Category Archives: War On Drugs

'What happened to the clamor against Sara Duterte and her fathers war on drugs that has claimed upwards of 30,000 lives a count that surpasses that of Ferdinand Marcos?'

Its been a month since the 2022 national elections, and at this point, the Philippines is set to have Bongbong Marcos sit as president come July 2022. Despite leading the pre-electoral surveys and subsequently winning the presidency by a landslide, many Filipino citizens clamored against Bongbongs presidency because of his unwillingness to acknowledge any wrongdoings of his family during the Martial Law era. In short, the fact that accountability remained elusive for the Marcoses and Bongbongs run for presidency shows that they would continue to be protected from any form of justice.

Leading up to elections and shortly after, we felt the protest of a Filipino collective against the Marcoses. We saw it all over social media and the news; we heard it in interpersonal conversations and possibly even engaged in such talk:

We cannot allow Bongbong Marcos to sit as president after his fathers regime killed, tortured, and imprisoned tens of thousands of students, activists, civil leaders, and oppositional politicians.

Corruption aside, which is another major issue with the Marcoses, the talk surrounding the Martial Law victims was the major counter-discourse against legitimizing Bongbong as our highest-elected government official.

Personally, I agree with all of these sentiments. I do believe that given the Marcos family history of corruption and human rights violations, having Bongbong sit as president is frightening. In a way, his winning implies a legitimization of historical revisionism and an absolving of their past crimes. In fact, he even stated that one of his major goals as president would be to clear his familys name, which in turn would create an alternative and falsified history of our country. Due to this, continuing to engage in this type of counter-discourse is important so that the atrocities done in Marcos name are not forgotten.

However, a majority of those that oppose the Marcoses seem to have hyper-focused on Bongbongs presidential run and let Sarah Dutertes run for vice president slide. The pair of candidates have an eerie similarity between them they are both children of strongmen presidents with a record of tens of thousands of human rights violations. The collective protest against Bongbongs presidency was strong and anchored on the familys history of corruption and human rights violations, but what happened to the clamor against Sara Duterte and her fathers war on drugs that has claimed upwards of 30,000 lives a count that surpasses that of Ferdinand Marcos?

Prior to the spread of fake news about Martial Law, those victimized by Ferdinand Marcos regime had been positioned as upstanding members of society by the Filipino public. As much as Marcos had used red-tagging as a way of labeling these people as threats to public safety, the Filipino collective was aware that these people were not what these labels were saying. In fact, many of these victims included political opponents, student activists, journalists, religious workers, farmers, and civil leaders. The demographics of these victims made it clear to the Filipino public (and subsequent generations) that Marcos was targeting those who spoke out against him. According to Amnesty International, historians believe that Marcos regime was marked by 3,000+ extrajudicial killings, 35,000+ tortures, 70+ disappearances, and 70,000+ imprisonments. Because majority of the victims of Martial Law were ordinary members of society, it appears that the people remembered, for a time, the bloody regime of Ferdinand Marcos.

As for Rodrigo Dutertes war on drugs, from the very beginning, he was clear about his directives: Shoot to kill. During his campaign, Duterte publicly stated that he would go on a killing spree against those involved in the business of drugs. By doing this from the start, he was able to garner the consent of the public to carry out the war against drug users and drug lords, a population of Filipino citizens that was already positioned as a menace to society. He didnt need to hide his intent to go to war against these people; he did so loudly and proudly because his public statements legitimized his extrajudicial killings given that his wars victims were those involved in drugs people that society had already turned its back against.

The result? 30,000+ deaths of fellow Filipino citizens, many of whom were poor and small fries in the drug industry, or wrongfully accused for the sake of bolstering drug operations numbers no major dent in the actual system of drugs in the country.

I am in no way blaming the Filipino people for forgetting what had happened in the past six years, but am instead trying to show how the way that collectives and leaders talk about phenomena and the people within them, such as Martial Law, the war on drugs, and their victims, can change the way that things are remembered in history.

As Bongbongs presidency comes closer, human rights groups have urged Bongbong to stop the war on drugs, but Rodrigo Duterte himself requested Bongbong to continue the fight against drugs in his own way. Given the history of Bongbongs and Saras fathers with human rights violations, it is important that we continue to clamor against the possibility of continuing these anti-drug operations set forth by Rodrigo Duterte. As much as the talk about the victims of Martial Law is imperative to fight against the trend of alternative history and fake news, it is just as important that we, as a people, also never forget the blood spilled by Dutertes regime by continuing to engage in talk and protest against the killing of fellow Filipinos. Rappler.com

JR Ilagan is a licensed psychologist that does both psychotherapy and psychological assessment in GrayMatters Psychological & Consultancy, Inc.At the moment, he is finishing up his dissertation for his PhD in Ateneo de Manila, which focuses on disrupting the narrative consent of Dutertes war on drugs through art. He is currently a part-time faculty in the same institution, as well. Most of his recent research focuses on the public discourse of government, citizens, and collectives in line with societal, cultural, and mental health issues.

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[OPINION] What happened to the discourse on the drug war during the elections? - Rappler

The last known experiment at a Department of Veterans Affairs clinic with psychedelic-assisted therapy started in 1963. That was the year President John F. Kennedy was assassinated. Surfin U.S.A. topped the music charts, and American troops had not yet deployed to Vietnam.

At the time, the federal government was a hotbed of psychedelics research. The C.I.A. explored using LSD as a mind-control tool against adversaries. The U.S. Army tested the drugs potential to incapacitate enemies on the battlefield. And the V.A. used it in an experimental study to treat alcoholism.

But booming recreational use of drugs, including hallucinogens, sparked a fierce political backlash and helped set in motion the war on drugs, which, among other things, ended an era of research into the therapeutic potential of psychedelics.

Nearly six decades later, a handful of clinicians have brought back psychedelic therapy within the Veterans Affairs health care system. If their studies show promising results, they could mark a major step in the quest to both legalize and legitimize psychedelics and make them broadly available for clinical use.

I spoke to four of the government researchers leading studies into the use of MDMA, often called Ecstasy, and psilocybin, to treat mental illnesses that have been resistant to current therapies for many veterans. The researchers addressed their motivations, misgivings and hope for the future of medicinal psychedelics.

Dr. Shannon Remick, 34, has the military in her blood having been raised by an Army mother, a Marine father and a Navy stepfather. That familiarity with the armed forces is part of what drove her to become a psychiatrist at the V.A., where she found that a significant number of combat veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder were not responding to conventional treatments.

Last October she likely became the first clinician since the 1960s to administer psychedelics as medicine to a patient at a V.A. clinic. The 10 patients in her study at the Veterans Affairs clinic in Loma Linda, Calif., are combat veterans with PTSD who volunteered to undergo three sessions with MDMA in hopes of exploring the underlying roots of their distress.

Dr. Remick said its crucial to build rapport and trust with patients during conventional therapy sessions ahead of the MDMA trips. Before a patient takes the pill, she sets a calming mood by doing a breathing exercise, reading a poem or having a veteran hold a personally meaningful object. The MDMA sessions themselves, she said, are often self-directed, with the therapist doing more listening than talking.

The goal is to put patients in a state where they can examine and reflect on traumatic memories with less fear and aversion than they normally experience. She compared the process of making sense of painful moments of the past to sorting through an archaeological dig, a delicate process of discovery and understanding.

We are alongside and with the patient as they are exploring a kind of excavation site, she said. Ultimately, its not for us to point and say, Hey, look at that, because what Im seeing may not be the same from their angle.

Approaching 60 a couple of years ago, Dr. Rachel Yehuda began contemplating retirement. She had been a prolific researcher and clinician for more than three decades studying, among other things, how intergenerational trauma affects the children of Holocaust survivors.

I was proud of our work, but it wasnt leading to practical solutions for treating trauma survivors, said Dr. Yehuda, a professor of psychiatry and neuroscience at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai and the director of mental health at the V.A. clinic in the Bronx.

But in the past few years, Dr. Yehuda, now 62, became fascinated by the renaissance of psychedelic-assisted therapy and put off retirement. In early 2020 she began seeking permission to treat veterans suffering from PTSD with MDMA.

Her study, which began in January and will include about 60 participants, will look at whether three sessions of MDMA are more effective than two at reducing PTSD symptoms.

Dr. Yehuda said MDMA trips can be powerful catalysts for healing. She underwent one in 2019 as part of a training for therapists an experience she called revelatory.

It made me really understand what it is youre supposed to be doing in psychotherapy, she said. Ive never quite understood what it means to have a breakthrough.

But she cautioned that researchers still have a lot to learn about the types of patients who will benefit from this treatment, the role therapists ought to play and the potential perils.

The process of opening up has to be done with the right therapists, she said.

Over her 23 years treating veterans and studying the strengths and shortcomings of conventional PTSD therapy, Dr. Leslie Morland recognized that standard treatments often failed to address the challenges veterans face at work and at home.

Her pursuit to find more holistic interventions led her to develop a study examining whether MDMA can make couples therapy more effective.

A lot of our military learn to emotionally disconnect in order to be effective in combat, Dr. Morland, 52, said. And then were bringing them back and saying: Now we need you to open up with our talk therapy.

People with PTSD often struggle to connect with intimate partners. Veterans who see improvements in symptoms often experience setbacks when they return to dysfunctional home environments, Dr. Morland, said. According to the V.A., veterans with PTSD have historically struggled with intimacy and have more marital and parenting problems than veterans without the disorder.

While no one has formally studied the use of MDMA with veterans and their partners, clinical studies with civilians have shown that the drug can alter the dynamics of a relationship, Dr. Morland said.

It allows for increased bonding and increased empathy, she said.

In a clinical study she expects to launch toward the end of the year, Dr. Morland intends to recruit eight veterans in San Diego who have strained marriages and guide them through two sessions with MDMA that will be bracketed by talk therapy. The goal is to give couples the tools they need to understand and meaningfully address the causes of discord.

How do they work together to really sustain the improvements that have been achieved in therapy? she said.

Between 2010 and 2019, drug overdose mortality rates among veterans rose by 53 percent, killing more than 42,000. Deaths from psychostimulants, including methamphetamine, were particularly high, rising by 669 percent.

Reliable treatment options are scarce, which has kept the rate of relapse high.

These high mortality and relapse numbers motivated Dr. Christopher Stauffer, 41, to treat veterans addicted to methamphetamine with psilocybin at a V.A. residential program in Portland, Ore. The study will start recruiting participants in the near future.

Psilocybin the psychoactive ingredient in magic mushrooms has shown significant promise as an experimental treatment for substance abuse.

Dr. Stauffer said his research and clinical practice with civilians has shown him that patients often gain a new understanding of the impulses that are driving their addiction during a psilocybin session. One patient from a previous study compared addiction to feeling trapped in a dense jungle.

The psilocybin was like a machete, Dr. Stauffer said. They were able to kind of carve a path to connecting with the people around them who were important relationships.

Dr. Stauffers upcoming psilocybin study will compare the outcomes of 30 veterans addicted to methamphetamine who have been admitted to a residential rehab program. Half will receive a combination of conventional therapy and two psilocybin sessions while the other half will just have conventional therapy.

In a second study, Dr. Stauffer will test whether MDMA can enhance group therapy for veterans with PTSD by making participants more emotionally open and supportive of each other.

Group dynamics can be potentially really healing in a way that one-on-one therapy cant, he said.

Dr. Stauffer said this new era of psychedelic research feels at once retro and cutting edge.

Its brand-new to a lot of people and yet its been around longer than most of our psychiatric medications have been around, he said. But it feels like were approaching it this time with a lot more knowledge and a lot of more rigorous research practices that didnt really exist back in the 50s and 60s.

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The Researchers Who Are Resurrecting Psychedelic Therapy for Veterans - The New York Times

MANILA, Philippines There is no denying that the rhetoric of President Rodrigo Duterte is one that promoted violence.

Over the past six years, kill and other related words were a staple in his public speeches. And, more often than not, these violent rhetoric did not just stay as words but had become policies that targeted many sectors in society, most especially the most vulnerable.

Its not that Duterte himself did the killings, but his policies made a culture of impunity the norm in the Philippines.

Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights) executive director Nymia Pimentel-Simbulan said that Dutertes legacy would be the institutionalization of state violence in the country, adding that he has done this not just in his war on drugs but also in other aspects of governance.

As Duterte steps down from office, Rappler takes a look at the number of lives lost in different sectors during his administration.

Duterte waged a war against illegal drugs in the Philippines. But at the end of his six-year term, there is still no strong indication that he really ended or even just dented this problem. He succeeded, however, at smudging roads and alleys across the country red with blood. His drug war campaign targeted the poorest communities, killing alleged drug personalities without them seeing a day in court.

Government data shows that at least 6,252 people were killed in police anti-drug operations from July 1, 2016, to May 31, 2022. This number does not include those killed by unidentified perpetrators also called victims of vigilante-style killings whom human rights groups estimate to be between 27,000 and 30,000.

Rappler, in September 2020, obtained government data showing that at least 7,884 drug suspects had been killed by the police since Duterte assumed office in 2016 until August 31, 2020.

Justice remains elusive for thousands of families left behind by victims, as only one case has led to a conviction so far the killing of17-year-old Kian delos Santosin 2017. Their families continue to face challenges in terms of getting the right documents from police to help their cases. Many also choose not to pursue legal actions, fearing for their safety under a climate of impunity.

Even the Commission of Human Rights, mandated by the 1987 Philippine Constitution to investigate state abuses, was consistently hindered by the Duterte government from doing its job. In a report released in May, the commission said its probes were hampered by the predilection and uncooperativeness of government agencies involved in the war on drugs.

Because of the dire situation regarding domestic mechanisms, families and human rights groups are banking on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to help provide justice for the victims. The ICCs Office of the Prosecutor began itsformal investigationinto drug war killings in September 2021, but has sincetemporarily paused the probeas a matter of procedure. It has, however, asked the Duterte government to prove that it wasgenuinely investigatingthe killings.

Read Rapplers coverage of the war on drugs:

The concept of human rights was heavily demonized under the Duterte administration. Dissent seemed to not have space anymore as those who dared oppose or even just call out problematic policies faced the wrath of the President himself, his allies, and the massive online propaganda network aligned with the state.

The National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) and its supporters, enjoying massive state resources, consistently red-tagged individuals and groups as it continued to blur the lines between activists and actual communist rebels.

Activists and human rights defenders were attacked both online and on the ground. Tarpaulins bearing their photos and accusing them of recruiting the youth to join the communist insurgency became a common sight across the Philippines. On social media, Facebook pages linked to police and other state agents published disinformation targeting those who dissented.

The threats and harassment hardly stay as words. As of December 2021, rights group Karapatan had documented 427 incidents of killings since July 2016. There were also least 537 recorded cases of frustrated killings.

Meanwhile, at least 1,161 activists have been arrested and detained over the past six years.

Activists, human rights defenders, and grassroot organizers definitely bore the brunt of the Duterte administrations war on dissent. And with the anti-terror law in effect, they now continue to face a dangerous future.

Read Rapplers coverage of the fight of activists and human rights defenders under Duterte:

The Philippines is one of the most mega-biodiverse countries in the world, but it has its share of challenges.

Not much has changed six years after President Duterte came into power, despite him initially promising to protect the environment. In fact, it has become more dangerous for environmental defenders as they continue to fight development projects that threaten the countrys rich biodiversity.

In 2021, for the eighth straight year, environmental monitor Global Witness named the Philippines as the deadliest country for land and environmental defenders in Asia. The country ranked third globally, just below Colombia and Mexico.

At least 166 killings of land and environmental defenders were recorded in the Philippines from 2016 to 2020, according to Global Witness. This sector is vulnerable to attacks because of lack of resources, powers, and support.

Read Rapplers coverage of the environment and the challenges faced by defenders:

Duterte did little to nothing to show he valued press freedom.

The Philippines ranked 138th out of 180 nations in the World Press Freedom Index for 2021, citing the Duterte governments continued attacks against the media. The President himself was named by the Reporters Without Borders as one of the worlds press freedom predators.

Journalists and media outlets were also red-tagged by the NTF-ELCAC, while also on the receiving end of threats and harassment online.

But, in many cases, these online attacks did not stay as empty threats.

At least 23 journalists and media workers were killed under Duterte, based on a tally by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. There were also at least 32 recorded incidents of media workers red-tagged or accused of having communist links.

Aside from the killings and red-tagging, journalists and media workers were at the risk of losing their livelihood in the face of continued threats and harassment under Duterte. Many lost their jobs as the Duterte administration rejected a new franchise for ABS-CBN, forcing the largest broadcasting network in the Philippines to shut down.

Read Rapplers coverage of pressing media issues in 2021:

Lawyers and other members of the judiciary were not spared from the culture of impunity and violence that permeated daily life in the Philippines under Duterte. The hostility they often faced as part of their work translated into physical threats that took so many lives in the past six years.

At least 66 lawyers, prosecutors, and judges were killed from July 2016 to June 21, 2022. At least 14 of the total killed were former or current prosecutors, while nine were retired or former judges or justices.

The total death toll is collated by Rappler based on monitoring by various sources, including the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice, the National Union of Peoples Lawyers, and the Free Legal Assistance Group. Their tally differ since there are victims excluded in the counting of some groups as preliminary investigation showed their deaths were allegedly not work-related.

Still, the total number of people who were part of the legal profession killed during the Duterte administration surpassed the numbers of victims under previous presidents. In fact, 49 lawyers killed from the administration of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos to Benigno Aquino III, spanning 44 years, compared to 66 during Dutertes six years.

The heightened violence has prompted urgent calls from legal groups including the Integrated Bar of the Philippines for a nationwide effort to protect our lawyers and judges. The Supreme Court in March 2021 released a statement, condemning the killings, and vowed to push for institutional changes.

Read Rapplers coverage of attacks against lawyers and members of the judiciary in 2021:

Violence consistently permeated the Philippines, as reflected also in the high number of local chief executives killed since Duterte took office in 2016.

Based on monitoring by Rappler, at least 18 mayors and 10 vice mayors have been slain since July 2016.

It can be remembered that local government officials were also targeted by Dutertes war on drugs. During the first few months of his administration, the President publicly accused several mayors of being involved in the illegal drug trade. In January 2017, he threatened them to either resign or face death.

Aside from vice mayors and mayors, several other local government officials were also slain in the past six years. In December 2018, families of slain politicians in Pangasinan published an open letter to Duterte, urging him to help bring justice to their loved ones.

Read Rapplers coverage of attacks against local officials:

with reports from Jairo Bolledo, Lian Buan, and Jee Geronimo / Rappler.com

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Six years of blood and violence: People we lost under Duterte - Rappler

FORMER Presidential Anti-Corruption Commission (PACC) chairman Greco Antonious Belgica said he is ready to help President-elect Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. in his administration's fight against the illegal drugs and corruption in the country.

Belgica, who is pushing for the reimposition of the death penalty for heinous crimes, said he has already been in talks with the incoming administration.

Marcos, who is set to assume the presidency on June 30, earlier vowed to continue the drug war and sought to go after the big-time drug dealers.

The incoming president even offered a Cabinet post to President Rodrigo Duterte as a drug czar.

Marcos said he and Duterte have met more than once, with at least one of those meetings happening before the May 9 elections.

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"One thing that he was very assertive about was 'continue the anti-drug syndicate that I started. Do it your own way.' He (Duterte) really said that," Marcos said.

But Duterte, the father of Marcos' running mate Vice President-elect Sara Duterte-Carpio, has declined the offer.

Duterte won the 2016 presidential race due to his hardline stance against illegal drugs and criminality.

Meanwhile, Belgica reiterated his warning that there may be a resurgence in drugs in the country now that Duterte's term is ending.

He claimed that there are still government officials and law enforcers who are involved in the illegal drug trade.

"Drugs and crime are still proliferating on the streets. This is the biggest obstacle to our development. The fight started by PRRD (President Duterte) must be continued and strengthened, because if not, the people, our families, and the youth will suffer," Belgica said.

The former PACC official also cited the need to support the Philippine National Police and the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency to boost the government's fight against drugs and corruption.

"The Office of the President must be involved in this task and the full trust and confidence of the President is needed for it to succeed," Belgica added.

As PACC chairman, Belgica oversaw the dismissal of around 800 erring government workers and the imprisonment of 24 government officials.

Around 154 cases were filed against high-ranking corrupt government workers before the Office of the Ombudsman and the Department of Justice by the PACC.

The agency also acted upon around 13,000 cases and complaints regarding graft and corruption in the government.

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Belgica vows to help BBM in drug, corruption war - The Manila Times

The state Senate passed a sweeping cannabis reform bill in April that would invest millions of dollars into communities harmed by the War on Drugs, thanks to the persistent leadership of Senate Cannabis Policy Chair Sonia Chang-Diaz, Senate Ways & Means Chair Michael Rodrigues, Senate President Karen Spilka, Dorchesters Sen. Nick Collins, and the many legislators who have contributed to advance these reforms over the last five and a half years.

In addition to enabling cities and towns to authorize cannabis cafes, the legislation restricts and improves oversight on host community agreements between municipalities and dispensaries, which often go to the highest bidder and make it harder for local entrepreneurs to compete with well-financed operators from out of state.

The bill also requires cities and towns to factor equity into their licensing process and incentivizes them to give preference to equity applicants with the equivalent of an extra one percent impact fee when they approve those businesses.

Perhaps most significantly, the bill includes a program originally proposed by Sen. Collins and Dorchester Rep. Dan Hunt to make grants and loans available to social equity and economic empowerment cannabis licensing applicants.

In May, the House passed a similar bill with one major difference, thanks to a successful amendment by Rep. Chynah Tyler to increase the percent of cannabis revenue allocated to equity programs under the leadership of Speaker Ron Mariano, Cannabis Committee Chair Dan Donahue, and Ways & Means Chair Aaron Michlewitz.

As the House and Senate negotiate differences between their bills, the main question is whether they will invest an equitable share of cannabis revenue in of all things equity programs.

Access to capital is the biggest barrier to entry to the cannabis market and this bill will invest millions of dollars into locally owned businesses, creating jobs and wealth for Black and Brown and other families in communities harmed by over-policing and the War on Drugs in Dorchester and across the Commonwealth.

The cannabis legalization statute calls for cannabis revenue to go to five priorities: public health, public safety, municipal police training, the Prevention and Wellness Trust Fund, and programming for restorative justice and related programs and services.

Nearly six years after legalization, weve used cannabis revenues to supplement public health and safety in the state budget, but have yet to meaningfully invest cannabis revenue in the restorative justice programs our communities deserve.

In 2020, I wrote in the Reporter that To truly create [an] equitable cannabis industry the Legislature must commit itself to dedicating at least 20 percent of excess cannabis revenue back into communities as envisioned by the law.

While were a lot closer to that reality than ever before, theres still more work to do. Right now, legislative leaders are deciding just how much cannabis revenue these programs, and these communities, deserve and they need to hear from you.

The House increased its proposed cannabis equity funding from 15 percent to 20 percent, thanks to Rep. Tylers advocacy and the support of leadership. Unfortunately, the Senate bill only allocated 10 percent.

Now is the time to let your state representatives and senators know that you hope they will encourage the Conference Committee to fully fund equity with 20 percent of cannabis revenue in the final bill.

Given the compounding effects of years of criminalization and over-policing of Black and Brown communities over generations, it couldnt be more urgent or more critical that legislative leaders fund the social equity financing program envisioned by Sens. Collins and Chang-Diaz and Rep. Hunt at the full one-fifth of cannabis revenue approved by the House.

If you think Dorchester and communities like it deserve their fair share of cannabis revenue, ask your state representative and senator to ensure the final cannabis reform bill funds social equity programs with at least 20 percent of cannabis revenues.

This progress would not have been possible without the relentless work of the legislators mentioned above, as well as advocacy by Shanel Lindsay and the team at Equitable Opportunities Now; Shaleen Title, Steve Hoffman, Commissioner Nurys Camargo, and other current and former Cannabis Control commissioners; advocates, and entrepreneurs.

To learn more about Equitable Opportunities Now and get involved, visit http://www.masseon.com.

Kevin B. Gilnack is a nonprofit public affairs consultant and principal of KG Consulting LLC specializing in human services and social justice communications and advocacy. He lived in Dorchester for 13 years and currently resides in Lowell.

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With cannabis revenue set to be assigned to communities of color, 'how much?' is key | Dorchester Reporter - Dorchester Reporter

Fahd Jamil Georges went by many names: the Turk, the Godfather, Boss of Bosses, the King of the Border. Over five decades, he went from running casinos to smuggling guns and drugs into Brazil from Paraguay South Americas top marijuana producer, and a key transit point for Andean cocaine.

His former mansion in Ponta Por, Brazil modelled on Elvis Presleys Graceland is wreathed in barbed wire and electric fencing. His Cadillac boasted reinforced tyres, and bulletproof screens shielded his bed. He counted presidents and dictators on both sides of the border as close associates.

But in the end, this protection counted for little. When Jamil, 80, handed himself in to Paraguayan authorities in April last year after years on the run, he singled out the dangerous new player in town: The PCC are after me.

Jamil was perhaps the final domino to fall in Project Paraguay, a decade-long hostile takeover of this lucrative narco-trafficking pipeline by the Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command, or PCC) a violent Brazilian cartel founded in a So Paulo jail in 1993, whose reach is fast spreading across South America and even globally.

The PCCs triumph in Paraguay has coincided with a wave of contract killings, with the latest victims including the mayor of the neighbouring Paraguayan town of Pedro Juan Caballero, a top anti-mafia prosecutor who was shot dead while on his honeymoon on a Colombian beach, and, on Sunday, the former boss of the countrys largest prison.

The bloodletting has fuelled fears that international drug cartels in league with corrupt officials are turning comparatively tranquil Paraguay into a violent narcostate.

Since The Turk surrendered, the PCC have taken over completely, said Lt Col Ozevaldo Santos de Melo, a military police officer in Ponta Por.

Jamils downfall follows the relentless elimination of the PCCs other rivals. In June 2016, Jorge Rafaat a powerful drug trafficker and sometime Jamil ally was shot dead in Pedro Juan Caballero. About 40 of his associates were subsequently murdered.

The PCC soon afterwards declared war on Comando Vermelho (CV), another Brazilian cartel, emerging victorious as the largest player in the transport of drugs into Brazil and on to Europe, where the Ndrangheta Calabrian mafia handles distribution.

Jamil was linked to several murders, but largely kept a lid on border violence, said Santos de Melo. The Turk was always discreet, and not so aggressive, he argued. The PCC are more violent they have no scruples. They kill innocents.

With figures such as Jamil and Rafaat out of the picture, drive-by shootings among small-time criminals and rivals within the PCC have become more common, said Cristian Amarilla, intelligence director for Senad, Paraguays anti-drug force.

Its a mess, he said, showing the Guardian around a seized luxury rural property, complete with artificial lake and floodlit football pitch, apparently designed to serve as a hotel for visiting Brazilian crime lords. Today, the border is in flux. Everyone is trafficking.

The population of Pedro Juan Caballero is just 120,000, but its murder rate more than 70 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2020 is comparable to that of Caracas. Amambay the Paraguayan region containing the town is home to just 2% of Paraguays population but was scene to a third of the countrys 481 homicides in 2020.

At the London Pub in Pedro Juan Caballero which sells cold English ales and is decorated with mannequins wearing bearskins customers are often armed, making calling time a nerve-racking proposition, said David Ovelar, a barman. Were on constant alert, he added.

The PCC has a strong or intermittent presence across six of Paraguays 17 regions, and has carried out dramatic bank robberies in several more, according to InSight Crime, a thinktank. In a sign of its growing control over Paraguays prisons, 75 PCC members escaped from custody in Pedro Juan Caballero in January 2020 some tunnelling out, others simply walking out the front door.

But Zully Roln, the director of Senad, said claims that Paraguay is fast becoming a narcostate were exaggerated. Were not Colombia or Mexico, far from it, she argued.

Roln denied that the PCC had been able to establish a Paraguayan foothold, pointing to the recent extradition of several cartel bosses to Brazil.

But Paraguay still has no radar coverage of its vast north, making it almost impossible to intercept cocaine-laden planes dispatched by the PCC from Bolivia, Roln admitted.

If we had technology, our work would be a lot easier, she added.

And when a cartel leader gets arrested, said Santos de Melo, the PCC just send another one from So Paulo.

The PCCs commanders are also thought to still call the shots from jail and allegedly coordinated the assassination of Paraguays leading criminal prosecutor in May. Marcelo Pecci was shot dead on a Colombian beach while on his honeymoon, just hours after his wife had posted on social media that they were expecting their first child.

Four people who confessed to the crime were each sentenced to over 23 years in prison on Friday. Colombias police chief indicated, however, that the PCC was ultimately responsible, and had paid the hitmen $500,000 to eliminate Pecci, who was investigating the cartels links in Paraguay.

The PCC also boasts some 30,000 foot soldiers in Brazil where it is waging an increasingly bloody war for control of the remote Amazon region where Brazil borders top cocaine producers Peru and Colombia and where the British journalist and Guardian contributor Dom Phillips and the Indigenous advocate Bruno Pereira, disappeared this month.

Three suspects are in the custody of police, who say there is no sign of a broader conspiracy, but local Indigenous activists insist that organised crime groups had a hand in the killing.

The cartel is also expanding elsewhere in the continent, including Uruguay, Argentina and Venezuela, has connections in the Caribbean, Europe and Africa, and launders profits through banks in China and the US.

The PCC are the most formidable organised crime group in South America, said Robert Muggah of the Igarap Institute.

The cartels strength is based on its legendary level of control over its rank-and-file who swear an oath of loyalty and even pay membership fees. In Paraguay, it has extensively penetrated the state and co-opted the security establishment, explained Muggah.

Brazil needs to pull back from its policy of mass incarceration in order to dismantle the PCCs powerbase in Brazils overcrowded prisons, he argued. The only long-term solution is for Brazil to accelerate the decriminalisation of drugs.

But such policies are as distant a prospect in Jair Bolsonaros Brazil as in Paraguay, where the governing conservative Colorado party has itself been regularly tied to narcotraffickers and organised crime.

Former president Horacio Cartes (2013-18) has repeatedly been accused of links to a vast money-laundering operation linked to cigarette smuggling and drug traffickers. Cartes, a powerful tobacco magnate, has denied any wrongdoing, saying the allegations are politically motivated.

A historic Senad operation in February involving Pecci, the slain prosecutor, seized ranches, apartments, luxury car garages and even an evangelical church allegedly linked to drug money. But Paraguays interior minister conceded that the criminal masterminds who had permeated all levels of our society remained at large.

Narcopolitics, the narcostate, are taking hold of Paraguay, echoed Eulalio Lpez, a community leader in the poor northern region of San Pedro. Society is totally contaminated by it.

Read more from the original source:

'The PCC are after me': the drug cartel with Paraguay in its clutches - The Guardian

The world marks June 26 as International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking as declared by the United Nations. The issues are not different this year as the menace keeps rising and, sadly, causes untold hardship to our communities and the world in general.

The Day, June 26, is to commemorate Lin Zexus dismantling of the opium trade in Humen, Guangdong, ending on June 25, 1839, just before the First Opium War in China. The observance was instituted by General Assembly Resolution 42/112 of December 7, 1987.

The global observance of International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking aims to raise awareness of the major dilemma that illicit drugs represent to society. Indeed, the aim is an expression of the United Nations determination to strengthen action and cooperation to achieve the goal of an international society free of drug abuse.

This years theme highlights that justice and health are two sides of the same coin when it comes to addressing drug problems.

The pertinent question is: what have we done in our immediate communities to address this situation that is posing a danger to our survival as a society and a nation? Are we to maintain silence while the future of our children and that of unborn children is on the brink? No! Most of the crimes committed were done after the criminals have taken drugs, which is obtained through illicit trafficking.

In Nigeria, the Boko Haram in the North East, ungodly bandits and kidnapping in the North West, and the IPOB terrorists in the South East are all known for their criminality, havoc and destruction. However, the acts were mostly committed after taking dangerous drugs, which are injurious to the health and well-being of the people.

Perhaps, those taking illicit drugs dont know the dangers and injuries they create for themselves and the society. Its the drug that impels them to commit crimes against humanity, which sometimes triggers instability in the world.

However, there has never been a better time to combat this serious threat to human existence than now. But, to achieve this, we must destroy the sources of illicit drugs.

Certainly, you cant discourage and combat consumption of illegal drugs and trafficking without addressing irresponsible parenting. In our society, you see someone with 10 youngsters or more whom he cannot take of them.

We must, therefore, take the bold step and tell ourselves the truth. Never produce what you cant take care of. The moral upbringing of children is a primary responsibility of every parent.

The Nigerian drug law enforcement agencies must take their responsibilities with all seriousness. Indeed, perpetrators must be punished according to the law of the land. This is the only way it will serve as a deterrent to all with similar horrible intentions.

Similarly, our justice system must be overhauled.

We must also put a stop to the hawking of drugs along streets, especially in our villages. Often illegal and expired drugs are sold to the unsuspecting public by these hawkers. This and similar actions should be properly checked. We should all play our part in spreading awareness to make our society free of illegal drugs.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani, Galadima Mahmoud Street, Kasuwar Kaji Azare, Bauchi State

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World Day on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking - Daily Trust

MANILA, Philippines Mariza Hamoy has already lost the criminal cases she filed against the police officers who killed her 17-year-old son Darwin in 2016. As President Rodrigo Duterte winds down his term, he dealt the Hamoys another blow: Malacaang absolved the station commander of Darwins killers from administrative charges.

Being a public officer, Police Colonel Lito Patay has in his favor the presumption of regularity in the performance of official duties, said Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea in a decision dated May 25.

Mariza claims Darwin was just drinking with his buddies on the night of August 15, 2016, but cops stuck to their favorite narrative of nanlaban or resisting arrest with a gun. Darwin at the time just became a statistic in a very bloody drug war where numbers have risen to an estimated 27,000, according to human rights groups. Of that number, police killed 7,000, including Darwin.

When witnesses retreated in Darwins case a pattern in drug war killings criminal charges were junked, leaving Mariza with no more recourse, at least in the country.

The worst act that [Duterte] did against the law is the operation tokhang, 27,000 poor, defenseless Filipinos were killed, can you just imagine, in an operation supposed to enforce the law? Thats the worst thing a president can do, said retired Supreme Court senior associate justice Antonio Carpio.

The Duterte government, through the Department of Justice (DOJ), belatedly opened a review in 2020 but the panel, as of April, has forwarded only five cases for prosecution. More than 300 were opened for reinvestigation by the National Bureau of Investigation. The old Commission on Human Rights (CHR) slammed this as a superfluous process, some believing that a dead body is already a case ripe for the courts.

Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra said that by allowing the review, [Duterte] agreed with the view that it was not perfect, there were deficiencies, there were abuses in the conduct of the war against illegal drugs. In fairness to him, I think he understood.

For Carpio, however, blood is on everyones hands.

The failure of the justice system to stop the killing of over 27,000 defenseless, poor, helpless Filipinos, in an operation supposed to enforce the law that is a failure, thats the damage to our justice system, said the former justice.

Carpio, the former member-in-charge of petitions to void the campaign against drugs, said that the drug war was clearly unconstitutional.

But five years and 27,000 dead bodies later, the Supreme Court is yet to resolve the cases.

Duterte leaves with the Supreme Court packed with his appointees, and according to University of the Philippines (UP) constitutional law professor Dan Gatmaytan, He is the only president weve ever had who has never lost [in the Supreme Court] in the post-Marcos era. Gatmaytan said it when the Supreme Court mooted petitions questioning Dutertes unilateral withdrawal from the International Criminal Court.

Duterte is alwaysprobingthe boundaries of his powers and what he can and cannot do, andunfortunately for us, the Supreme Court went along with it on a few critical cases, said Christian Monsod, one of the framers of the 1987 Constitution.

Monsod said the Supreme Court abdicated its power given by the Constitution when it allowed Duterte to declare martial law over Mindanao, and extend it beyond the constitutionally-prescribed 60 days. Martial law lasted in Mindanao for two-and-a-half years.

It was retired justice Francis Jardeleza who used the term abdication of duty when he dissented in the decision extending martial law, a change from his previous vote favoring the very first proclamation.

Senior Associate Justice Marvic Leonen, a dissenter in all Martial Law decisions, said the Supreme Court provided the environment that enables the riseofan emboldened authoritarian.

In many ways, the 1987 Constitution was a reaction to the repressive rule of the late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos, father of incoming president Ferdinand Bongbong Marcos Jr., and a priority fix in the charter was to make sure martial law will not be abused again.

But what the Supreme Court did for Duterte, said Monsod, was a bad precedent for the next administration because now martial law can be declared anywhere in the Philippines at any time, given the circumstances that allowed Duterte to extend martial law.

We sought comment from the High Court but it has yet to respond. We will update this story once it does.

When more lawyers were being killed, the numbers rising to an unprecedented count (now at 66), the legal profession banded together to call on the Supreme Court for concrete actions. The last time that lawyers did that was during the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo when they marched on EDSA, and law professors canceled classes so students can learn on the streets about justice.

When Duterte enacted the feared anti-terror law amid the pandemic in 2021, lawyers from left and center filed their respective petitions, making that legislation perhaps one of the most challenged in history. In the end, they lost.

Thats what makes Duterte worse than Arroyo, said Jobert Pahilga, a veteran lawyer for peasants and other grassroots organizers. What has kept Pahilga busy the last few years is defending organizers being arrested in Dutertes war on dissent.

Impunity is worse under the Duterte administration even outside the war on drugs, red-tagging is done left and right, even if you are not an activist, just as long as you oppose a policy of the government, you are considered as a terrorist. This is much worse, said Pahilga.

From July 2016 to December 2021 or within the Duterte presidency, 427 human rights defenders were killed, 2,807 arrested: 1,161 jailed and 1,367 raided, according to data from human rights group Karapatan.

Even the President was saying he does not care about human rights. Under the Duterte administration, so many activists were killed, subjected to trumped-up cases, and the Tinang arrest is the most number of arrests so far. This prevailing culture of impunity made the situation worse, Pahilga said.

Still, Duterte maintained his popularity ratings until the end, prompting reflections on Filipinos value systems if they approve of a President who casually says on the presidential podium, Shoot them dead.

What usually angers Filipinos is corruption, and Duterte was supposed to be investigated for alleged undeclared wealth. But the probe never pushed through because Duterte fired the lead investigator at the Office of the Ombudsman and undermined the former ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales. He bought himself precious time until Morales reached the age of retirement in 2018.

He appointed Samuel Martires, who had just retired from the Supreme Court at the time. Under Martires, the office stopped releasing Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs), allowing Duterte to keep his secret since 2018.

That means that the checks and balance system is not working well, said Monsod.

Martires also threatened journalists with jail time if they published stories about officials SALNs by including what he said, was commentary. Martires also sought to withdraw some cases at the Sandiganbayan, and filed much fewer charges, saying he was concerned with quality rather than quantity.

The Ombudsman seems to be more concerned about protecting government officials from criticism than he is of protecting the rights of the people against abuses of government. The Ombudsman is supposed to protect the people against the government and not the other way around, said Monsod.

Rappler also reached out to the Office of the Ombudsman Public Information Bureau for a statement, but has not received a response. We will update this story once the Ombudsman responds.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) often came to the rescue when Duterte issued questionable legal policies for one, providing the backbone for an arbitrary order to rehaul back to jail prisoners who had already been granted freedom.

In the tumultuous years of the Duterte government, Guevarra became the face of the governments legal policies. When Duterte wanted to jail staunch critic Antonio Trillanes IV, it wasnt enough that his very loyal Solicitor General Jose Calida clinched a revocation of amnesty. Guevarras DOJ had to scramble for ways to send Trillanes to jail without a warrant.

Not succeeding with a warrantless arrest, Guevarra and his prosecutors went to court but failed to jail Trillanes. Years of demonizing the opposition, however, cost Trillanes his senatorial bid in 2022.

The attempt to jail Trillanes would become a template for warrantless arrests mostly for people who got on the nerves of Duterte the doctor behind a dialysis center in the PhilHealth scandal, a teacher who supposedly tweeted a reward to kill him, and quarantine violators.

Guevarra said: There is no judicial or legal system that is perfect.

Its a human creation, its prone to manipulation, its prone to corruption. By and large, I would say our justice system is working, although with certain imperfections, said Guevarra during the Kapihan sa Manila Bay forum on June 15.

Guevarra will join the Marcos government as solicitor general, replacing Calida who used the OSG to run after perceived critics of the government.

I intend to stick to the role of the OSG as the defender of the republic and tribune of the people, said Guevarra.

Edre Olalia, president of National Union of Peoples Lawyers (NUPL), is cautiously optimistic that Guevarra will be the conscience of the administration especially on matters of human rights. Pahilga does not harbor illusions that Marcos will be different, saying, He will just follow Duterte.

Duterte put us on a slippery slope to authoritarianism, said Monsod, adding, we have a long way to go in getting back on track. with reports from Pia Ranada/Rappler.com

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Duterte pushed limits of the law and SC 'went along with it' - Rappler

The election of the first-ever leftist leader in Colombia, Latin Americas most conservative country, suggests the US is no longer boss in its own backyard.

New president and former-guerilla fighter Gustavo Petro has horrified Colombias conservative establishment and signalled that the leftist wave sweeping Latin America is still going strong.

The recent election of left-wing leaders in Chile, Honduras, Peru and Bolivia, had already prompted talk of another pink tide, of the type that swept in leaders such as Evo Morales in Bolivia, and Lula in Brazil in the early 2000s.

On Monday US Secretary of State Antony Blinken congratulated Petro on his victory with appropriately diplomatic language. But tensions between Washington and the nation that has until now been its closest ally in the region seem inevitable.

The first casualty may be Americas War on Drugs. Petro, the 62-year-old former mayor of the capital Bogota, has signalled that he wants an end to the failed policy that has done nothing to reduce the production and export of Colombian cocaine while creating a blood-soaked black market, and environmental destruction with indiscriminate spraying of pesticides to destroy coca crops.

In May Petro asked whether the million dead Latin Americans the majority Colombians and Mexicans has been worth it, in an interview with Semana magazine. Drugs are so demonised that its politically correct to say: lets ban them and start a war, but we never consider the consequences, Petro said.

So far, officials in the Biden administration appear determined to stick to the plan and maintain the half-a-trillion dollar-a-year drugs underground economy.

Petro has said he wants to legalise marijuana. But this drug is already legal in over 20 US states. So, thats not earth-shattering. The big news concerns Petros plans for cocaine.

Therell be a shift in Colombias drug policy, says Christopher Sabatini, the senior research fellow for Latin America at the Chatham House think-tank. I think Colombia will be in a stronger position now in putting the drug issue on the table to dictate changes to US policy.

Petro has indicated he wants to treat cocaine abuse more as a health issue than a crime.

Petro wants to wean peasants off growing coca by investing in agricultural development, though this will rely on removing some of the criminal remnants of guerilla groups such as Farc, from their cocoa fields.

Petros attitude to extradition of Colombian drug lords may prove to be another source of tension with Washington. The new president is not alone in claiming that Colombias authorities have used extradition to prevent traffickers from revealing to Colombias justice system their links with high-ranking politicians and military officers.

Colombias relations with Venezuela could prove another bone of contention. But with the Biden administration softening its approach to the Maduro regime, in an attempt to unlock some of its oil, a Petro administration in Colombia might equally prove to be a useful diplomatic bridge with Caracas.

This will all change, of course, if Trump or his ilk return to the White House in 2024. But ahead of that, or even at the ominous mid-term US polls, other events will decide the significance of Petros breakthrough election victory.

In October Brazils rejuvenated leftwing populist Lula may have his chance to return to power when he takes on the far-right incumbent Jair Bolsonaro. A leftwing presidency in Latin Americas most powerful country and the worlds eighth-largest economy will probably energise Latin Americas spirit of independence even further.

If Lula is re-elected, we could see a much more independent, muscular, policy towards the United States, with which other Latin American countries would fall in line, says Sabatini.

But before then Pero, despite having won the election fair and square, will have to survive some bitter economic headwinds and open hostility from the conservative elite that remains powerful in politics, business, and the media. I think his political honeymoon will be short, says Sabatini.

No doubt, Petro would shore up the support of many of those who voted for him if he succeeds in creating a fairer society with his plans for free healthcare and tax reforms.

He has picked Francia Marquez, a single mother and former housekeeper, as Colombias first black woman to be vice-president. Marquez is an environmental activist whose opposition to gold mining in her hometown of Suarez saw her receive the prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize in 2018 as well as death threats from criminal groups.

By getting the states hands on private pension pots and seeking to end oil exploration in a climate-centered policy approach, the government will make plenty of enemies.

Petro will have a tough time delivering on his promises because he lacks a majority in a fragmented Congress. Compromise and careful coalition building will be his priority as he seeks to build a more equal society, already rocked by civil war, crime, Covid and now a world economic downturn.

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Failed US War on Drugs in doubt after Colombia elects its first left-wing president - iNews

A Harm Reduction information booth within the Healing Fields of Earth Garden festival opened its doors between the 3rd and 5th of June 2022.

Addressing drug use through a non-judgmental, non-stigmatised approach, Harm Reduction Malta, in partnership with Dr Giulia Zampini and Dr Fabian Steinmetz, delivered three workshops addressing drug use in society, focusing on the relationship between drugs and crime, cannabis quality and transparency, and the People and Dancefloors project.

Leaflets produced by the UK-based NGO Drugs and Me offered information on different drugs, with tips on how to minimise harm and maximise pleasure. Visitors had the opportunity to scan a QR code and access detailed information on different substances effects, building awareness of potentially dangerous drug combinations. The European Coalition for Effective Drug Policies (ENCOD) supplied a leaflet addressed at parents and caregivers covering drug use, problematic drug use and health guidelines. Dialogue and respect for the views of people who use drugs are at the heart of the work of ENCOD and Drugs and Me.

People visiting the booth were encouraged to practice safe sex and use protection against unwanted consequences. Free condoms were received with jubilation by people who could not access this basic public health device elsewhere on the festival site.

Some visitors spoke at length about the importance of offering education to people who use drugs. Others asked if the booth provided a drug checking service, which would provide information about substances contents and potency to prevent unnecessary harm.

The team spoke with MEP Cyrus Engerer and Labour MP Randoph Debattista about the aims of harm reduction and the role of education to address drug use in society. Karen Mamo, of Harm Reduction Malta, explained that the legislative changes enacted in 2021 promise a paradigm shift in the way society perceives and treats people who use cannabis: no longer criminals or pathologised patients, but human beings in need of evidence-based tools to make responsible decisions without fear of criminal and social repercussions.

Mamo also spoke about the mutual relationship between public health and education, highlighting that dialogue and a non-coercive approach remain a priority to promote the well-being of people who use drugs, and by extension that of society.

During the drugs and crime workshop, Dr Zampini discussed some of the evidence around humans perennial relationship with drugs, defining such relationship as natural. Conversely, she defined the relationship between drugs and crime as socially constructed, highlighting some examples of the very real consequences that such a relationship has on peoples lives and wellbeing. The prohibition and criminalisation of drugs has grave social costs and is a significant financial burden to the state, she said.

Drawing on the theme of healing as integral to the festival, Dr Zampini asked participants to reflect on how we, as a society, can heal the problematic relationship between drugs and crime. Among the solutions proposed by participants were decriminalisation of drug possession, better drug treatment provision, and even legal regulation of drug supply.

Delivering a workshop on cannabis quality and transparency, Dr Steinmetz congratulated Malta for the recent legislative changes partially decriminalising cannabis in late 2021. Criminalisation increases harms to the person and fuels a culture of stigma and discrimination. Furthermore, criminalisation and prohibition directly impact levels of cannabis quality and hinder the exchange of greatly valuable information about cannabis cultivation.

Addressing contamination of cannabis and bioburden (presence of microorganisms), Dr Steinmetz highlighted the importance of educating cannabis home growers on how to properly dry and cure cannabis flowers. This is particularly important in humid and hot climates, such as that of Malta, Steinmetz said, calling for quality testing services to be made affordable and accessible, with the Authority for the Responsible Use of Cannabis acting as a regulator and an educational hub for growers and associations.

Answering questions about urine testing for employees, Dr Steinmetz explained that such testing is unnecessary from an impairment and health and safety perspective. In fact, non-psychoactive metabolites produce false positive results even if there is no impairment. The issue of false negative results, whereby the person is impaired when the drug is yet to be metabolised, should be considered when adopting an evidence-based approach to safer working environments.

Answering a question about the link between Cannabis and psychosis, Dr Steinmetz highlighted that psychosis affects only around 1% of the population, irrespective of the levels of cannabis used by a particular society. Nonetheless, people with a history of schizophrenia in the family or previous psychotic episodes have a higher potential to experience a psychotic episode or accelerate and worsen symptoms.

A third workshop delivered by Dr Zampini and Karen Mamo focused on the people and dancefloors project, a qualitative study delving into the role of pleasure, drug use, and dancefloors as spaces of encounter. Reading quotes from the study, participants were invited to guess the quotes context, eliciting reflections on personal experiences. The discussion focused on the role of stereotypes and stigma linked with people who take drugs in music spaces.

The interaction with participants provoked interesting observations, particularly around the tension between professional, family, and pleasure-seeking identities and behaviours. The lack of honest conversations about drug experiences for fear of legal, economic, and social repercussions, negatively impacts peoples mental health and self-perception, while hindering the reduction of harm.

Originating in the UK as a documentary-based project and spreading to Brazil and Malta, the people and dancefloors project aims to explore differences and similarities across social and cultural environments. Given that drug use happens within a prohibition policy framework, Dr Zampini highlighted the crucial role of a harm reduction approach to facilitate non-coercive dialogue and positive behavioural change.

Mamo clarified that harm reduction practices range from providing drug checking to other basic services, including the provision of free water and condoms. The validity of this approach, especially when considering the high temperatures hitting our island, and the increased prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases. By promoting harm reduction, I hope Malta soon will take the leap towards a human rights-based approach for people who use drugs, Mamo said.

The Harm Reduction Information Booth was sponsored by the University of Greenwich.

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No more 'war': reducing harm is the new language on drugs - MaltaToday