Samuel B. Hoff, Special to the USA TODAY Network Published 4:00 a.m. ET June 15, 2021 | Updated 9:24 a.m. ET June 15, 2021
The upcoming meeting in Geneva between the American and Russian presidents is the first time the two will meet in person since President Joe Biden's election. It will set the course for the next several years, so it goes without saying that it is crucial to get things right. Against most advice currently being offered to Biden on his approach to the upcoming meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, there should be public emphasis on areas of agreement and mutual concern.
Then-Vice President Joe Biden, left, shakes hands with then-Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, Russia, on March 10, 2011.(Photo: Alexander Zemlianichenko, AP)
One of those areas in need of perpetual monitoring is in nuclear weapons reduction, whether bilaterally or in tandem with other nations and organizations. While the February announcement that the United States and Russia are extending the New Start treaty by five years was a positive step, that expiration date is a short time away and new discussions on extending reductions are in order. Just as important is the need to reverse direction on the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, which is moribund after the U.S. withdrew from the 1987 agreement amid compliance complaints. Both Biden and Putin should seek to enhance the already-existing U.S.-Russian Initiative to Prevent Nuclear Terrorism.
A second area of common interest which Biden and Putin should take up is that dealing with space exploration. The March announcement by Moscow that it is extending an agreement on space cooperation with the United States until 2030 is a good starting point. Part of this agreement renews a 2015 commitment by both America and Russia to replace the existing International Space Station. The nations have previously approved joint Mars projects, so that could also be discussed. Certainly, the ever-increasing problem of "space junk" debris from previous missions orbiting the Earth and potentially threatening future space travel is another topic for potential discussion.
Third, Biden and Putin could concentrate on ways to tackle climate change. In this matter, America and Russia will be continuing a tradition that dates to 1972, when the U.S. and Soviet Union signed an Agreement on Cooperation in the Field of Environmental Protection.
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Since that time, the two nations have approved two international agreements seeking to reduce climate change. However, with over half of its economy based on oil and gas, there appears to be inconsistency between Russia's environmental pledges and its actions. The region where the two nations have common land and certain inconsistent goals is the Arctic.
Surely, environmental protection is necessary there and must be regulated. For the present, Biden and Putin should promise to continue cooperating on ways to prevent oil spills and over-fishing in the Arctic region.
There are of course many issues that divide the United States and the Russian Federation. These are not going to be solved at a single meeting. However, bringing a laundry list of accusations and voicing those in public will do more harm than good. Each should be dealt with stealthily but firmly. For example, the most sensitive topic for Biden to broach is Russia's domestic politics, whether treatment of dissidents or outlawing of parties. Putin could cite a number of historical or contemporary American ailments, so this issue is best dealt with diplomatically.
Notwithstanding its atrocious domestic behavior, Russia's interference in the affairs of its neighbors, its intervention in Syria, and its apparent intention to fill America's void in Afghanistan must be countered, but not by the U.S. alone. Putin's greatest fear other than opposition from within is a unified American-European alliance, whether through the G-7 or NATO, or more broadly through the United Nations. Biden should assure Putin privately that he will take the steps necessary to counter the aforementioned Russian actions. As a signal of his resolve, Biden should suggest renewing NATO military exercises on Russia's border.
Finally, either the Russian government directly or parties backed by Putin have taken cyber attacks to another level. The recent ransomware incidents against American gas and food companies and its impact on commerce, together with clear evidence of interference in U.S. presidential elections in 2016 and 2020, deserve condemnation. But instead of Biden loudly making charges without absolute evidence, he should give Putin an option: stop such attacks or be ready for more damaging reciprocal actions.
Even though Biden was elected as American president largely due to his ability to display empathy, successful superpower summits are about actual policies. Biden's challenge in dealing with Putin is to emphasize those areas of agreement publicly while demonstrating strength in private talks. In other words, he must convey the cold facts without starting another Cold War.
Dr. Samuel B. Hoff is George Washington Distinguished Professor Emeritus of History and Political Science at Delaware State University.
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Biden-Putin summit should focus on areas of mutual concern | Opinion - The News Journal
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