlton Moscow. The report stresses that the allegations were not confirmed.

The report concludes, for the first time, that the Russian government was the source of the hacked DNC emails, contrary to WikiLeaks and founder Julian Assanges claims.

The committee says they found significant evidence to suggest WikiLeaks was knowingly collaborating with Russian government officials when it hacked and released the emails in an effort to derail Clintons campaign.

The report provides a detailed timeline of the release of the emails, which came about 30 minutes after The Washington Posts Oct. 7 story on Trumps Access Hollywood tape. Roger Stone, who was in contact with WikiLeaks, had a six-minute call the night before with a phone number belonging to Trumps bodyguard Keith Schiller. While the substance of the call is unknown, it appears quite likely that Stone and Trump [using his bodyguards phone] spoke about WikiLeaks, the report concludes.

The Trump campaign first heard of the Access Hollywood tape about an hour before its release, the report says. Stone then called Jerome Corsi and, according to Corsi, told him to get Assange to drop the Podesta emails immediately.

WikiLeaks then released 2,050 emails that Russia had stolen from DNC chair John Podesta, the report says.

While the Senate committee found no evidence that Trumps campaign knew for sure that the hack was done by Russia, the campaign was indifferent as to whether it and WikiLeaks were furthering a Russian interference effort.

The findings go further than Muellers report, which didnt conclude that Trump knew about the WikiLeaks hack prior to its release and didnt take a position on whether Trump was lying when he said in written answers to Muellers team that he didnt recall ever discussing WikiLeaks with Stone during the campaign.

Despite Trumps recollection, the Committee assesses that Trump did, in fact, speak with Stone about WikiLeaks and with members of his Campaign about Stones access to WikiLeaks, the report says.

Stone was found guilty of lying to Congress about his contacts with WikiLeaks, but Trump later commuted his prison sentence.

The report is most critical of the Trump campaigns general incompetence and vulnerability to Russian contact during the transition to the White House. It concludes that the Kremlin capitalized on the relative inexperience of Trumps teamand the new presidents desire to deepen ties with Russia.

The lack of vetting of foreign interactions by Transition officials left the Transition open to influence and manipulation by foreign intelligence services, government leaders, and co-opted business executives, the report states.

The disorganized and unprepared transition team also actively engaged with foreign actors, which created notable counterintelligence vulnerabilities and allowed Russian officials, intelligence services, and others acting on the Kremlins behalf to exploit Team Trumps shortcomings. The team repeatedly took actions that sometimes interfered with U.S. diplomatic efforts, were not part of a visible overriding foreign policy and were narrow and transactional.

This created unnecessary confusion among U.S. allies and other world leaders, creating the potential to harm Americas ability to conduct diplomacy both bilaterally and in multilateral institutions, and undermine U.S. credibility and influence.

The report provides new details about Robert Foresman, an American businessman who was named in Muellers investigation due to his high-level Kremlin contacts and alleged efforts to meet with Trump during and after the 2016 election.

Foreman testified that, at the end of a Dec. 6 meeting with chief strategist Steve Bannon, Bannon asked him to send a memo. In it, Foresman offered advice for structuring the National Security Council so that Russia was a main focus of the council, including the creation of a Russia-specific deputy national security adviser.

After submitting that memo, Foresman met with national security adviser Michael Flynn and told Flynn he was on his way to Russia to meet with people close to President Putin. He asked if the Trump team wanted to convey a message from the incoming administration.

Flynn replied, You can convey that on behalf of the President-elect and myself, we genuinely hope for improved relations between our two countries, the report states, adding that Foresman said that he conveyed the message to Russian banker Sergey Gorkov, who relayed the message to Putin.

Separately, Foresman, who wanted a position in the Trump administration, conveyed messages between the Trump campaign and several Kremlin-linked people, including Putin confidant Matthias Wamig, the report states.

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US Senate Releases Final Report Into 'Aggressive' Russian Interference in 2016 Election - The Daily Beast

News of Mr. Gatess book was reported earlier by Business Insider.

Other books from former Trump aides and associates are in the pipeline, including a memoir from Michael D. Cohen, Mr. Trumps former lawyer, who is serving a three-year prison sentence for campaign finance violations and other crimes that were part of an effort to pay for the silence of two women who said they had affairs with Mr. Trump. Mr. Cohens book is tentatively titled Disloyal: The True Story of Michael Cohen, Former Personal Attorney to President Donald J. Trump. Last month, Mr. Cohen, who was on furlough because of the coronavirus, said that a decision to return him to prison was an attempt by the administration to punish him for writing the book, and a judge agreed, ordering him released back to home confinement.

Mr. Gates, who has never spoken publicly about his experience on the Trump campaign apart from his testimony, is likely to face fewer obstacles to sharing his account. He never served in the administration so does not face a government review to ensure he isnt sharing classified information. In his book, Wicked Game, Mr. Gates adds context to the publicized, politicized public account provided in the Mueller investigation, including information that was left out of the report, he said in an interview on Friday.

Readers hoping for another explosive tell-all about the president may be disappointed. Mr. Gates said he isnt trying to settle scores and that his book takes a middle of the road approach, a position that could hamper the books commercial prospects in a polarized media environment. At one point, Mr. Gates had a deal with a big publishing house, but it fell through because he declined to make changes that the publisher requested, including removing passages that were critical of the Mueller investigation, he said. Instead, Wicked Game is being released by a smaller, independent press that specializes in conservative political books, as well as business, self-help, health, military and Christian titles. Mr. Gates co-wrote it with Mark Dagostino, who has worked on books with Chip and Joanna Gaines and Hulk Hogan.

Its not a salacious book, Mr. Gates said.

He added that his book will shed new light on the inner workings of the Mueller investigation, which he is highly critical of, as the books subtitle, An Insiders Story on How Trump Won, Mueller Failed, and America Lost suggests. He describes the hard-nosed tactics prosecutors used and notes that Robert S. Mueller III never interviewed him. Mr. Gates said he isnt aiming to walk back his guilty plea.

I accepted the charges, and I knew the consequences that were associated with them, Mr. Gates said. At the end of the day, they did find me as the most credible fact witness.

The rest is here:

Rick Gates, Ex-Trump Aide and Mueller Witness, Is Publishing a Memoir - The New York Times

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Every American president since Jimmy Carter has revealed their tax records. In fact, President Trump personally promised to make his taxes public, tweeting in May 2016: I told AP that my taxes are under routine audit, and I would release my tax returns when the audit is complete, not after the (2016) election.

For some reason, Trump changed his mind. In a stunning rebuke to the president, the Supreme Court ruled that Trump is not immune from prosecution. His case will now go to the grand jury, so the public may not know what is lurking in his tax returns until after the election. Friendly porn stars? Russian financiers?

If the judges side with state prosecutors, the grand jury may have his tax records in hand before November. But the trillion-dollar question is, will someone leak the information before Nov. 7 and what will his finances tell us? Here is a primer on the three things to look for.

First, scandals with porn stars are not advisable for anyone especially presidents. But paying them off while running for office is a violation of U.S. election law. If, as adult actress Stormy Daniels has claimed, Trumps personal lawyer paid her $130,000, this would have violated federal election law a felony worth five years in federal prison under Federal Employees Compensation Act and a gross disregard for the American voters.

Second, whenever an investor buys luxury real estate, via all-cash deals and shell companies, there is an increased probability of money laundering. By subtly manipulating property values, a would-be launderer has the potential to clean money in real estate profit from purposely undervalued property or from servicing loan debt for overvalued property.

Trumps tax returns would likely show whether money laundering occurred, another felony potentially exposing Trump to blackmail risk and coercion from those who know his dirty laundry. There are four different degrees of money laundering under New York state law, but theyre all felonies so we can just call it a felony without deciding what one he may qualify for.

Third, Trump has not shied away from dealing with Russian oligarchs. In 2004, he bought a property for slightly over $40 million only to sell it for $95 million four years later to Russian oligarch Dmitry Rybolovlev. Since the 1980s, Trump sold 20% of his condos through secretive, all-cash transactions.

Earlier this year, allegations arose connecting a Deutsche Bank subsidiary whose parent bank loaned Trump $350 million to Russian state-run bank VTB. If Trumps taxes show VTB was underwriting his loans when he was financially insolvent, it could help explain why Trumps chess moves nearly always play to a Russian audience. For New York prosecutors, they see fraud. This Deutsche Bank concern could not only cost Trump the election but be another felony crime under New York state law.

We may not know what Trumps tax returns will show until after the election. But the Supreme Courts decision puts the presidents tax issues under a microscope. If federal prosecutors get the information before November, or one person with a smartphone leaks the returns (as Chelsea Manning did via Wikileaks), Americans could come face to face with proof that the president of the United States has committed a serious crime.

With the Supreme Courts Mazars decision, we are one step closer to knowing whether Trump merely admires the autocratic Russian president, or whether they are partners in crime.

Americans deserve an answer before Election Day.

Steve Westly is a former California state controller and California co-chair for Obama for America. He is founder and managing partner of The Westly Group, a venture capital firm in Menlo Park, Calif.

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Steve Westly: Will Trump still have to reveal his taxes? - TribLIVE

The world is increasingly obsessed with the ongoing power struggle between the US and China. But the technology-driven shift of power away from states to transnational actors and global forces brings a new and unfamiliar complexity to global affairs.

CAMBRIDGE Since 2017, Americas National Security Strategy has focused on great power competition, and today much of Washington is busy portraying our relationship with China as a new cold war. Obviously, great power competition remains a crucial aspect of foreign policy, but we must not let it obscure the growing transnational security threats that technology is putting on the agenda.

Power transitions among states are familiar in world politics, but the technology-driven shift of power away from states to transnational actors and global forces brings a new and unfamiliar complexity. Technological change is putting a number of issues including financial stability, climate change, terrorism, cybercrime, and pandemics on the global agenda at the same time that it tends to weaken governments ability to respond.

The realm of transnational relations outside of government control includes, among others, bankers and criminals electronically transferring funds, terrorists transferring weapons and plans, hackers using social media to disrupt democratic processes, and ecological threats such as pandemics and climate change. COVID-19, for example, has already killed more Americans than died in the Korean, Vietnam, and Iraq wars, yet we spent little to prepare for it. Nor will COVID-19 be the last or worst pandemic.

Individuals and private organizations ranging from WikiLeaks, Facebook, and foundations to terrorists and spontaneous social movements are all empowered to play direct roles in world politics. The spread of information means that power is more widely distributed, and informal networks can undercut the monopoly of traditional bureaucracy. And the speed of online transmission of information means that governments have less control over their agendas, and citizens face new vulnerabilities.

Isolation is not an option. Americas two oceans are a less effective guarantee of security than they once were. When the United States bombed Serbia and Iraq in the 1990s, Slobodan Miloevi and Saddam Hussein could not respond against the US homeland. That soon changed. In 1998, President Bill Clinton launched cruise missiles against al-Qaeda targets in Sudan and Afghanistan; three years later, al-Qaeda killed 3,000 people in the US (more than the attack on Pearl Harbor) by turning Americas civilian aircraft into giant cruise missiles.

But the threat need not be physical. Americas electrical grids, air traffic control systems, and banks are vulnerable to electrons that can originate anywhere within or outside US borders. Oceans dont help. A cyberattack could come from ten miles or ten thousand miles away.

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Democratic freedoms, in addition to infrastructure, are vulnerable to cyberattack. In 2014, when North Korea objected to a Hollywood comedy that mocked its leader, it launched a successful cyberattack that threatened free expression.

Many observers assume that because huge technology companies such as Facebook, Google, and Twitter originated in the US, they are instruments of American power. But in the 2016 US presidential election, Russia was able to use these companies as weapons to influence the outcome. Others can follow the model.

The information revolution and globalization are changing world politics in a way that means that even if the US prevails in great power competition, it cannot achieve many of its goals acting alone. Regardless of potential setbacks to economic globalization, for example, the effects of climate change including extreme weather events, crop failures, and rising sea levels will affect the quality of life for everyone, and the US cannot manage the problem alone. In a world where borders are becoming more porous to everything from illicit drugs and infectious diseases to terrorism, countries must use their soft power of attraction to develop networks and build regimes and institutions to address these new security threats.

The case for the worlds leading power to provide leadership in organizing the production of global public goods remains stronger than ever in this neo-feudal world. But the 2017 US National Security Strategy says little about these threats, and actions like withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization are steps in the wrong direction.

As the technology expert Richard Danzig summarizes the problem, Twenty-first century technologies are global not just in their distribution, but also in their consequences. Pathogens, AI systems, computer viruses, and radiation that others may accidentally release could become as much our problem as theirs. Agreed reporting systems, shared controls, common contingency plans, norms, and treaties must be pursued as means of moderating our numerous mutual risks. Tariffs and walls cannot solve these problems.

In some areas of military and economic public goods, unilateral US leadership can provide a large part of the answer. For example, the US Navy is crucial in defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, and in the current global recession the US Federal Reserve provides the crucial stabilizing role of lender of last resort.

But on other issues, success will require the cooperation of others. As I argue in my book Do Morals Matter?, some aspects of power in this new world are a positive-sum game. It is not enough to think in terms of US power over others. We must also think in terms of power to accomplish joint goals, which involves exercising power with others.

That type of thinking is missing from the current strategic debate. On many transnational issues, empowering others can help the US to accomplish its own goals. For example, the US benefits if China improves its energy efficiency and emits less carbon dioxide.

In this new world, networks and connectedness become an important source of power and security. In a world of growing complexity, the most connected states are the most powerful. In the past, Americas openness enhanced its capacity to build networks, maintain institutions, and sustain alliances. The question now is whether that openness and willingness to engage with the world will prove sustainable in US domestic politics.

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The Other Global Power Shift by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. - Project Syndicate

In interviews in recent days, several governors told POLITICO they have found their new circumstances and the re-ordering of their own personal and political priorities to be all-consuming. | POLITICO illustration/Getty Images; The State Journal-Register, Michigan Executive Office of the Governor, The Record via AP

It is sometimes called the best job in American politics. The nations governors have a degree of prestige, autonomy and agenda-setting power in their states that far surpasses anything enjoyed by the typical politician.

In almost every state, they also get to live in an elegant mansion as part of the bargain.

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For at least the next year on the front lines of the public health and economic wreckage caused by the coronavirus anyone holding one of these supposed dream jobs is going to have some long nights that might more closely resemble nightmares.

The 50 governors now have a centrality in American life that exceeds anything seen in generations. Every path forward for the country, from opening schools to reviving the economy and some semblance of normal routines, travels through their offices. But with the pandemic now at the six-month mark and its lasting consequences likely to be several times that length this new influence comes freighted with paradox:

In many states, governors like New Yorks Andrew Cuomo have seen their popularity surge by 20 and 30 percentage points as voters express approval of strong executive actions and empathetic leadership styles. But there is mounting evidence that these increases could prove highly perishable. Hard-won gains in bringing the viral transmission to heel in places like California have been reversed quickly with new outbreaks. States are facing massive budget shortfalls that will lead to deep and widespread cuts in services. Twenty percent cuts are being raised as a possibility in Albany, and 15 percent one state over in Trenton hardly the type of moves that will engender affection toward governors.

The broad agenda-setting power prized by governors is about to narrow considerably. In many places, ideas that seem like extracurricular assignments or require new funds are crowded out by the imperative of pandemic recovery. Theres simply too much competition for time and money.

Far from being autonomous leaders, the governors are staring at a new reality: Vastly increased dependence on the federal government. The Illinois treasurer this week warned of an economic tidal wave heading toward state governments, which are collectively pleading for $500 billion in assistance in the latest pandemic rescue package. It is a conceit of governors probably an accurate one in most cases that they practice a different and superior brand of politics than is the norm in Washington. It is a role more concerned with actions than words, less concerned with abstract battles over ideology and identity than with the concrete human dimensions of problems. In the current climate, governors will have to care a lot about, and become good at navigating, the politics of Washington they profess to disdain.

It is this intersection between the national capital and 50 state capitals that will be a principal theme for POLITICOs The Fifty, a new series that examines the ways in which governors, mayors and other political figures are shaping the nations future. The pandemic, more than any crisis in recent memory, has an intimate edge. It affects not just some citizens, but virtually every citizen, in an immediate and tangible way at work and home. As state and local governments are much closer to the stuff of daily life and have more direct responsibility for public health so too will they be the more relevant and vibrant arenas for creating post-pandemic America.

In interviews in recent days, several governors told POLITICO they have found their new circumstances and the re-ordering of their own personal and political priorities to be all-consuming.

Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker. | Justin L. Fowler/The State Journal-Register via AP Photo

Its tremendously frustrating in terms of my time and my focus, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker said in an interview. I didnt run for governor thinking I was going to spend every day now for six months focused on the most basic thing of all, which is keeping people alive.

A global pandemic was not on the radar when I ran for governor, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer told POLITICO. For Whitmer, the coronavirus, the recession that ensued, the national trauma over racial disparities after the George Floyd killing, and devastating floods in her state have in some way melded into a singular, extreme moment: In ordinary times, one of these crises would consume all your energy. And yet, right now, we have to be able to manage all of these crises and do the day-to-day work of state government. We have an ambitious agenda that we still plan to pursue, but certainly this has taken all of our focus getting through these four crises that have simultaneously occurred.

I would say it is, without question, the hardest thing Ive ever done, New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, a former top executive at Goldman Sachs, said in an interview. Theres no question about it. When I was in the private sector, I was typically the person who went in to clean things up. I was a U.S. ambassador to Germany for things like Wikileaks and the financial crisis of 2008, 2009 and beyond. Those werent easy, but this is at another level.

Putting their agendas on ice

Murphy offers a window into one of the most salient features of state governance in 2020: Hes got more political popularity than ever, but limited flexibility on policy.

The liberal first-term Democrat had spent the first two years feuding with other factions of his party and had an approval rating stuck in the 40s. Support shot up above 70 percent after the coronavirus arrived in the spring, his highest ever, and he has kept a pandemic approval in the high 60s. The governor has inoculated himself politically to the point where even his opponents have struggled to capitalize on real problems in his administrations coronavirus response. A semi-veiled threat of a primary challenge, made a year ago by the most influential power broker in the state, is now laughed off.

But the test of whether Murphy can keep his popularity high will come over the next few months as the state Legislature and governor work on a budget thats due Sept. 30. New Jersey has already agreed to borrow billions of dollars to temporarily close the states budget gap.

Murphy has already asked cabinet members to draw up plans for 15 percent cuts in their departments and school aid which directly affects property taxes and makes up a third of the state budget has faced major cuts. Further cuts to school aid could force teacher layoffs that would anger the New Jersey Education Association, the largest public union in the state and Murphys biggest political ally.

I got elected, in part, to get the economy both growing and getting fair again, but also to fix the bad behavior in the state government, he said. We have made enormous progress on both the stronger, the fairer, the fixing part of it. And a lot of that has to be put on ice. Theres just no question about it.

New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy. | Pool photo by Chris Pedota/Gannett

Mike DuHaime, a Republican consultant who advised Murphys controversy-pocked predecessor, Chris Christie, acknowledged that the Democrats recent success in bringing infection rates down has given him political capital. Still, he added, Political capital is only worth something if you spend it. Hes going to likely have to spend it on this budget cycle.

Thats arguably a better problem than one faced by Murphys Republican counterpart in Florida. In the first months of the pandemic, Gov. Ron DeSantis lashed out at the media and public health experts who questioned relatively lax shutdown and social distancing policies. That gamble backfired as infections rose and the state is currently one of the nations most afflicted. DeSantiss once-enviable job approval ratings have dipped at least 17 points since last year, now with a majority of voters disliking his performance.

This means hell be confronting a budget crisis without much political leverage in reserve.

In the last fiscal year, the state has missed revenue estimates by $1.9 billion, a drop driven nearly exclusively by coronavirus-related shutdowns.

Pritzker took a different path in Illinois. He issued a stay-home order long before the states outbreak reached the level it had when most other states locked down. He took the lead in explaining data-backed decisions during his daily briefings and was one of the first leaders to personally don a mask in April.

Still, few savvy politicians would take the hand Pritzkers been dealt. Illinois has the worst credit rating in the nation at a moment when it urgently needs to borrow money. He signed a budget with a $6 billion gap between revenue and expenses that was filled with loans for now as the state desperately pleads for federal relief. Pritzker says layoffs are coming without significant help.

Forced to behave more responsibly

If there is one lesson about pandemic politics as they play out in the states, it is that governors should be wary about boasting of their results infection rates and poll ratings are both fluid.

Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey, a Republican whose state was among those that seemed to avoid the worst of the coronavirus in the spring only to be crushed by it when it arrived in the sunbelt in June, has gone from 57 percent of voters approving of his pandemic response in early May to just 30 percent in July. Thats less support than the 38 percent in the state who approve of Trumps pandemic handling, making Ducey one of only four governors who has worse marks in emergency management than the president. Ducey, like others facing similar circumstances, can blame in part a speedy reopening strategy, according to a multi-university consortium that is studying state responses to the pandemic. In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who got favorable publicity for an aggressive response early, is now getting roughed up as cases rise but has so far held on to a high approval.

As states become a focal point of pandemic policy, governors could again rise to a focal point of national policy. Over 32 years between the elections of 1976 and 2008, the White House was occupied all but four years by someone who arrived at the presidency by way of a governorship.

Since then, however, the presidency has been occupied by two very different leaders who vaulted to power for a similar reason: their ability to translate celebrity personas into electoral results. Although Barack Obama served in the state legislature in Illinois, neither he nor Donald Trump ever proved executive credentials by running a state. Might the current moment put a new premium on these credentials?

On Wednesday, Cuomo will take over from Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan as head of the National Governors Association. (Hogan, a Republican, has been nearly as critical of Trumps pandemic performance as Cuomo.) Cuomo has said hes not running for president or angling for a federal position.

But he has seen both his New York and national profile rise.

In February, slogging through a third term, he had had a favorability rating of 44 percent. By the end of March, as he clawed his way through the pandemic engulfing the state, his favorability had jumped to 71 percent, its highest level in seven years, boosted by nods from legions of voters even Republicans who had soured on the third-term Democrat long ago. A staggering 87 percent of all voters approved of his handling of the pandemic.

Even if Cuomo is sincere about not intending to run, hes young enough by todays standards to eye the next cycle, and it seems virtually certain that others including Newsom, Hogan and DeSantis (if his fortunes improve) will be vying for the national stage, and hoping to trumpet reputations as people who solve problems rather than argue about them.

Governors are almost forced to behave more responsibly, said William Galston, who runs the Brookings Institutions Governance Studies Program in Washington. Its much harder for governors. Even if their states are deep red or deep blue, governors have to be doers, not just talkers. Theyre held responsible for results in a very direct way.

That is true even when those results are only partly within a governors control. Rarely has the partnership between Washington and 50 state counterparts been more consequential.

In a sense, it's the federal government's responsibility to deal with a big shock to the system like this, but the average citizen isn't going to know, said David Lazer, a political scientist and computer scientist at Northeastern University, who is involved with the multi-university consortium studying the states. There is this narrative, which Cuomo has in some ways has encouraged, which is, the buck stops with me. Sometimes the buck doesn't really stop with him and he'll still get the blame or the credit.

This article is part of The Fifty, a new POLITICO series that looks at how state and local leaders are responding to current national challenges, from the pandemic to the economic crisis to the reckoning with race. More coverage of these issues here.

Reporting was contributed by John Harris, Matt Friedman, Matt Dixon and Jeremy B. White.

Original post:

The best job in America or a living nightmare? - Politico

It is this intersection between the national capital and 50 state capitals that will be a principal theme for POLITICOs The Fifty, a new series that examines the ways in which governors, mayors and other political figures are shaping the nations future. The pandemic, more than any crisis in recent memory, has an intimate edge. It affects not just some citizens, but virtually every citizen, in an immediate and tangible way at work and home. As state and local governments are much closer to the stuff of daily life and have more direct responsibility for public health so too will they be the more relevant and vibrant arenas for creating post-pandemic America.

In interviews in recent days, several governors told POLITICO they have found their new circumstances and the re-ordering of their own personal and political priorities to be all-consuming.

Its tremendously frustrating in terms of my time and my focus, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker said in an interview. I didnt run for governor thinking I was going to spend every day now for six months focused on the most basic thing of all, which is keeping people alive.

A global pandemic was not on the radar when I ran for governor, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer told POLITICO. For Whitmer, the coronavirus, the recession that ensued, the national trauma over racial disparities after the George Floyd killing, and devastating floods in her state have in some way melded into a singular, extreme moment: In ordinary times, one of these crises would consume all your energy. And yet, right now, we have to be able to manage all of these crises and do the day-to-day work of state government. We have an ambitious agenda that we still plan to pursue, but certainly this has taken all of our focus getting through these four crises that have simultaneously occurred.

I would say it is, without question, the hardest thing Ive ever done, New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, a former top executive at Goldman Sachs, said in an interview. Theres no question about it. When I was in the private sector, I was typically the person who went in to clean things up. I was a U.S. ambassador to Germany for things like Wikileaks and the financial crisis of 2008, 2009 and beyond. Those werent easy, but this is at another level.

Murphy offers a window into one of the most salient features of state governance in 2020: Hes got more political popularity than ever, but limited flexibility on policy.

The liberal first-term Democrat had spent the first two years feuding with other factions of his party and had an approval rating stuck in the 40s. Support shot up above 70 percent after the coronavirus arrived in the spring, his highest ever, and he has kept a pandemic approval in the high 60s. The governor has inoculated himself politically to the point where even his opponents have struggled to capitalize on real problems in his administrations coronavirus response. A semi-veiled threat of a primary challenge, made a year ago by the most influential power broker in the state, is now laughed off.

But the test of whether Murphy can keep his popularity high will come over the next few months as the state Legislature and governor work on a budget thats due Sept. 30. New Jersey has already agreed to borrow billions of dollars to temporarily close the states budget gap.

Murphy has already asked cabinet members to draw up plans for 15 percent cuts in their departments and school aid which directly affects property taxes and makes up a third of the state budget has faced major cuts. Further cuts to school aid could force teacher layoffs that would anger the New Jersey Education Association, the largest public union in the state and Murphys biggest political ally.

I got elected, in part, to get the economy both growing and getting fair again, but also to fix the bad behavior in the state government, he said. We have made enormous progress on both the stronger, the fairer, the fixing part of it. And a lot of that has to be put on ice. Theres just no question about it.

Mike DuHaime, a Republican consultant who advised Murphys controversy-pocked predecessor, Chris Christie, acknowledged that the Democrats recent success in bringing infection rates down has given him political capital. Still, he added, Political capital is only worth something if you spend it. Hes going to likely have to spend it on this budget cycle.

Thats arguably a better problem than one faced by Murphys Republican counterpart in Florida. In the first months of the pandemic, Gov. Ron DeSantis lashed out at the media and public health experts who questioned relatively lax shutdown and social distancing policies. That gamble backfired as infections rose and the state is currently one of the nations most afflicted. DeSantiss once-enviable job approval ratings have dipped at least 17 points since last year, now with a majority of voters disliking his performance.

This means hell be confronting a budget crisis without much political leverage in reserve.

In the last fiscal year, the state has missed revenue estimates by $1.9 billion, a drop driven nearly exclusively by coronavirus-related shutdowns.

Pritzker took a different path in Illinois. He issued a stay-home order long before the states outbreak reached the level it had when most other states locked down. He took the lead in explaining data-backed decisions during his daily briefings and was one of the first leaders to personally don a mask in April.

Still, few savvy politicians would take the hand Pritzkers been dealt. Illinois has the worst credit rating in the nation at a moment when it urgently needs to borrow money. He signed a budget with a $6 billion gap between revenue and expenses that was filled with loans for now as the state desperately pleads for federal relief. Pritzker says layoffs are coming without significant help.

If there is one lesson about pandemic politics as they play out in the states, it is that governors should be wary about boasting of their results infection rates and poll ratings are both fluid.

Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey, a Republican whose state was among those that seemed to avoid the worst of the coronavirus in the spring only to be crushed by it when it arrived in the sunbelt in June, has gone from 57 percent of voters approving of his pandemic response in early May to just 30 percent in July. Thats less support than the 38 percent in the state who approve of Trumps pandemic handling, making Ducey one of only four governors who has worse marks in emergency management than the president. Ducey, like others facing similar circumstances, can blame in part a speedy reopening strategy, according to a multi-university consortium that is studying state responses to the pandemic. In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who got favorable publicity for an aggressive response early, is now getting roughed up as cases rise but has so far held on to a high approval.

As states become a focal point of pandemic policy, governors could again rise to a focal point of national policy. Over 32 years between the elections of 1976 and 2008, the White House was occupied all but four years by someone who arrived at the presidency by way of a governorship.

Since then, however, the presidency has been occupied by two very different leaders who vaulted to power for a similar reason: their ability to translate celebrity personas into electoral results. Although Barack Obama served in the state legislature in Illinois, neither he nor Donald Trump ever proved executive credentials by running a state. Might the current moment put a new premium on these credentials?

On Wednesday, Cuomo will take over from Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan as head of the National Governors Association. (Hogan, a Republican, has been nearly as critical of Trumps pandemic performance as Cuomo.) Cuomo has said hes not running for president or angling for a federal position.

But he has seen both his New York and national profile rise.

In February, slogging through a third term, he had had a favorability rating of 44 percent. By the end of March, as he clawed his way through the pandemic engulfing the state, his favorability had jumped to 71 percent, its highest level in seven years, boosted by nods from legions of voters even Republicans who had soured on the third-term Democrat long ago. A staggering 87 percent of all voters approved of his handling of the pandemic.

Even if Cuomo is sincere about not intending to run, hes young enough by todays standards to eye the next cycle, and it seems virtually certain that others including Newsom, Hogan and DeSantis (if his fortunes improve) will be vying for the national stage, and hoping to trumpet reputations as people who solve problems rather than argue about them.

Governors are almost forced to behave more responsibly, said William Galston, who runs the Brookings Institutions Governance Studies Program in Washington. Its much harder for governors. Even if their states are deep red or deep blue, governors have to be doers, not just talkers. Theyre held responsible for results in a very direct way.

That is true even when those results are only partly within a governors control. Rarely has the partnership between Washington and 50 state counterparts been more consequential.

In a sense, it's the federal government's responsibility to deal with a big shock to the system like this, but the average citizen isn't going to know, said David Lazer, a political scientist and computer scientist at Northeastern University, who is involved with the multi-university consortium studying the states. There is this narrative, which Cuomo has in some ways has encouraged, which is, the buck stops with me. Sometimes the buck doesn't really stop with him and he'll still get the blame or the credit.

This article is part of The Fifty, a new POLITICO series that looks at how state and local leaders are responding to current national challenges, from the pandemic to the economic crisis to the reckoning with race. More coverage of these issues here.

John Harris, Matt Friedman, Matt Dixon and Jeremy B. White contributed to this report.

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Governors find their moment and peril - POLITICO - POLITICO

(Ed. Note: With high school sports currently on hiatus, please join me in a look back at some of the finest teams our coverage area has produced this century. To help us get through the summer, each week, Ill present the top 10 teams from a different sportfour honorable mentions, then our Super Six, These rankings are put together with help from coaches and others, including a Twitter poll each week at twitter.com/foresports, but the final decision is mine. This week its volleyball. Girls hockey is on deck)

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The sport of high school volleyball has grown exponentially in recent years and Forecaster Country has been the biggest beneficiary, with multiple teams winning multiple state titles in that span.

While Greely was long the gold standard, several other schools have fought their way to the top and there were many fine championship teams to choose from in determining this list.

Without further adieu, heres one writers stab at the finest squads weve seen over the past 20 years:

Greely Rangers, 17-0, 2008 state champion

While the Rangers won 66 consecutive matches between 2003 and 2007, the overall quality of competition wasnt as strong as it would become by 2008, when the likes of Cape Elizabeth, Falmouth and Scarborough had programs up and running. Greelys sixth consecutive state championship team, featuring All-State standouts Michaela Campbell (92 kills, 84 digs, 15 aces) and Hillary Cederna (126 kills, 54 aces, 85 digs and 14 blocks), and also led by defensive standout Kayla Simpson, setters Karlee Biskup and Abby Rivers and hitters Erin Cadigan and Linnea Zrioka, dropped just one set all season, gave coach Kelvin Hasch his 100th career victory and rolled to the title.

The Rangers only brush with mortality all season came in the opener versus Biddeford, when they dropped the third set, but they prevailed, 3-1. From there, Greely won each match by a 3-0 margin to wind up 14-0 and first in the West Region. The Rangers continued to steamroll the competition in the playoffs, blanking Gorham and Biddeford (behind 11 kills and eight aces from Cederna) to reach the state match, where they shut out Mt. Desert Island (25-17, 25-20, 25-18) to return to the pinnacle (Cederna led the way with a dozen kills, while Campbell added nine). At the time, it didnt appear that Greelys dominance would ever end.

Coach Kelvin Hasch: Its always nice to win. We have 14 kids who can play. Its probably the deepest team weve had since we started here.

Falmouth Yachtsmen, 15-2, 2013 Class A state champion

Falmouths program arrived as a power almost immediately, but the Yachtsmens first two trips to the state final ended in defeat. The third time, however, would prove to be a charm. Falmouth, which featured seniors Riley Burfeind and Katrina Meserve, juniors Leigh Bernardy, Ally Hickey and Megan Tammaro and sophomore Julia Treadwell, just got better and better as the season progressed, then survived three tough playoff challenges to reach the pinnacle.

The Yachtsmen started 9-0, including a 3-2 win over Greely, then dropped a five-set decision to Scarborough. After beating Greely again by a 3-2 score and surviving Biddeford and Gorham as well, Falmouth closed with another five-set loss to Scarborough to wind up 12-2 and second for the Class A tournament, but that setback refocused the Yachtsmen, who would wind up atop the heap at last.

In the state quarterfinals, Falmouth had to contend with always-tough Biddeford and while the Yachtsmen advanced in three games, it wasnt easy (25-21, 25-19, 25-22). Burfeinds 16 kills helped lead the way. The semifinals would see unheralded Cape Elizabeth push Falmouth to the brink. Down 2-sets-to-1 and trailing, 23-22, in the fourth game, the Yachtsmen discovered their championship heart and rallied to extend the match to a decisive fifth set and they advanced, 3-2 (23-25, 25-20, 25-27, 25-23, 15-9), as Meserve came up huge late in the match. Falmouth would get a third crack at Scarborough in the state final and the Yachtsmen were ready. They took the first set, 26-24, and the second, 25-19. After the Red Storm won the third game, 25-21, Falmouth closed it out, 25-19, and had a 3-1 victory and an elusive state title. Meserve led the way with 13 kills and a block that brought the curtain down, while Burfeind added 10 kills and Tammaro had 27 assists. It was the first, but nowhere near the last championship the Yachtsmen would get to celebrate.

Coach Gary Powers: Its exciting for us. Wed been here twice before and (didnt win a game), so this is phenomenal. These kids have been awesome to work with. We came out and played well, played hard. They did everything they were supposed to do. The girls did an awesome job. They believed in themselves. They made all the smart plays.

Cape Elizabeth Capers, 15-2, 2014 Class A state champion

The Cardiac Capers put their coaches and fans through an emotional wringer during the most exciting title run to date. One which culminated with the programs first championship. Cape Elizabeth, which featured freshman setter Maggie Dadmun and a bevy of clutch contributors like Maddie Bowe, Lydia Brenneman, Katie Connelly, Monica DellAquila, Tess Haller and Monika Scheindel, had to go five sets in every postseason match, but won them all.

The Capers had barely lost to eventual champion Falmouth in the 2013 state semifinals and started the 2014 campaign with just three wins in their first five matches, but then they caught fire and they wouldnt lose again. Cape Elizabeth closed the regular season on a nine-match win streak, including a dramatic five-set victory over Scarborough and a 3-0 win over perennial powerhouse Greely. Despite going 12-2, the Capers only earned the No. 5 seed for the Class A playoffs, but by the time the postseason was finished, they were number one.

In the quarterfinals, at a Scarborough team that would win the title the following year, Cape Elizabeth won the first set, 25-13, then dropped the next two, 24-26, 29-31. The resilient Capers would regroup, however, and win the fourth game, 25-22, and the fifth, 15-6, to capture the match, 3-2, as Dadmun had 30 assists, Connelly 13 kills and DellAquila 11 kills. Cape Elizabeth dug an even deeper hole in the semifinals at top-ranked Greely, never holding a lead in dropping the first two sets, 13-25 and 12-25, but again saving their best for last, the Capers eked out wins in the third (28-26) and fourth (25-22) games, before taking the fifth, 15-11, to again win by a 3-2 score and stunningly advance to the state final (Dadmun had 28 assists, while Haller had 12 kills). When Cape Elizabeth dropped the first two sets to Falmouth in the state final (22-25, 18-25), the Capers had the Yachtsmen right where they wanted them. A 25-22 third game victory gave Cape Elizabeth life, then the Capers won the fourth game by a 25-22 score as well. With the match and championship hanging in the balance, Cape Elizabeth wouldnt be denied, winning the fifth set, 15-8, and the title, 3-2. The palpitations from that championship run still linger.

Coach Sarah Boeckel: I cant believe we pulled off what we did. What an amazing run and an even better championship. My girls are just fighters and so mentally strong. Im so proud of them. It was one of the best experiences Ive ever had as a player or a coach. What these girls did was unbelievable. Its something Ill never forget.This title means so much. Its for all the girls who started the program and helped build it. There were a lot of former players at the (state match) and they felt it every bit as much as this years players.

Yarmouth Clippers, 16-1, 2019 Class B state champion

The most dominant of Yarmouths five championship teams, the Clippers lost just one match (to the states best team), then rolled to the title and punctuated their best-ever season with a surprisingly convincing victory over their rival in the final match. After winning the 2018 Class B crown in a mild surprise, Yarmouth, led by superb sophomore setter Sophie Dickson and terrific play at the net from Kaitlyn Bennett, Evelyn Lukis, Margaret McNeil, Maggie Murray and Caeden Rogers, didnt surprise the volleyball world by repeating, but in the manner it did so.

The Clippers opened the season against defending (and eventual repeat) Class A champion Falmouth and gave the Yachtsmen one of their closest matches of the season before falling in four sets. And then, Yarmouth didnt lose again. The Clippers won their final 13 regular season matches, only losing six sets along the way. They twice beat Cape Elizabeth (3-0 and 3-2) and earned the top seed for the Class B playoffs, where they really turned heads.

Yarmouth wasnt tested by Wells in the state quarterfinals, winning by a 3-0 score (25-3, 25-17, 25-10), as Dickson had 24 service points and Murray finished with seven kills. York made the Clippers work in the semifinals, but they again won, 3-0 (25-13, 25-18, 26-24). To no ones surprise, Yarmouth found Cape Elizabeth waiting in the state match and after producing a five-set epic in the 2018 final, the teams were expected to go the distance again, but the Clippers had other ideas. Yarmouth won the first set, 25-21, took the second, 25-18, then quashed any Capers comeback hopes by capturing the third game as well, 25-17, to win it, 3-0, and go back-to-back. Dickson led the way with 25 assists, while Murray had 13 kills (including the clincher) and Lukis added 12 kills. The Clippers ended the season on a 16-match win streak and theyre far from finished stealing headlines.

Coach Jim Senecal: Its sweet. I was nervous coming in because everything seemed reversed from last year. (Cape) seemed to have more momentum, but we have a lot of talent. The confidence the girls showed was the difference. Im just so impressed. We had to play like that to sweep Cape. I expected it to be five (sets). In middle school, these kids developed a passion for the game that continues today and many of them have played key roles in our back to back state championships.

6) Greely Rangers, 16-0, 2011 Class A state champion

After its seven-year championship run came to a close in 2010, Greely bounced back in perfect fashion in 2011. The Rangers, led by Maggie Bradley, Danielle Cimino, Jordynne Copp, Catherine Fellows, Lexi Foster, Haleigh Roach, Emily Sampson and Ellie Weickert, reminded everyone that they were still the gold standard as they lost only five sets all season and returned to the pinnacle, winning a title for longtime assistant coach Bruce Churchill, who would pass away due to amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, more commonly known as Lou Gehrigs Disease, the following summer.

A 3-0 win over eventual Class B champion Yarmouth set the tone. Greely went four sets against Gorham, Scarborough, Falmouth and Scarborough again, but had enough to prevail each time and finished the regular season 14-0. The Rangers earned the top seed for the Class A tournament and quickly completed their return to the top.

After earning a bye into the state semifinals, Greely met Falmouth and beat the Yachtsmen in three sets, 26-24, 25-16, 25-12, as Bradley had 11 kills, Sampson 10 digs and Copp six blocks. That sent the Rangers directly to the state match where Scarborough was the final obstacle. Greely won the first set, 25-19, but dropped the second by the same score and suddenly found itself being tested, but the Rangers held on for a 25-21 victory in the third game, then did the same in the fourth for a 3-1 triumph. Bradley had 17 kills, Sampson added seven kills. Greely had the newly created Gold Ball trophy and had left no doubt that it was still the program all others measured themselves by.

Coach Kelvin Hasch: Im lucky I had a great team this year. Every player could hit. This ones really sweet. We wanted it really bad for Bruce. (The girls) came in from day one setting the goal high. I was thinking maybe it shouldnt be so high, but they wanted that goal and they achieved it. Im so excited theres finally a Gold Ball (trophy). When I saw that, I knew we had to win it. No one else should take it home.

5) Scarborough Red Storm, 15-2, 2017 Class A state champion

Scarboroughs first championship run in 2015 came after a 9-5 regular season and caught the volleyball world by surprise. This one was another story, as the Red Storm overcame an Opening Night hiccup, then lived up to preseason billing as the team to beat. Scarborough, led by standout hitter Asia Mattress, as well as Ivy DiBiase, Marissa Edwards, Jamiyae Mattress, Laura Powell, Caelyn Sheil, Natalie Simonton and Faith Winslow, got more and more dominant as the season progressed and only dropped one set in its postseason surge to the title.

The Red Storm were stunned by upstart Deering in the season opener, falling in five games, but they turned around and ran off seven straight victories, including wins over Falmouth and Greely. After losing in straight sets to eventual Class B champion Cape Elizabeth, Scarborough wouldnt be beaten again, closing the regular season on a five-game win streak, giving coach Jon Roberts his 100th career victory in the finale, and winding up 12-2, good for second for the Class A state tournament. The Red Storm then steamrolled through the field en route to the title.

In the quarterfinals, Scarborough blanked feisty Thornton Academy (25-19, 25-11, 25-23). Biddeford was next and while the games were close, the Red Storm didnt drop any of them (25-19, 25-17, 25-17). Scarborough hoped for a chance to avenge its regular season loss to Deering in the state match, but the Rams were upset by South Portland in their semifinals and as a result, the Red Storm were a prohibitive favorite against the Red Riots. Scarborough focused on the task at hand and took the first two games, 25-19 and 25-17. South Portland stayed alive with a 25-16 win in the third set, but the Red Storm closed it out in the fourth, 25-12, and had a 3-1 victory and their second title in three seasons. DiBiase produced 20 assists, freshman Mayne Gwyer had 10 assists, Asia Mattress added 11 kills, Simonton had 10 kills and Sheil contributed 13 service points. The championship match would prove to be the swan song for Roberts (who left to coach at St. Josephs College) and Asia Mattress (who moved out of state). It wont prove to be Scarboroughs last title, however.

Coach Jon Roberts: I just wanted this for the kids. Im so proud of them. These kids sat behind the kids (from 2015 and 2016) for so long and they were really good and didnt get to play. You root for them. They didnt complain. They worked hard in practice for two years and didnt get to see the court, so for them, its special.

4) Falmouth Yachtsmen, 16-1, 2018 Class A state champion

The first of Falmouths back-to-back crowns over the past two years was a story of growth, as the Yachtsmen took some time adapting to Larry Nichols coaching before putting it all together when it mattered most. Falmouth, which had lost in the Class B state final in 2017, was led by transcendent hitter Annika Hester, as well as Gretchen Barney, Holly Barney, Hillary Bouchard, Katie Phillips, Rose Riversmith and Summer Spiegel, and it put on a show in the postseason.

The Yachtsmen won their first four matches, including a 3-0 win over Greely and a 3-1 victory over Scarborough, then was blanked by Cape Elizabeth in a state game rematch. A 3-1 victory over Yarmouth got Falmouth back on track and the Yachtsmen would close the regular season on a nine-match win streak, only dropping four games total in the run. At 13-1, Falmouth earned the top seed for the playoffs and set out to win its second Class A state championship and first in five seasons.

In the state quarterfinals, the Yachtsmen blanked Thornton Academy (25-18, 25-23, 25-12). Biddeford proved to be a challenge in the semifinals, but Falmouth advanced in four sets (25-17, 25-17, 17-25, 25-16), behind 33 kills from Hester and 13 service points apiece from Bouchard and Phillips. Undefeated Gorham awaited the Yachtsmen in the state match, but Falmouth made sure it wrapped up its championship in quick, tidy fashion, prevailing in three games (25-18, 25-17, 25-16), as Spiegel bowed out with a match for the ages (18 assists, 18 service points), Hester produced 17 kills, Phillips finished with eight kills and eight assists and Riversmith added seven blocks, including one on match point. The Yachtsmen had returned to the top of Class A and their reign was just beginning.

Coach Larry Nichols: It means a lot. There was a lot of competition this year, so Im glad we could showcase our level of volleyball today when it mattered most. Its been an interesting journey. Each week, the girls were different, which from a coachs perspective, was terrifying and really great at the same time. There was some pressure to do well. We graduated seven, but the kids bought into the system, did their job and worked hard.

3) Cape Elizabeth Capers, 17-0, 2017 Class B state champion

The Capers won their second championship in four years and this time, did so in perfect fashion, beating every powerhouse program along the way. Setter extraordinaire Maggie Dadmun and classmates Madeline Bauman, Madison Sarka and Anna Torre capped their superb high school career in style, while juniors Megan Connelly, Tess Dolan, Brooke Harvey and Kalie Manning and sophomore Jaya McClure also played huge roles in the teams success.

Cape Elizabeth won its first four matches with relative ease, then faced a series of stern tests and passed every one. The Capers beat Yarmouth, Falmouth, Greely and York by 3-1 scores, then downed Scarborough in three games before outlasting Greely and Falmouth in five-set marathons. Cape Elizabeth closed with wins over Windham and Cony and wound up 14-0 and first in Class B. The Capers then embarked on a perfect run through the playoffs, not dropping a single set.

In the quarterfinals, Cape Elizabeth made quick work of Kennebunk (25-12, 25-14, 25-8). Tradition-rich Greely awaited in the semifinals, but again, the Capers won in three games (25-21, 25-12, 25-19). Heading into the state final versus Falmouth, the big story was that the match was being played on Cape Elizabeths home court. As it turned out, the Capers werent losing anywhere, as again they took care of business in three sets, 25-13, 29-27, 25-21. Dadmun bowed out with 20 assists and 11 service points, Connelly had 10 kills and Robicheaw added five blocks and five kills, including the one which punctuated the match. The best team in Cape Elizabeth history will rank as one of the best in state history as well.

Coach Sarah Boeckel: Im not usually emotional, but Im having a hard time coming up with words to say how proud I am of this team. We werent nervous or worried. Were not the biggest team, or maybe the best team, but were mentally tough and we love a long rally. Every time we won tight matches this year, I wondered if it would come back to bite us in playoffs, but it didnt.

2) Falmouth Yachtsmen, 17-0, 2019 Class A state champion

After going 16-1 and winning the Class A title in 2018, the 2019 Yachtsmen were even more dominant, so dominant in fact that they got the most votes in our Twitter poll. Falmouth, paced by the hitting prowess of Gatorade Player of the Year Annika Hester, as well as veterans Gretchen Barney, Holly Barney, Hillary Bouchard, Katie Phillips and Rose Riversmith, was only taken to five-sets once en route to a perfect season and a repeat championship.

The Yachtsmen survived defending (and eventual) Class B champion Yarmouth in four grueling sets in the opener, then enjoyed 3-0 wins over Cheverus, Bonny Eagle, Deering, Greely, Portland and Marshwood. Host Cape Elizabeth then gave Falmouth its biggest scare, taking a 2-sets-to-1 lead, but the Yachtsmen rallied to prevail in five games. The Yachtsmen had to go four-sets to defeat Scarborough and Gorham and blanked Biddeford, Brunswick, Windham and Thornton Academy to finish 14-0 for the first time and earn the top seed for the Class A tournament, where they achieved their date with championship destiny.

In the state quarterfinals, Falmouth made quick work of Marshwood, winning in three games (25-16, 25-6, 25-7). Windham gave the Yachtsmen a scare in the semifinals, taking the first set, 25-20, but Falmouth roared back to win the next three (25-8, 25-14, 25-14) to advance to the final. There, Scarborough awaited, but there would be no denying the Yachtsmen, who won the first two sets, 25-20 and 25-18, then, after dropping a close third game (23-25), they put it away with a 25-19 fourth set victory to take the match, 3-1, and finish a perfect 17-0, extending their two-season win streak to 29 matches in the process. Hester led the way with 30 kills, while Phillips had 20 assists and eight kills, Bouchard contributed 22 assists and Riversmith finished with eight blocks. Falmouth now has three state titles and there might be no end in sight for this Gold Ball-winning juggernaut.

Coach Larry Nichols: Last year, we flew under the radar and that was like getting away with something, but this year, we were favored and I think we handled the pressure well. We had fun and the kids cared for each other. From the stars to the kids who didnt play at all, everyone was great. This year, the challenge was to make not only other people, but our own team realize that yes, Annika is a special player, but that we have some other great players who complement her. The biggest challenge this year was those players recognizing how important they were. You cant win a title with one kid.

1) Greely Rangers, 17-0, 2016 Class A state champion

The nearly perfect champion. Through 14 regular season matches, Greely, still stinging from an upset loss to Scarborough in the previous years state match, didnt drop a single set. Now thats consistency. The Rangers, paced by standout Kayley Cimino, as well as Sara Agren, Molly Chapin, Jane Grandchamp, libero Coco Petrone and Morgan Selby, who joined the program after moving in from out of state, finally found themselves having to play longer matches in the postseason, but still went on to complete their 10th and most recent championship season, one simply without peer.

Greely got a chance to avenge its state match loss in the opener and the Rangers swept Scarborough (25-22, 25-15, 25-15) to set the tone. In fact, Greely went scorched earth and completely took apart all comers, not only winning by 3-0 margins, but in fact, few of the sets were even close. The Rangers were pushed a bit by Falmouth, but prevailed, 25-16, 25-23, 25-23, and went on to finish 14-0 and earn the top seed for the Class A tournament. While Greely finally met a little adversity in the playoffs, that didnt stop the Rangers from going on to capture the title.

Gorham was up first in the state quarterfinals and for two sets, it was more of the same, as Greely won, 25-16, 25-17, but in the third game, the Rams staggered the Rangers with a 25-21 victory, ending their consecutive set win streak at a mind-boggling 44. Greely quickly responded, however, and took the fourth set, 25-9, and the match, 3-1, as Cimino had 15 kills and 14 assists, Agren added 10 service points and seven kills and Chapin had 10 kills and nine service points. Falmouth then staggered Greely in the semifinals, winning the first set, 25-16, but the Rangers again responded like the champions theyd become, taking the next three games, 25-12, 25-16, 25-14, to set up a highly-anticipated rematch with Scarborough in the state final. There, Greely started fast with a 25-20 first set victory and a 25-8 triumph in the second game, but the Red Storm answered and won the third set, 25-18. The Rangers possessed one last surge of excellence and took the fourth game, 25-20, to win the match, 3-1, and the state title. Cimino bowed out with 18 service points (including 16 in a row in the second set), 15 kills and 11 assists, Selby added 17 assists and Agren finished with seven kills, while Chapin had six. It was utter dominance from start to finish. Well likely never again see a team run roughshod over the opposition quite like the 2016 Greely Rangers.

Coach Kelvin Hasch: To run the (regular) season (without losing a set) was a feat in itself. I never thought wed do that in the tournament. Kayleys quickness and knowledge of the game set her apart. She can read a ball and get to the ball. All the seniors, even the ones who didnt play much, were huge. They all played so hard in practice. Im so proud of them.

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You dont have to look up the stats from the past three NFL seasons to know that the Broncos offense has been, to put it nicely, ineffective. The visual of Denvers offense continually failing to score or move the ball has become a tough watch for Broncos Country.

This lack of scoring has kept the Broncos our of the playoffs for four straight seasons. With the Chiefs and their high-powered offense in the Broncos division, it was clear heading into the offseason that the Broncos needed to add weapons to their offense if they wanted to try to gain ground on the Super Bowl champions. That is why they drafted wide receivers Jerry Jeudy and K.J. Hamler in the first and second rounds of the 2020 NFL Draft.

For the Broncos to make a return to the playoffs, they are going to need both Jeudy and Hamler to contribute. If both players can make an immediate impact, the Broncos could be looking at a return to relevancy.

There was another time the Broncos needed to build depth at a single position to improve their ability to compete with the elite teams in the NFL. Just like 2020, they turned to two rookies and the result was one of the most-exciting teams in Broncos History.

The 2003 and 2004 editions of the Broncos both made the playoffs, but they were eliminated at the end of both seasons in the first round by Peyton Manning and Colts, falling by scores of 41-10 and 49-24. It was terrible.

It was clear that if the Broncos were going to make the transition from first-round loser to serious Super Bowl contender, they would need help in the secondary.

In the 2005 NFL Draft, the Broncos used their first three picks on the secondary. Cornerback Darrent Williams, defensive back Karl Paymah and cornerback Dominique Foxworth were all drafted to combat the Broncos postseason deficiencies. The Broncos secondary already featured superstars Champ Bailey and John Lynch in addition to the returning and firmly established Nick Ferguson. As good as those three were, they needed help.

In their rookie seasons, Williams and Foxworth made an immediate impact. Williams would start nine games, have two interceptions and 50 solo tackles. Foxworth would start seven games, and also have two interceptions and 65 solo tackles.

Keep in mind, as rookies, they were taking the field with a prime Champ Bailey. Opposing quarterbacks were going to target both Williams or Foxworth whenever they were on the field. This was going to be a big challenge for both players and neither flinched.

I spoke with Ferguson about Williams and Foxworth. Specifically, what characteristics allowed them to come in and play key roles for the Broncos in 2005.

The temperament of both players, Ferguson explained. They were both willing tacklers and that earned (himself, Bailey and Lynch) our respect. It shows in their stats. Respect was not given in that locker room, it was earned. They earned it. They knew they were playing opposite Champ and they wanted to be great, especially Darrent. We knew we had two dogs. One was a Rottweiler and one was a German shepherd.

Both Bailey and Lynch were named to the Pro Bowl in 2005 and Ferguson absolutely should have been voted in with them. The two rookies kept pace with the three veterans all season as the Broncos would finish 2005 with a record of 13-3, a top-five ranked defense and a trip to the AFC Championship Game. That defense will forever be the first to defeat the combination of Bill Belichick and Tom Brady in the playoffs. After two seasons of first-round exits, the Broncos broke through.

I asked Ferguson if Williams and Foxworth were vital to the teams success in 2005.

Oh yeah, he responded. When you have depth, right and left corner, and you have somebody to play the nickel it gives your defense versatility. Look at (Bradley) Roby with (Aqib) Talib and (Chris) Harris (Jr.). Roby knew he had to play at their level. Darrent and Foxy knew they had to play up to a certain standard with us and they accepted the challenge.

The 2020 Broncos are in a similar position as the 2005 Broncos. The team has had trouble breaking through the last few seasons and is looking to get out of the rut. Like they did in 2005, the Broncos used the draft to stack one position group in hopes it will allow them to compete with the best quarterbacks in the league.

In 2005, they prepared to stop Manning and Brady. In 2020, they hope to trade touchdowns with Patrick Mahomes.

The 2005 Broncos needed three top cornerbacks to make the next step and the 2020 Broncos need three wide receiver threats to be able to truly establish themselves as a playoff contender. Opposing offenses in 2005 did everything they could to avoid throwing to Baileys side, so the opportunities were plentiful for Williams and Foxworth.

Courtland Sutton is an emerging star in the NFL and is rightfully the No. 1 wide receiver on the depth chart. Opposing defenses will look to shut him down. With the focus on Sutton, Jeudy and Hamler can expect to have opportunities early on. They need to take advantage of their opportunities. Particularly Hamler, who should be able draw mismatches from the slot position.

One of the most interesting things Ferguson said to me about the comparison of Williams and Foxworth to Jeudy and Hamler was what it will take for them to succeed.

They will only be as good as the wide receiver room, he explained. Darrent and Foxy had us to push them. Sutton has to be that guy in the room.

Once the young guy, Sutton now finds himself the leader and veteran. Suttons approach and performance will be key to the success of Jeudy and Hamler. Williams and Foxworth felt the pressure to keep up with Bailey, Lynch and Ferguson. Sutton needs to apply the same pressure to Jeudy and Hamler.

Fair or not, the expectations on Jeudy and Hamler are high. It is up to them to approach their rookie season with a sense of urgency. The Broncos feel if they can score on a more consistent basis, they will once again be a contender.

In 2005, the Broncos felt they needed depth in the secondary to become a legitimate Super Bowl contender. Darrent Williams and Dominique Foxworth proved them right by having two of the best rookie seasons in Broncos history.

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Jeudy and Hamler need to follow in the footsteps of another rookie duo - 104.3 The Fan

I have descended into the bowels of Earth and returned with some truly scorching Chargers takes mined directly from our planets core.

Yes, friends, it is that time again.

Your 2020 bold and spicy Chargers predictions are here!

To recap, this is my second year doing these predictions. Last year was not great? My five predictions, which I published in early September just before the start of the season, were:

Keenan Allen and Mike Williams will both top 1,000 yards receiving

Jerry Tillery will have at least six sacks

Kyzir White will top 100 tackles

Nasir Adderley will lead the team in interceptions

Hunter Henry will catch more than 70 passes

I went 1-for-5. That is not successful by any measure. In my defense, I nailed the Allen-Williams production. Henry caught 55 passes in 12 games, which is a pace of 73 catches in 16 games if he hadnt been injured. So I wasnt too off on that...

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Five bold and spicy predictions for the Chargers' 2020 season - The Athletic

JACKSONVILLE, FL - DECEMBER 04: Denver Broncos GM John Elway before the game against the Jacksonville Jaguars at EverBank Field on December 4, 2016 in Jacksonville, Florida. (Photo by Sam Greenwood/Getty Images)

The Denver Broncos are a young football team, especially on the offensive side of the ball. In fact, the oldest players on offense are Diontae Spencer and Jake Rodgers, who are both 28-years old.

Its been a long road since the team lost Peyton Manning to retirement, and even though Drew Lock appears to (maybe) be the answer at the quarterback position, the offense still needs to come together.

As for the defense, Broncos general manager John Elway says that the team will have to lean on the group that will try to stop opposing offenses from scoring, and the new additions that were brought in are going to play a major role.

If you look on the defensive side, for the most part, with the players and veterans that weve added to the defensive side, with the veterans that have been here with another year of understanding [Head Coach] Vic [Fangios] defense and what its about, obviously, were going to have to lean on the defense. We have veterans on the defensive side that we can rely on as we grow as an offense. Thats the hope. Id love to see us come out and score 40 points against Tennesseeon Monday night. Im not saying that cant happen, but with the youth that we have, its going to take some time. Hopefully we can play better defense with the veterans we have coming in and give us a chance. Ultimately, [the goal] is to win football games.

John Elway (via Broncos PR)

40 points is definitely a big number.

Denver added to their young offense with even more young guys in wide receivers Jerry Jeudy and K.J. Hamler. They also brought in Tyrie Cleveland. All three were from the 2020 Draft and have yet to participate in a practice with the team.

The goal of the 2020 offseason for the Broncos was to bring in guys who would help Drew Lock grow. They did that with those offensive players, also including center Lloyd Cushenberry and guard Graham Glasgow to protect him.

Lets also not forget the addition of offensive coordinator Pat Shurmur. It may start off bumpy for the Broncos offense as they try to learn yet another offense, but Giants quarterback Daniel Jones did put up 24 touchdown passes to 12 interceptions in 2019.

On defense, the team welcomed cornerback A.J. Bouye to replace Chris Harris Jr., as well as Jurrell Casey to fill the hole in the middle of the defensive line.

Its definitely easy to see how the team is going to lean on the defense. With the return of Bradley Chubb and having Von Miller, Alexander Johnson, Kareem Jackson, and Justin Simmons, this defense has the potential to be great if they can all stay on the field.

The Broncos may not be as great in 2020 as Broncos fans hope, but thats not to say that greatness cannot happen soon. We have to learn to give this offense time. After all, greatness does not appear overnight.

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Denver Broncos: John Elway says team will lean on defense as offense grows - Predominantly Orange