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If libertarians built the roads, maybe they wouldnt be racist – Washington Examiner
Posted: November 13, 2021 at 10:52 am
Libertarians face many trite and tired arguments against their ideology, but none is more famous than the ever-present Who would build the roads? attack.
But while libertarians are forced to spend a good bit of time talking about roads, the rest of the country is typically less focused on our nations infrastructure that is until this week when Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg made comments that ignited a firestorm over the topic.
In remarks made about the trillion-dollar infrastructure bill, Buttigieg alluded to the racist design of Americas highways and his plans to use the funds to address the problems theyve caused.
I dont think we have anything to lose by confronting that simple reality, he said. And I think we have everything to gain by acknowledging it and then dealing with it, which is why the Reconnecting Communities, that billion dollars, is something we want to get to work right away putting to work.
In response, conservative pundits went to work defending the government which they often do when accusations of systemic racism come up. Its an odd stance given the fact that the Right claims to believe the government is inherently corrupt, vile, and perverse. But racist? Not a chance, how dare you allege such a thing.
If we step back from the culture war for a moment, though, it is easy to come up with a number of examples of systemic racism that most on the Right would not argue. Gun laws were implemented to ensure black people did not have access to firearms after the Civil War. Government schools, which are assigned based on zip codes that are affected by the policies of redlining, consistently produce racially disparate outcomes. And occupational licenses have commonly been put in place to block certain people from entering careers.
While the policies that built our nations roads may be less familiar to many, there are countless historical examples that back up Buttigiegs claims.
Our highways were mostly built throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Ambitious engineers sought means to link downtown business districts with the suburbs, and to do so, they often had to cut through existing neighborhoods, meaning a great deal of disruption to those residents and a good amount of eminent domain seizures. Wealthier neighborhoods, which tended to be white, had the political might to fight off these projects while the poorer neighborhoods, which were often mostly black, did not.
To build Interstate 10 in New Orleans, engineers cleared a large portion of land along the oak-lined commercial thoroughfare of North Claiborne Avenue. The black residents fought this plan unsuccessfully at the time, and dozens of homes and businesses in the community were destroyed while the nearby French Quarter was left untouched.
Its a pattern one can find replicated dozens of times throughout virtually every city. According toThe Pew Charitable Trusts , In Miami, Interstate 95 flattened swaths of a Black neighborhood called Overtown, forcing some 10,000 people to leave their homes. In Nashville, Tennessee, the I-40 expressway demolished 620 houses, 27 apartment buildings and six Black churches.
The impacts on the black community were severe. Not only were they not compensated for their properties at market rates eminent domain seizures rarely are but the roads ruined black-owned businesses, caused home values to fall, increased pollution, attracted homeless camps and crime under overpasses, and cut communities off from one another.
This is what people mean by systemic racism. And whether it was done intentionally by government actors to cut black communities off from white neighborhoods as segregation became illegal, or if it was merely done because these communities lacked the political power to fight back, the results are the same.
We should not seek to tear down existing roads as Buttigieg has flirted with, but we should seek to learn from our history and use this as yet another example of the failures of government power and central planning.
One thing is certain: If libertarians built the roads, theyd have a lot better chance of not being racist.
Hannah Cox (@hannahdcox ) is a libertarian-conservative activist and a contributor to the Washington Examiners Beltway Confidential blog.
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If libertarians built the roads, maybe they wouldnt be racist - Washington Examiner
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Why Gen Z is fed-up with our two-party systemand will force it to change – New York Post
Posted: at 10:52 am
Gen Z is politically homeless and increasingly so. In just a year, 2020srecord-breakingyoung voter engagement has plummeted astronomically. This year, the California recall election saw a48 percentdrop in young turnout as compared to 2020, and the governors race in Virginia also experienced a62 percentslump in voters under 30.
This comes as Gen Zs faith in President Biden and the Democratic Partys effectiveness has faltered. Theyreportthe largest generational drop in approval of Bidens performance, tumbling20 percentsince June to a mere 43 percent last month. We appear to be growing politically apathetic and that should come as no surprise.
Gen Z came of age in the lesser-of-two-evils era of American politics. The first major political event many of us were old enough to understand was the election of 2016, when we watched our families tear each other apart over politics at the Thanksgiving table. While older Americans experienced a slow-slide into divisiveness, a disjointed America is the only one Gen Z has ever known and, frankly, many of us are fed up.
With roughlyhalfof Gen Z registered as independents, my contemporaries are dumping the partisan system in droves, and were looking for alternatives. The third party options before us, however, are uninspiring to say the least. The two largest are theLibertarian Party, which attracted a meager1 percentof the popular vote in 2020, and the progressiveGreen Party, which couldnt even pull in a third of a percent. For dynamic young voters, these lethargic and ineffective parties are far from a logical fit.
Thats where former presidential and mayoral candidate Andrew Yang would like to step in. Last month, he launched theForward Partywith the slogan, Not Left. Not Right. Forward, with a platform that endorses various alterations to our democracys status quo, includingranked-choice voting,independent redistricting commissions,accessible and secure voting, andopen primariesto increase voter engagement in choosing candidates.
I personally feel terrible that we left your generation such a disaster, Yang told me in a recent phone interview. I get why young people are becoming apathetic. You look up and say, This system is not designed to work for me or my generation. Why should I have faith in this? And the answer is that you shouldnt. If I were a sensible young person today, I would feel there isnt a place for me politically.
Yang, 46, wants to modernize policies to keep up in the digital age by establishing aDepartment of Technology,protect personal data as a property right, and even formallyendorse cryptocurrenciesand blockchain technologies, which promises to be particularly popular with young voters who make up astaggering majorityof crypto buyers.
The plan is to animate those who are fed up which is most of us at this point and to point out that the system is rigged, he said. The Forward Party is unifying independents, libertarians, disaffected Democrats and disaffected Republicans who want to make a process change that will allow new points of view to be heard.
The Forward Partys economic platform, however, has proven quite controversial. Policies include handouts of money in the form of democracy dollars for donations to political candidates and a $1,000 monthly universal basic income, which has drawn awidearrayofcriticism. While many Americans see UBI as better suited to a socialist state than the United States, its a clear point of generational dissonance. More thantwo-thirdsof Gen Z hold a favorable view of the policy, at a two-to-one rate over older Americans.
While Yangs vision is definitely bold and perhaps utopian, it just may gain traction among a generation desperate for change. Gen Zs mountingvoting powerand general disaffection are going to shake things up and future third party alternatives will likely meet their demands in the coming years.
Id say this to a young person trying to figure out where to go: Do you really think that the Democratic or Republican Party will be the vehicle thats going to change things for your generation, or do you think its going to be a new upstart party that changes the game? Yang asked. If you think that its the latter, then join us because were making common cause with everyone whos fed up with the status quo.
Rikki Schlott is a 21-year-old student at NYU.
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She helped her husband start a far-right militia group. Now the Oath Keeper’s wife says she has regrets – Los Angeles Times
Posted: at 10:52 am
EUREKA, MONT.
Looking back at the Capitol riot, Tasha Adams ponders her time as an Oath Keepers wife and asks: What if I had not supported him?
Him is her estranged husband, Stewart Rhodes, founder and leader of the Oath Keepers, an anti-government group whose members stand accused by federal authorities of having played a crucial role in the Jan. 6 insurrection. During nearly 23 years of marriage, Adams says she devoted herself to Rhodes aspirations. She worked as an exotic dancer to help put him through college, assisted in writing his papers and encouraged him to successfully apply to Yale Law School. When he was looking for direction in life a cause Adams helped him start the Oath Keepers.
Over the next few years, Adams became disillusioned by the far-right organization and her marriage. The Oath Keepers, she says, increasingly promoted conspiracy theories while engaging in extremist activities and rhetoric that demonstrated racial and ethnic biases. Meanwhile, her husband became emotionally and physically abusive, she says. In 2018, hoping to put Rhodes and the organization behind her, she left him and filed for divorce.
With congressional committees and federal investigators examining the threat posed by domestic extremists and their contribution to the insurrection, Adams has been conducting an exploration of her own life and culpability in the forming of the Oath Keepers. Her journey provides behind-the-scenes insights into how a Las Vegas car valet transformed into the leader of an organization that sought to overturn a presidential election.
Column One
A showcase for compelling storytelling from the Los Angeles Times.
If I hadnt helped him start it, I mean, there would probably still have been an insurrection, Adams, 49, says in an interview in this old logging town, not far from where she lives. But what would it have looked like? That is what Im trying to figure out.
Adams has not been shy about sharing her experiences tweeting critically about Rhodes and his organization, while launching an online crowdsourcing campaign to fund her divorce. Last month, she spoke at length with investigators for the special House committee examining the Capitol riot.
Eureka, the town not far from where Tasha Adams lives, is known as an old logging town.
(Tailyr Irvine / For The Times)
Dissecting what transpired in any relationship can be a fraught endeavor. This story is based on Adams recollections, as well as reviews of court records and interviews with two of her adult children, Dakota Vonn Adams and Sedona Rhodes, who confirmed their mothers account. More than a dozen current and former officers and board members of the Oath Keepers did not respond to requests for comment.
Rhodes did not respond to repeated phone calls and text messages. The 56-year-old has not been charged in the insurrection. He has said the Oath Keepers were in town to provide security for advisors to then-President Trump and supporters and did not intend to enter the building.
Adams, who speaks in rapid-fire sentences that frequently end in quips, starts each day by firing up a laptop on her kitchen countertop, scanning for news about the Oath Keepers.
She has read how 18 Oath Keepers have been indicted on conspiracy charges for forcing their way into the Capitol, and she has studied prosecutors damning portrait of Rhodes. They allege in court papers that Rhodes urged Oath Keepers to come to Washington to fight for Trump.
He was on the Capitol grounds during the insurrection, prosecutors say, and provided live updates to his members storming the building. Theres no indication that he entered the Capitol during the riot. Rhodes described the rioters as patriots and later compared the insurrection to the Boston Tea Party, prosecutors say.
Adams met Rhodes when she was an 18-year-old dance instructor at an Arthur Murray studio in Las Vegas, and he was a 25-year-old student.
She was the daughter of strict white Mormon parents who ran a window manufacturing business. Rhodes was an intense and worldly former Army paratrooper who maintained his military physique and parked cars for a living. He told her of growing up in a multi-ethnic Christian family, spending summers picking fruit alongside relatives. Rhodes has described himself as a quarter Mexican and part Native American, invoking that heritage at times to deflect against allegations that the Oath Keepers are sympathetic to racists.
Adams says she was drawn to Rhodes life experience because it was so different from mine.
An archival photograph of Tasha Adams during her honeymoon with Stewart Rhodes rests on a table.
(Tailyr Irvine / For The Times)
They had been dating four months when Rhodes accidentally dropped a .22-caliber handgun and shot himself in the face, blinding himself in the left eye. She says she felt obligated to assist him.
I was suddenly taking care of a man with a hole in his head, Adams says.
With Adams contemplating becoming a professional ballroom dancer, the couple struggled to make rent; she says Rhodes began to press her to find a more lucrative trade.
Every day, Adams recalls, he was like, You should be a stripper and make more money. She took up exotic dancing, earning $100 a night.
They married in 1994, and she worked at a high-end strip club until she had their first child, Dakota. Each night, Adams says, she helped Rhodes with his assignments at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and nurtured his dreams of becoming a lawyer.
I wanted a house with a treehouse for Dakota. I thought, man, I struck the jackpot, she says, describing her emotion upon Rhodes acceptance by Yale. Im married to a future Yale Law School graduate!
But Rhodes turned down high-paying internships his first year and took a nonpaying summer gig at a conservative think tank. He was more interested in causes than money, says Adams, adding, I knew then I was never going to get the treehouse. She says Rhodes charted a similar course after graduating in 2004, working mostly in smaller practices or as a freelance writer of legal briefs.
Rhodes had always been interested in politics, Adams says, and they both subscribed to libertarianism, a philosophy that promotes free markets and limited government. They fervently supported one of its staunchest adherents, then-Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas).
While volunteering for Pauls 2008 presidential campaign, Rhodes and Adams met veterans and former police officers who were drawn to the candidates libertarian views. Thats when Rhodes decided to form the Oath Keepers, a group focused on recruiting veterans, military personnel and police officers and encouraging them to remain true to the oath they swore to defend the Constitution and to disobey orders they consider illegal.
Adams says she liked the idea and believed in the groups focus. Its goals aligned with her libertarian views of limited government, and she saw it as a good way for her husband to tap his charisma to earn a living. She says she envisioned Oath Keepers as a a cigar club of like-minded libertarians.
I thought it was something he could do well, she says. What a great name, right? I thought, wow, we are going to sell a lot of T-shirts and motorcycle jackets.
By the time Rhodes launched the Oath Keepers in March 2009 two months after President Obama took office Adams says she realized the group was not going to be a cigar club, nor a libertarian version of the ACLU.
In a blog post that month, Rhodes wrote that his groups principal mission was to prevent the destruction of American liberty by preventing a full-blown totalitarian dictatorship from coming to power. Our Motto is Not on our watch!
Adams says she accepted Rhodes vision for the Oath Keepers because he seemed to mostly be pushing the boundaries of free speech and advocating for limited government.
For its first couple of years, the Oath Keepers operated on a tight budget. Adams says she handled its mailing lists and ran its website, keeping it updated with links to events, missives from Rhodes and links to news stories about the group.
According to pages captured by the Internet Archive, much of the site was dedicated to testimonials from members, many current and former military personnel, who expressed enthusiasm about joining the organization and its mission. I find no higher calling than to join forces with the Oath Keepers, and stand shoulder-to-shoulder with my fellow Americans in our own defense, wrote a member who identified himself as an Air Force officer in June 2009.
In November 2009, a person who identified himself as an Army veteran posted: Its time to stand up for liberty and truth above all else. To Reclaim the Republic for the people, by the people, of the people from the hands of tyranny. The poster added he was particularly concerned about puppet politicians, the Central Banking gangsters, the U.N. ...
With the rise of the tea party movement, the organization grew rapidly. At its height in 2015, the Oath Keepers had about 35,000 members, Adams says. Anti-hate groups have pegged its top membership at no more than 5,000.
Adams says she stepped away from the group in 2010 or 2011 and focused on raising her children. She and Rhodes would eventually have six. In her spare time, Adams blogged a bit, describing herself as a homeschooling, breastfeeding, homebirthing, libertarian, freedom fighting, gun-toting really cool mom.
On the blog, she described her husband as being cute and sexy and extolled his rise from being a down-on-his-luck car valet to leader of the Oath Keepers.
Adams cringes when she reads such posts. I was creating the world I wanted it to be, she says, not the one it was.
At the Oath Keepers height, in 2015, Adams says, the organization had about 35,000 members.
(Tailry Irvine / For The Times)
In 2013, Rhodes announced that the Oath Keepers would create teams, prepared with military-style training, to respond to the implosion of society. Until that point, such training had been prohibited, Adams says, because Rhodes didnt want his group to be considered a militia.
There is a stigma attached to militias, she says. And he wanted to avoid that.
Suddenly, she says, Oath Keepers were running around playing army.
The Oath Keepers in 2014 and 2015 assisted ranchers and miners in Nevada and Oregon in armed disputes with federal authorities. Rhodes also deployed Oath Keepers in 2014 to Ferguson, Mo., to patrol and protect businesses during protests unleashed by the shooting of a Black 18-year-old, Michael Brown, by a white police officer.
Rhodes was criticized by anti-hate groups for that action, and he was chastised by a local Oath Keepers leader for engaging in a racial double standard by failing to assist Black residents accusing law enforcement of abuses. Adams says she raised similar concerns with Rhodes, particularly after the Oath Keepers had defended white ranchers and miners.
Members of the Oath Keepers have generally avoided the kind of inflammatory rhetoric utilized by white supremacists. The groups bylaws prohibit anyone from joining who advocates, or has been or is a member, or associated with, any organization, formal or informal, that advocates discrimination, violence, or hatred toward any person based upon their race, nationality, creed, or color.
But experts say such circumspection belies how the Oath Keepers actions, and statements by members, have assisted in the spread of racist language and hate.
Members of Oath Keepers think of themselves as rejecting racism, yet they and allied groups have served as de facto security for neo-Confederate and alt-right groups, Sam Jackson, a professor at the University at Albany-SUNY wrote in his eponymous book about the Oath Keepers. In other words, like most of the contemporary patriot/militia movement, the [Oath Keepers] is not organized around a perceived racial identity, but neither is it as free of racism and bigotry as it likes to claim.
Jackson noted that Rhodes has wielded his Mexican heritage to push back on claims that he or the Oath Keepers are in league with racists, even as his group has disseminated videos that display bigotry toward undocumented migrants and Mexicans. Rhodes has compared Latino and Black Lives Matter activists to jihadist terrorists and well funded Marxist and racist agitators. He has said that illegal immigration was an invasion and described as dirtbags the mostly Black NFL players who protested racial injustice by kneeling during the national anthem.
Adams says she once believed that anti-hate groups were exaggerating the dangers the Oath Keepers posed because Rhodes convinced her the criticism was unfounded and a ploy to raise money.
After Ferguson and the armed standoffs, however, Adams says her views changed. While Rhodes and leaders did not tolerate discriminatory language I never heard him say anything like the N-word, she says, and he would get rid of anyone who did the estranged wife believes her husband and other Oath Keepers nevertheless exhibited racial and ethnic biases in several, frequently subtle ways. She cited their refusal to back Black residents protesting police abuse in Ferguson, their harsh rhetoric about immigrants and their vision for America. They described America as if they were looking out at a crowd at a baseball game, she says, and seeing a sea of white faces with rosy cheeks.
She adds that the Anti-Defamation League is correct in describing the Oath Keepers as a large right-wing anti-government extremist group. And the Southern Poverty Law Center is accurate, she says, in claiming the Oath Keepers is based on a set of baseless conspiracy theories about the federal government working to destroy Americans liberties.
Stewart Rhodes, founder of the citizen militia group known as the Oath Keepers, speaks during a rally outside the White House in 2017.
(Susan Walsh / Associated Press)
Among the conspiracy theories that Rhodes advocated on the Oath Keepers website and in frequent appearances on conservative TV and radio shows: A U.S. military exercise in 2015 might be a prelude to a coup, baseless claims about voter fraud in the 2016 election and a deep state takeover of the U.S. government. Later, after the 2020 election, he fully embraced and promoted unfounded conspiracies that the election had been stolen and supported Trumps efforts to stay in office.
Adams says she tried to temper Rhodes conspiratorial rhetoric because it didnt serve any purpose except make him look crazy.
By 2016, Adams says, Rhodes had become an ardent supporter of Trump, putting aside early doubts: Stewart thought Trump was too pro-government and pro-spending. Adams added that her estranged husbands attraction to the former president is obvious in hindsight: They are very similar in that they both push conspiracy theories. Its like watching a demagogue be attracted to a demagogue.
It was not possible to independently verify Adams descriptions of her role in the Oath Keepers. Jackson, the author and professor, says she did not come up in his research of the group. I would be surprised if they were coequals, the professor says, referring to Adams and her husband. He declined to speculate further on Adams role in the organization, saying he did not delve into Oath Keepers private lives because they could be difficult to untangle.
Living in remote areas of Montana, Adams says she had no friends, and her life revolved around keeping her husband happy and raising and schooling her children.
Those who know Adams say they rarely saw her outside the presence of Rhodes. Marcy Kuntz, Adams midwife for three births starting in 2006, recalls that Adams didnt speak much about herself, except to apologize for failing to pay bills on time. She was always accompanied on appointments by her husband.
Kuntz delivered the babies at Adams homes, which were generally located deep in the Montana woods. The house was busy, with all the kids, Kuntz says, and I got the sense that her and her childrens world was in that house. They didnt get out much.
She seemed like a very private person, adds Kuntz, who has spoken to Adams a few times in the years since she separated from Rhodes. You could tell she supported what Stewart did as his wife, as a wife supports a husband. ...
In retrospect, it is clear he was very controlling. She kept it all to herself for so long.
Adams and two of her adult children say that by 2015 a year after her sixth child was born they were becoming increasingly disenchanted with Rhodes as a husband and father. He was gone for long stretches, leaving her to raise their children in an isolated part of Montana, said Adams, Dakota and Sedona.
When Rhodes was home, he belittled and berated his wife and kids, kept tabs on their whereabouts and engaged in physical abuse, according to Adams and the two children, as well as allegations included in court records filed by Adams.
In a 2018 application for a restraining order, Adams alleged Rhodes grabbed their then 13-year-old daughter by the throat. Whenever he is unhappy with my behavior (say I want to leave the house he doesnt like me to leave), he will draw his handgun (which he always wears), rack the slide, wave it around, and then point it at his own head, she wrote in the application, which was denied by a judge. It is not clear why the judge declined to grant the order.
According to Dakota and Sedona, their father didnt just promote conspiracy theories he brought them home. One night the power and phones went out, Dakota says, and his father became convinced the FBI had cut the lines, presaging a raid.
Tasha Adams, seen in the reflection of a window, ponders her time as an Oath Keepers wife and asks herself what would have happened if she had not supported her husband.
(Tailyr Irvine / For The Times)
It took us 45 minutes to pack the vehicles, says Dakota, 24. If the FBI was really coming, would they have given us that much time? We drove off and about an hour later, he was like, I guess they arent coming. So we turned around and went home to bed.
Sedona, 22, says her father once ordered the children to dig a tunnel so the family might escape if authorities raided the house. It had a plywood roof, and he had the little kids go through it to get used to it, Sedona says.
Adams and her children say it took years of enduring such behavior for her to see the truth.
Your reality gets warped. He controlled our reality, says Dakota, who succeeded on Nov. 8 in legally changing his name from Dakota Stewart Rhodes because he disdains his father.
His mother was also concerned that Rhodes could use his legal expertise and connections to keep the children. She says she put those fears aside in 2018 and filed for divorce. Rhodes moved out of the house, and appears to live out of state. The divorce case, which was filed under seal, remains unresolved, in part, because Adams says she is in debt to her lawyers.
Earning a living selling used clothes on the internet, Adams has been pecking away at a memoir and says she has been thinking about getting a college degree in extremist studies. Her goal, she says, is to teach about the dangers posed by extremist groups and their leaders.
Among the questions she thinks she can answer for students: How has Rhodes managed to avoid arrest while other Oath Keepers were indicted in the riot on conspiracy charges? In dissecting her life as an Oath Keepers wife and following coverage of the federal prosecutions, Adams says she has a theory: He is very good at getting others to take the risks.
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She helped her husband start a far-right militia group. Now the Oath Keeper's wife says she has regrets - Los Angeles Times
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The post-Reagan GOP is still a work in progress – The Week Magazine
Posted: at 10:52 am
Thirty-two years ago the Berlin Wall fell, a Cold War victory viewed as one of the crowning achievements of the movement conservatism associated with Ronald Reagan. An important development in its own right, this anniversary of the wall's fall is an opportunity to take stock of conservatives who want to replace the "dead consensus" of Reaganism with something else.
We've seen social conservatism take on a bigger role in the political coalition at the expense of individualists (often described as libertarians, no matter how big the government continues to get under the GOP's watch), winning a recent election in blue Virginia by campaigning on parental control of local public schools. Conservatives have begun thinking through some of the contradictions between Reagan's vision of a secure Main Street and untrammeled Wall Street, especially as big corporations side against them in the culture wars.
The most ambitious Republicans are seeking the approval of these new strains of the right. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has fought both public and private COVID-19 restrictions that rankle the base. Sens. Ted Cruz (Texas) and Marco Rubio (Fla.) made pilgrimages to the National Conservatism Conference, a gathering of the right's new nationalists.
And yet with former President Donald Trump back on the golf course, much of this still feels like a work in progress. The conservatives for the common good have sounded libertarian, even libertine, about the pandemic except for the fact that they're willing to regulate masking and vaccination policies by private companies, too. There are arguments for why the "free market" doesn't simply mean businesses get to do whatever they want. But the overarching philosophy here, to the extent there is one, is that members of my political coalition get to do whatever they want in defiance of the wrong people trying to tell them what to do.
Perhaps the new conservatism's answer is that this is how the left has always done things, and a movement too committed to abstract principles to take on its own side in an argument will always lose. But, for the moment, old-fashioned "tear down the wall" conservatives have more to show for their efforts than the newfangled "build the wall" crowd.
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The post-Reagan GOP is still a work in progress - The Week Magazine
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Guest Opinion: Calling out the Idaho Freedom Foundation – Idaho County Free Press
Posted: at 10:52 am
For political conservatives, countering big governments alluring but empty promises are challenging. The task is tenfold harder when libertarians pretend to speak for conservatives.
The Idaho Freedom Foundation (IFF) was founded, in part, with a bequest from activist Ralph Smeed. A mentor of my old boss, Senator Steve Symms, I spent many hours escorting Ralph around Washington, D.C. He rejected the label conservative, proudly claiming to be a libertarian.
A mutual acquaintance recently mentioned Smeed when talking about the IFF, noting If Ralph could see what it is today, hed be appalled.
Who could predict that Smeeds legacy would today be aiding President Bidens Attorney General, Merrick Garland, to keep parents away from public schools?
Garland has threatened parents passionate about their kids education. Using a letter from the National School Boards Association (NSBA) as a fig leaf, he directed the FBI to investigate a disturbing spike in irate school board patrons.
Keep in mind, Garland heads the same Justice Department refusing to investigate the free speech of Antifa protestors marching down burned and vandalized city streets.
Professor Maud Maron, of Cardozo Law School, an advisor to the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism, criticized Garlands move, noting that actual violence should be condemned without reservation, but the incidents cited by the NSBA are not criminal and they definitely do not warrant federal intervention.
Garlands motive is obvious. His own son-in-law sells social-emotional learning assessments that use a racial lens to pigeon-hole students, an approach opposed by many parents. He doesnt want parents challenging school boards and wishes they would stop advocating to improve their public schools. He is joined in that cause by IFF President Wayne Hoffman.
Hoffman has been pushing to get parents to quit public schools altogether. He presumably doesnt know or doesnt care that many rural Idahoans have no alternative. And he may be funded by purveyors of private schooling and home-school curricula, although the IFF is notoriously quiet about who pays their bills.
Hoffman recently attacked public schools for teaching Critical Race Theory (CRT). He conveniently neglected to mention that this turn toward Marxism surfaced early in elite private schools.
Even worse, Hoffman bungled the definition of CRT, a mistake that led Lt. Governor Janice McGeachin to a fruitless survey of statewide curricula. Critical Theory is more about tactics than content. Its insidious outlook on the world is imbedded deep in educational philosophy, influencing how some teachers think, but rarely showing up as a topic in a K-12 classroom.
And getting the theory wrong has had devastating consequences. One teacher in Idahos Magic Valley offers an inspiring syllabus using the Minidoka Internment National Monument as an object lesson. Students learn how widespread fear can lead a government to heavy-handed tyranny despite a constitution that guarantees individual rights. Could any topic be timelier?
After Hoffman scolded legislators for not doing enough to ban CRT, that teacher was warned to downplay the Minidoka lesson a direct result of Hoffmans focus on what history is taught, not how the history either illuminates or obscures constitutional principles.
Making IFF even more problematic is its political grassroots drawing from anti-government voices, including some uncomfortably allied with civil rights objectors. A vocal faction of IFF activists recently affiliated with an organization opposing the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
To have any credibility, those of us who oppose CRT need to stand as unequivocal defenders of civil rights. IFF cannot do that.
The democrat running for governor of Virginia has said, You dont want parents coming in on every different school jurisdiction saying, This is what should be taught here. The IFF delivers that same message.
Parents educational choice is a long-desired conservative goal. Libertarians prefer private education. When IFF undermines public schools while parents have limited private alternatives, that sound you hear is principled libertarian Ralph Smeed rolling over in his grave.
Trent Clark, of Soda Springs, is the acting chairman of United Families Idaho and has served in the leadership of Idaho business, politics, workforce and humanities education.
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Josh Hawley is dead right about men and marriage – Washington Examiner
Posted: at 10:52 am
Of all the speeches at this months National Conservatism Conference, Missouri Sen. Josh Hawleys call for men to abandon video games and pornography for work and family has drawn the most attention.
The Washington Post, NPR, and Axios all followed up with stories questioning Hawleys premise: that through policy choices and cultural messages, the Left has devalued men and weakened the nation.
The Washington Posts coverage by Christine Emba was the most encouraging as Emba readily admitted that increasing numbers of men are disconnected from their work, families and children. And that mens labor force participation has fallen from 80 percent in 1970 to 68 percent in 2021. And that more men are deciding to opt out of higher education. And even that pornography is a problem.
Embas only real beef with Hawley appears to be that he should be pressed to offer solutions.
But Hawley did!
We must rebuild an economy in this country in which men can thrive. And that means rebuilding those manufacturing and production sectors that so much of the chattering class has written off as relics of the past, Hawley said before offering a policy solution. We can start by requiring that at least half of all goods and supplies critical for our national security be made in the United States.
Hawley then moved to tax policy, noting, We must make the family the center of political life. There is no higher calling, and no greater duty, than raising a family. And we should encourage all men to pursue it.
I believe the time has come for explicit rewards in our tax code for marriage. Forget the marriage penalty. There should be a marriage bonus. And we should allow the parents of young children to keep more of their own money as well, Hawley said.
Now, one can argue about the feasibility of Hawleys domestic manufacturing requirement or attack his marriage bonus as social engineering, which many of our libertarian friends like to do, but these are real policy solutions being offered to solve the defining problem of our time: the disintegration of the American family.
If anything, we need more politicians like Hawley willing to lead on the issue.
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Cindy Axne will run for reelection in Congress, closing the door on Iowa gubernatorial bid – Des Moines Register
Posted: at 10:52 am
U.S. Rep. Cindy Axnewill seek reelection in Iowa's 3rd Congressional District, she announced Friday, officially closing the door on a possible run for governor in 2022.
Axne, a West Des Moines Democrat, previously ruled out running for the U.S. Senate,but shehad left open the possibility of running for governor.
She announced the news during a Friday morning taping of Iowa Press on Iowa PBS.
"Folks, I'm going to be running for the United States Congress here in Iowa's 3rd District," she said.
The news comes just days after Republican U.S. Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks said she would compete in the 1st District rather than stay in a newly redrawn 3rd District.
The pair of announcementshelpsolidify the field of candidates that will competein the 3rd District, which includes Des Moines and is expected to be among the most hotly contested races in the country.
More: Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks will run for reelection in new 1st Congressional District
Already, outside organizations like the National Republican Congressional Committee have been targeting Axne with attack ads as they try to unseat vulnerable Democrats.
Axne is one of only a handful of congressional Democrats in the country to win in a district Trump carried in 2020, though she won by a narrow margin. Axne beat Republican challenger David Young by just 1.4 percentage points, 49% to 47.6%. Libertarian candidate Bryan Holder earned about 3.4% of the votea share that some Republicans said undercut Young's effort.
This election cycle, Axne will compete in a new set of counties reorganized under the3rd District as a result of the state's redistricting process.
More: Iowa lawmakers accept second redistricting plan, setting up next decade of politics
Overall, the partisan makeup ofthe new district remainslargely unchanged, with Democrats continuing to account forabout 36% of registered voters and Republicans making up about 34%.
But some geographic shifts could make Axne's reelection campaign more difficult.
Polk and Dallas Counties, the two largest population centers, still anchor the 3rd District. But it loses several counties along the state's western border that Axne had focused on during her previous two terms while addressing severe flooding there, helping her to makeinroads with voters. Instead, the district gains several other rural counties that tend to favor Republicans that Axne has not campaigned in before.
Axne said her job is tomeet those new voters "and tell all those folks that I'm there for them and I've got their back."
"Its about taking my voice out to the people that I would be representing, hearing from them, listening to their concerns and talking with them about how Ive already been putting policy in place to benefit their lives and address those concerns," Axne said. "But also the policy that Im currently working on thats helping them."
Those issues include securing more money for biofuels, lowering prescription drug prices, improving mental health care for veterans and addressing the nation's supply chain problems.
Many of those subjects, Axne said, can be addressed through President Joe Biden's agenda, including a $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill that Biden plans to sign Monday and a $1.75 trillion "Build Back Better" bill that would include money for child care, lower prescription drug prices and pay for education and climate change initiatives.
"I believe that once we get the infrastructure bill signed into law, the Build Back Better Act signed into law, next year folks are seeing expansion of those child care centers, theyre seeing more money in their pocket because of the earned income tax credit or the child tax credit," Axne said."I think about the folks here who are on insulin. Were going to cap it at $35 a month."
No Democrats have announced a challenge to Axne, but a handful of Republicans are competing in a primary election as the party seeks to unseat her.
Among them are state Sen. Zach Nunn of Bondurant, who currently leads the Republican field in fundraising. Nunn raised $281,905 in total receipts during the fundraising quarter that ended in October, giving him $213,779 in cash on hand.
Political newcomer Nicole Hassoof Johnston raised $170,863 and finishedthe quarter with $134,670 in the bank.
More: Why Iowa Democrat Cindy Axne voted for $1.2 trillion infrastructure plan
Retired State Rep. Mary Ann Hanusa, a Council Bluffs resident, previously announced she would run in Iowas 3rd Congressional District. But as a result of redistricting, her home county of Pottawattamie now sits in the 4th District, which is more heavily conservative and represented by incumbent Republican U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra.
Hanusa told the Des Moines Register she had been waiting on Miller-Meeks' decision before deciding what to do with her own campaign. Had Miller-Meeks chosen to compete in the 3rd District, Hanusa said she would not have challenged her.
"Obviously deference went to Mariannettes decision," Hanusa said. "So now that thats been made, I will look at the situation and consider everything.For right now, the campaigns still on."
Since launching her campaign in April, Hanusa has raised $103,619, including $65,826 in the third quarter. She has$44,718in the bank.
More: A year out, Iowa candidates raise money for 2022 elections; Finkenauer, Hinson rake in most
Gary Leffler, a Republican activist from West Des Moines, has filed a statement of candidacy with the Federal Election Commission, but he has not yet filed financial reports.
Axne goes into the race with about $1.6 million in cash on hand afterraising $757,831 during the third quarter.
Despite outraising her opponents,she knows she's facing an onslaught of ads from national Republican groups.
"I am the number one targeted race by the National Republican Campaign Committee," she said. "They want to take me out so that they can have the House."
In a sign of how competitive the race will be, state and national Republicans quickly issued statements criticizing Axne following her reelection announcement.
"Axne has spent the past two years hiding from Iowans and cozying up to Nancy Pelosi and Joe Biden," Republican Party of Iowa Chair Jeff Kaufmann said."Axne represents a continuation of Biden and Pelosi's disastrous agenda and Iowa Republicans are committed to fighting back to stop it."
Brianne Pfannenstiel is the chief politics reporter for the Register. Reach her at bpfann@dmreg.com or 515-284-8244. Follow her on Twitter at @brianneDMR.
Stephen Gruber-Miller covers the Iowa Statehouse and politics for the Register. He can be reached by email at sgrubermil@registermedia.com or by phone at 515-284-8169. Follow him on Twitter at @sgrubermiller.
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Kmele Foster Is Right: Banning Critical Race Theory Isn’t Going To Stop It – The Federalist
Posted: at 10:52 am
On the latest The Fifth Column episode, cohost Kmele Foster reiterates his argument, previously expressed in a coauthored New York Times op-ed, that banning critical race theory in schools is bad. While discussing to what extent public opposition to this form of racism fueled Republican success in last weeks elections, Foster again claimed there is zero evidence that this particular strategy [of banning CRT in schools] is working.
In practice, these bills create a great deal of uncertainty about how curriculum should be constructed and what constitutes a kid being made to feel uncomfortable or being told they should feel shame on account of their race, he claimed.
He cited a school board meeting in which teachers questioned whether they should now teach the other side of the Holocaust. That is a direct result of these idiotic bans of critical race theory, Foster claimed. Later he also noted that Texas lawmakers are asking state institutions to report whether they are using public resources to buy and promote anti-American and racist books, claiming thats a prelude to book bans.
For one thing, even if Texas lawmakers do take action after they gather this information, they will not be banning books. They may refuse to expend public resources on certain books, but that is not banning them. Actual book bans, actual censorship, would mean what happens with successful full-bore cancel operations from the left: The person with the book is unable to publicly publish or distribute it, even on his own time and dime.
Its a bit like what Twitter and Facebook do to presidents and members of Congress, which libertarians and classical liberals (like Foster claims to be) are always telling us is totally fine because Facebook and Twitter are private companies and they should not be forced to publish and distribute speech they dont agree with.
Well, fine, then, lets spread this libertarian goose sauce around equally. If Twitter shouldnt be forced to platform Donald Trump and Republican Rep. Jim Banks, the good taxpayers of Texas also shouldnt be forced to pay for, distribute, and platform speech they dont agree with through the government institutions they are supposed to democratically control.
Thats not a book or a speech ban, at least according to the reasoning of libertarians like Foster. If any government declines to fund their activities, such speakers and authors would still be free to speak and publish as they wish. They would not be free, however, to force other people to subsidize their speech. (This also gets into how government and monopolies today control public squares and what should be private life by subsidizing and legally preferencing only one politically favored side, a very big aspect of all this that must be saved for additional discussions.)
To Fosters point about college-educated teachers alleged difficulty in understanding pretty obvious laws, it seems likely to me that any nincompoops asking about teaching both sides of the Holocaust are trolling. Its clear what they are legally supposed to teach and not, they just dont want to comply with the law, so theyre getting pedantic, like a middle schooler or a Jesuit. [Update: It turns out Fosters characterization of this story was based on fake news, and I was right: this was a biased curriculum director falsely characterizing the Texas law to local teachers.]
Its only hard for teachers to figure out what they are now allowed to teach if they dont want to understand the message. Just dont be a racist, and youre good. The problem is, some teachers seem to believe they deserve public sinecures to preach the gospel of anti-white hatred. Thats why they just cant accept the laws obvious intent and meaning and move on.
This blends into a point Foster also made in the podcast that I think is dead-on accurate.
Maybe, as opposed to taking a side in an idiotic culture war, if you try to circumvent the whole thing and focus on things that actually matter, like developing pedagogy thats better, like establishing curriculum that works in a more serious way, he said. Im sorry, if you think that the culture war is going to be over because someone passed a ban in Virginia, go look at Texas. Theyre still having problems.
Setting aside the absurd reductionism I know of nobody who thinks CRT, yet alone all the culture wars, will be instantly solved by a state ban Foster is right that CRT bans are not enough. One proof is in those very teachers who are resisting the will of the voters who fund their salaries and supply children to their classrooms.
Critical race theorys hold on the U.S. education and corporate systems is the poisonous fruit of a poisoned tree. To root it out will require a lot more than state and local bans. It requires of the right exactly what the far-left is doing: Systemic thinking.
That means not taking an isolated, whack-a-mole approach that lawmakers might prefer so they can just pass some patch on the problem and send voters home with a pat on the head. It means making a comprehensive, holistic assessment of how so much of American local, regional, state, and even national leaders participate in and even condone open, government-supported racism.
Why are there any teachers, let alone entire unions, teachers colleges, entire teacher training systems, curriculum factories, testing companies, the whole education cabal supporting open racism and anti-American hatred? How is it that such important drivers of American society not only condone but energize hatred against their own predecessors and way of life? How is it not obvious to so many so-called leaders of American society that this ideology they put hundreds of millions of dollars behind is contemptible and incompatible with truth, justice, and the American way?
The very existence and widespread use of CRT is an indictment on the entire system. As such, it requires not merely a one-off response like a ban. It demands a comprehensive evaluation of the entire education system and a total reorientation of its priorities and methods. The neo-racists are right about one thing: Racism in America appears to be pretty systemic. What theyre wrong about is what kind of racism, as well as the right way to address it.
Earlier this year, commentator Richard Hanania made the point, on which I built several related arguments, that critical race ideology has been furthered by U.S. laws and institutions since the 1960s. It hasnt been imposed on America from space aliens, and it hasnt grown entirely organically, its been fostered by years of legal and policy accretions.
So thats another area in which Foster is wrong. Attempts to ban critical race theory from classrooms, Foster also said on the podcast, Dont make any differentiation between what youre doing in kindergarten and twelfth grade, that is f-cking censorship and that is not how you go about changing the culture. The book banners never win, -sshole, full stop.
On the contrary: Taking control of public and private speech, and tilting the many interlocking education monopolies in favor of leftist ideology, has absolutely been a winning strategy for hard-left ideologues. If speech banning didnt work so very, very well, theyd let Trump back on Twitter and conservatives on CNN.
You 100 percent do change culture by changing laws. Thats exactly how we got critical race theory everywhere, as Hanania pointed out this summer: Wokeness is law, he pointed out, going on to detail multiple ways in which government policies force schools and employers into racism in the guise of combatting racism.
If it is law, it can be changed. And it should be, because racism is evil. So, yes, ban teachers from preaching racism on the taxpayers dime. But dont stop there, because government-sponsored racism doesnt stop there, either. Not even close.
Photo U.S. Army photo by Bob McElroy
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Special Panel: Mysteries of Dune: Esotericism, Occultism, and the Magic of Melange #CFP – Patheos
Posted: at 10:50 am
In recognition of the mainstreamattention brought toDuneby Villeneuves adaptation, the Area for Esotericism, Occultism and Magic at the Southwest Popular/American Culture Association invites the proposal of papers to this special panel intended to investigate and examine esoteric, occult. and magical inspirations, parallels, and reciprocals influences on the Duniverse.
While the roles of psychedelic mysticism, Zen Buddhism, Islam, and Sufism have already received scholarly analysis, and transhuman elements inDunehave been reviewed in one of the opening presentations of this Areas founding year, a wealth of opportunities remain for exploring the manifold esoteric relevance of Herberts expansive, complex, and syncretic vision of an expansive, complex, and syncretic future. While the film release places the opening novel at the forefront of popular attention, proposals need not be limited to this, or any, adaptation, nor need they be limited to the initial novel; all aspects of the Duniverse and its adaptation into any medium are fair game, including gaming, music, occulture, television, and so forth, as well as its influences on and interactions with other franchises, universes (shared and otherwise), and popular culture directly, with the intended focus being those contents and features of the setting that are, or aesthetically suggest, the esoteric, occult, and magical in-universe or outside that universe but in interaction with it. Such inquiries could include historical as well as contemporary comparisons and influences, as well as the impact ofDuneon contemporary esoteric, occult, and magical practices and practitioners or on the reception and/or representation of particular traditions and praxes. This might range from tracing the popularization of the Litany Against Fear, which is esoteric in-universe but exoteric for readers (particularly for fans), to academic analysis of conspiracist, metapolitical, esoteric, and occult readings of the novels and/or the mythos ofDuneand its lineage of influences within multiple genres of fiction across media.If you are interested in making a contribution to this special panel, please immediately and directly contact the Area Chair, Dr. George J. Sieg, atgeorgejsieg@gmail.comor (505) 440-2105. You can also be provided with an email copy of the main CFP for the Area for Esotericism, Occultism. and Magic if you might be interested in submitting to the Area at large. As the deadline is November 14, please respond as soon as you are able if you are interested, even if you have not yet had time to develop an abstract.
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How to Find Happiness When You’re Suffering – The Atlantic
Posted: November 11, 2021 at 5:48 pm
As we wind down this series, a paradox remains in our pursuit of happiness: Joy comes to those who have known pain. In order to overcome strugglebreakups, illness, even deathwe must first accept and acknowledge its inevitability. Exploring the darkness of our suffering may seem counterintuitive, but often its the only way to see the light.
In this weeks episode, Arthur C. Brooks sits down with BJ Miller, a palliative-care physician, to uncover how we can face our deepest fears, why we should accept our natural limitations as human beings, and how to make peace with the ebb and flow of joy and suffering in human lifean experience we all share.
This episode was produced by Rebecca Rashid and is hosted by Arthur C. Brooks. Editing by A.C. Valdez. Fact-check by Ena Alvarado. Sound design by Michael Raphael.
Be part of How to Build a Happy Life. Write to us at howtopodcast@theatlantic.com or leave us a voicemail at 925.967.2091.
Music by Trevor Kowalski (Lions Drift, This Valley of Ours, Una Noche De Luces, Night Sky Alive), Stationary Sign (Loose in the Park), and Spectacles Wallet and Watch (Last Pieces).
This transcript has been lightly edited for length and clarity.
Arthur C. Brooks: When you teach happiness, like I do, one of the biggest questions that people have initially: What is it? I mean, we all think we know what happiness is until you think about it. A lot of people, they assume that happiness is a feeling. A better definition of happiness is: Its like a meal with three macronutrients. Just as a meal has macronutrientsor protein, carbohydrates, and fathappiness is a feast with three macronutrients, and they are: enjoyment, satisfaction, and purpose.
I want to focus right now on that third macronutrient, on purpose. I probably dont have to convince you that finding purpose or meaning in your life is required for you to be a happy person. You may have spent certain times in your life really having a great old time. Lots of pleasure, lots of enjoyment, but kind of aimlessly. And you most likely didnt find that you were really, really happy.
Almost everybody, it turns out, when theyre asked what actually helped them understand their lifes purposewhich is part of happinessparadoxically, they talk about periods of unhappiness. Heres the conundrum within all of these ideas: To be happy, you need purpose. To have purpose, you need unhappiness. You need some pain. You need some sacrifice. You need some difficulty. And thats what were going to talk about today. Because we need it to get the purpose and thus the happiness that we seek.
BJ Miller: You know, Im all for happiness. Its a beautiful thing. But first of all, its not always accessible. Second of all, it is deeply related to pain and other trouble. I dont think happiness is the absence of trouble or absence of problems or the absence of pain. I think happiness and pain are really close bedfellows.
Brooks: BJ Miller is a hospice and palliative-care physician and the co-founder of the online palliative-care company Mettle Health. Dr. Millers professional field of palliative care deals directly with the healing of suffering rather than of disease itselffrom physical pain to emotional struggles. You might wonder why Im so interested in his work. Im interested in anybody whos a total subversive in their own field, and thats BJ Miller.
Why is he interested in suffering and death himself? He had a near-death accident in his college years. He dealt with incredible pain and was forced to confront mortality head-on. BJs wisdom on pain and suffering, through his professional work and personal experience, helps us come to grips with the inevitable struggles of being human, which means sometimes being in pain and in every life, sooner or later, coming to an end. Why? So that we can be alive today in a more meaningful way.
Miller: We humans are sort of relatively oriented, so we know joy because weve known pain. And we need foils. We need points of contrast. And so death can provide us this point of contrast so that things like beauty and joy pop; they have something to push against and to relate to. So that idea of having a foil in life to understand what joy feels like because we know what its absence feels like.
Happiness is not so much just the pursuit of pleasure. Its somehow the pursuit of being okay with reality. And reality happens to include things like pain and death. Death gives us this context for our life, this reason that time becomes a precious thing and where we place ourselves becomes important because its not unlimited. It also gives us this grand excuse that we know in a full life, were never going to get to everything. Thats not a failure. Thats just the truth of life being much larger than any one of us.
So death has a lot to teach us, and I would just say, you know, Im neither for or against death. It just happens to insist upon itself. It exists. So therefore I need to deal with it. Happiness, I think, has something to do too, without it not being at odds with oneself. And one of the things we doany, every, all selves do is die. So thats just part of the package.
Brooks: Why would you go through your life never actually being alive until you die, because youve been denying the existence of death? Its a weird psychological conundrum that you put yourself into under the circumstances, dont you think? Why are you interested in this topic? What got you interested in the topic of death?
Miller: Well, because I finally came to realize that it exists, like I said it was, its like part of reality and that it was part of life, not the antithesis or the poacher of life, but part of lifethat its in us. And so my pursuit of knowing myself and knowing life led me to trying to at least accept death.
I dont know if we can know deathIm not surebut I guess you could say, Arthur, my interest in life led me to my interest in death because they are deeply related. And then more specifically, too, I mean, I came close to death myself when I was in college. I had an electrical accident that really bumped me up against my mortality as not an abstraction but as very much a reality that could happen any moment. And so that kind of forced me to look.
I had no choice but to look, you know. I think you can do these things by force or by choice. I was forced to look early on because I came so close to it. And that led me into medicine. But really, my interest has never been in death per se. Again, its just really in life. And its also been an interest in: What do humans do when they bump up against things they cant change or they cant control? And that, to me, has been really the primary grist more than death per se. Its that how humans deal with and understand and work with and realize their own limitations. And how humans start to see life beyond themselves, which is a beautiful way to handle the idea of death.
You can start decentralizing your ego; you can start seeing life outside of yourself and feeling your connection to it and appreciation for it and your responsibility to it. So in my field, we talk about the end of lifelike thats the phrase, end of lifebut its such a problematic phrase. Now life, life will keep going. Your life is going to end; my lifes going to end. This life will end. So its not the end of life. Life does not end, as far as we can tell it. It keeps on going. Weyou or Ido not. So its the end of my life. Once you get over yourself, there is a sort of immortality happening, too, all around us.
Brooks: So when your patients come to you, I mean, there arentI mean, your patients come to you because theyre facing the end of lifeobviously, youre doing hospice and palliative care. And my guess is that many of them come to you and theyre not very happy. Is it fear or regret or something else thats actually leading people who are nearing the end of life who are unhappy to experience this unhappiness?
Miller: Palliative care really is the sort of clinicalits the science or a philosophy or an approach to care that deals with suffering versus deals with a disease. The problem, if you will, the thing were looking at, is suffering. And so a lot of people who I see in palliative care arent at the end of life. They are just struggling. Theyre suffering. Theyre trying to make sense of a world to them that does no longer makes sense, trying to incorporate a diagnosis into their sense of self.
A lot of the clients or patients Ive seen over the years are nowhere near death. So one thing to appreciate is for listeners that palliative care is the sort of clinical pursuit of quality of life in the face of suffering. And we grew out of hospice, which is a subset of palliative care that is devoted to the end of life. So, just to say, you dont have to be dying anytime soon to benefit from palliative care.
Now, having said that, the way I kind of work in my practice is in this sort of existential framework. Any time, whether or not were talking about death explicitly, its always in the air. And then my approach is to work kind of almost backwards, to sort of find a way to rope death and loss into the picture and then build from there. Sort of like: Life begins when you realize that you die. Not only do we have to die; we have to know we die in advance of our death, and that is a real mind bender.
Whats been fascinating with Mettle Health, we started this little group outside of the health-care system because as a clinical physician, your point is well taken, Arthur. People come to me because something is wrong. Thats how they find their way to palliative care or medicine in general.
So in some ways, my job in palliative care is to make them hate their life less or make them hurt less. But you start doing that even if thats your goal. You start realizing that part of the antidote is finding meaning. Part of the antidote to pain of any kind is making sense of it or working with it, or somehow accepting it. So its always in the mix.
But now that weve set up Mettle Health outside of the health-care system, its been fascinating. A lot of people coming to us are caregivers, for one. Theyre part of an ecosystem where illness is in the mix; theyre themselves not dying or sick, per se, but they need help. And some of our clients dont even have an illness. Theyre just going through a big transition in life, like a loss of a marriage or changing their employment or trying to move or trying to kind of get to new aspects of themselves. So theres something very beautiful about this work.
Brooks: I like it. I like it nonetheless. And I will quote, you know, from your latest book where you say in the introduction, There is nothing wrong with you for dying. And its funny that we have to say that. But lets take in context why we think that, with our medical-care system and how youre very different than doctors I ordinarily talk to.
Doctors are in the business of keeping us alive, and therefore they set themselves up as enemies of death. And youre saying, Look, thats wrong! Thats all wrong. You cant be an enemy of something thats a natural part of life and an inevitability, and something that if you keep running away from, it will ruin your quality of life.
And so what youre saying hereI mean, look, I want everybody in the audience to apprehend how incredibly subversive BJ Miller actually is to the entire medical establishment. Youre saying that our approach to suffering and death is actually hurting us. Is that correct?
Miller: Yes, you are correct. I absolutely agree with that statement. Yes. The medical model sort of pathologizes everything. But the problem with that is, you end up pathologizing normal states, like, it is normal to get sick; it is normal to die. We shouldnt call that pathological because its like a judgment call. This is where you end up feeling like a loser or ashamed to be sick. You know, thats deeply problematic.
So one of the things Im trying to do is de-pathologize these states to unburden us of the shame of being sick. You know, this idea of: Not only do I have to feel bad, whether its pain or depression or whateveryou have to feel bad for feeling bad, you know, ashamed of yourself or feeling for suffering. Thats it. Thats man-made stuff that we foist on each other. It needs to be kind of undone.
And look, I mean, theres a time for fighting, and theres a timetheres a war on cancer, and I get it. You know, thats a way to mobilize a bunch of energy. And sometimes in a disease course, something may actually be fixable, correctable, and you may be able to forestall death and live a little bit longer. And theres nothing wrong with that.
But lets not fool ourselves. Death is still an inevitability, and its not this thing that happens to us. Its not this foreign invader. Its in us. Our cells are programmed to do this. So you cannot go to war with illness or war with death for very long before you are, in fact, at war with yourself. Thats just a true statement.
Brooks: You make this incredibly compelling case that to enjoy our life, we need to declare peace on death. That doesnt mean we need to embrace death. It doesnt mean we need to rush toward death, but we need to be at peace with the fact that it is part of life. So should we also declare peace on suffering, which is also inevitable?
Miller: Great question, Arthur. I do believe we need to declare peace or perhaps a truce on deaththat smells right to me, and that is importantly different than loving it or ushering it in. And in fact, there are data to support that if you can find your way to accepting the fact that you diei.e., accepting realitythat you might even live longer. When I was trained, the convention was, Well you can go for a quality of life or quantity of life, and then somehow you had to choose between the two. What we are increasingly finding is that thats a false distinction. So part of the answer is to break up these false dichotomies.
In terms of declaring peace on suffering, well, for me, I still find it useful to split suffering into a couple of different kinds. So one is, we might call necessary suffering; its just the suffering that comes from being alive. Loss is just part of the deal. It will happen and, you know, and its going to hurt. So natural phenomena. One of the first things we do when we are born into this world is we wail. You might even consider the birthing process something of a trauma, coming out of the safety of the womb and all the certainty of it, into this world. And it is stunning that the very first thing a healthy child does is cry, is wail. I dont think thats a mistake or coincidence. So it does seem to be just an element of the human experience. Thats necessary suffering. You could try to change it, but good luck, you know?
And then theres this other batch that you might call unnecessary suffering or gratuitous suffering. Im all for coming to peace with the necessary suffering, but the unnecessary stuff that we casuallythe pain we casually cause each other with our thoughts or our words. We say mean things. We disregard each other. We dont see each other. We pressure each other to be something that were not. We do all sorts of things to each other and to ourselves. We steal from each other. We do all sorts of gnarly things. And thats a very different kind of suffering.
I think we need to use our discernment to tease out the two. And no, Im all for rooting out the unnecessary suffering. The health-care system has so many problems. Its amazing, but its also dramatically dysfunctional. And as an invented thing, its inexcusable to me that the health-care system causes as much suffering as it does. It isbecause its made up and because we know better, we should be able to design a better health-care system. And I am upset that we havent found our way to do that, and I will continue to be upset and I will continue to try to change that. Im not at peace with that.
For me, this is a very important distinction, and it also kind of gets at the wisdom of the serenity prayer. Give me this sort of discernment to know the stuff I can change and stuff I cant, because they beg for very different responses. If I cant change something, including the suffering, well, my go-to is, what I try to do there, is to love it, that I want to love life so much that its not up to me to pick or choose which pieces of it I get to keep or not keep. If I cant choose to change the natural suffering, Im going to love it. That is very different from me, just casually causing suffering to myself or someone else through inattention or willful ignorance or whatever else.
Brooks: Okay, back to BJ Miller in a second. But right now, a quick timeout for science.
Weve been talking in this episode about dying. I want to tell you now about a study that has really captured my imagination about this subject. This is a study that was published in 2017 in the journal Psychological Science. It was written by five social psychologists by the names of Amelia Goranson, Ryan Ritter, Adam Waytz, Michael Norton, and Kurt Gray. The article that they wrote is called Dying Is Unexpectedly Positive.
And heres what the article says: In 2017, a team of researchers at several American universities recruited volunteers to imagine that they were on death rowthats rightand then to write fictional last statements about their imagined feelings. Heres the twist: The researchers then compared those posts with the last words of people who were actually facing capital punishmentpeople who really were on death row. The results, published in Psychological Science, were pretty stark: The writing of the people temporarily imagining death was almost three times as negative as that of those actually facing deathand this suggests that, perhaps counterintuitively, death becomes scarier when it is theoretical and remote than when it is a concrete reality closing in.
Brooks: And now back to BJ Miller.
Miller: Its not just the patients who suffer from a thoughtless health-care system or an incomplete health-care system, or one that doesnt apprehend its own or comprehend its own limitations. Doctors increasingly suffer from that. So its not doctors versus patients; its this medical system thats a problem.
Poor doctors are trained in it. Poor doctors are asked to do so much, its obscene. Not just doctorsnurses, social workers, chaplains. I feel an endless amount of compassion, empathy, and love for people who are trying to work within this system. Thats different. So separating out the person from the system is important here too. The doctor suffers from that mentality as well. I know many doctors who are burned out because theyre fighting a war that they cant win. And on some level, they know. On some level they know that theyre causing harm, on some level. So thats one point.
And a second point here is what I would advocate as a fluidity or an agility to choose the construct that serves you in that moment. So fighting to stay alive; I fought to stay alive. You know, that made sense, and I wanted my doctors to fight too, in a way to protect this idea of me having a heartbeat. So the skillfulness is when to use which construct or which tool. Thats the skill that I would like us to develop. Going to war with illness on some level can make some sense, but youve got to know when to transition to a different mind frame or a different perspective.
Brooks: So what should our listeners do to start right now not being afraid of death?
Miller: Well, most of the people I know will have some fear. I wouldnt necessarily advocate trying to become fearless. That may be putting on too much pressure. That may be an impossible request. Rather, get to know your fear; appreciate what its trying to protect you from, and be more than your fear.
So if you can have a relationship with your fear that youre not so whipped around by ita lot of people Ive been with who go all the way to the end, you know, theyll tell you they still have some fears. They dont know, you know. Theres still scary moments, but theyve made peace with having fear. I can almost say they defanged the fear by having a relationship with it and seeing it for what it is and for what its not. So one refinement to your question is: Part of it is maybe asking too much to be fearless.
So what I think we can do now is begin to relate to yourself, including the parts that are hard. Begin to have a relationship to your fear; begin to explore it, look at it, see what its trying to tell you. Welcome the clock into your life, in the sense that to realize that time is actually precious. And yeah, most of us arent likely imminently dying. But thats notwe cant even say that. I mean, I could go tonight, Arthur. And thats not a trivial statement. That is a true statement.
So beginning to feel deaths proximity and not see it as something that happens to other people or some indeterminate future down the road. Its around. Its in you, and therefore its everywhere you are, possible at any time. Begin to welcome that thought into your bones. I think I find it very useful to see loss as proxies for death. Little deaths.
If death is scary because its this foreign thing, well, see if you can make it less foreign. Any day is filled with little losses. Loss of a thought or an idea of a relationship or a possibility. Or you know anything. Loss of hair. You know, Sunday nights are a little bit of a death. You know, to have to go back to the workweek, you know, and realizing that the workweek was what made the weekend so fun. You know, the interplay between the two, these kinds of things.
And then as you realize, as youre an empathic human being, were not just like little individuals walking around in vacuums. Welcome your empathy when you feel loss versus when a friend or a friend of a friend dies. Or when you turn on the news and see whats going on in the world, even deaths of people you dont know, let yourself feel something there. Thats a little practice run for your own death.
I think the biggest one probably is: Acquaint yourself with nature. Try to invite this idea that you are nature, because nature has life and death swirling around together all the time. Go walk in the woods. Youll see falling leaves; youll step on bugs; youll see, you know, its just death is everywhere, and its completely entwined with life. And if you can absorb that lesson, youre really cooking with gas then, I think.
I think its worth noting that just the way we are wired as animals, our nervous system is in fact wired to fight or flight; that is a reflex we have. Thats not something we choose. But over time, I think that reflex can soften, and when that threat doesnt go awayits one thing to stumble on a tiger in the jungle and sure, you want a fight or flight. But if that tigers living in your house and its not going to leave well, you need to adopt a different stance with that tiger.
Over the course of a lifetime, I do think we need to continue to work on ourselves to the point where we can move beyond a simple fight-or-flight response to death or to loss or to pain. So on some level, lets give us all a break. You know, were wired for this stuff. Its not just learned behavior. And then and then I think we, in particular, industrialized society, which has been so much about beating nature, man versus nature. That was all the stuff I learned in high-school literature; that was the lens: us versus nature. I mean, that is such a problematic statement, as though we are not nature, and we are suffering from that consequence all the time.
We have artificially disconnected ourselves from bigger realities, and those bigger realities include death. And then we continue, in this day and age, our messaging, that marketing, the advertisement, the lust for youth and a wrinkle-free face, and all this stuff plays into it. So some of it, I think, is just inborn, part of the deal, and a lot of it is learned, sort of the unnecessary suffering that we continue to foist upon the subject.
Brooks: You know, I teach at the Harvard Business School, and I talk to people who are just super-engaged with their careers and unbelievably successful. And youre a doctor; youve seen the same thing. And people will say, My life is my work. And it sort of is; their life sort of is their work. And then something happens that happens to absolutely everybody, which is that they go into decline and decline is a form of death. And they actually arent literally afraid of their life ending, but theres nothing more terrifying for them than their decline.
So how do you take what you know about death and the fear of death and embrace of death, and make it part of life and make it into some advice for some people who are deeply, deeply afraid of their own professional mortality? Their own success in life, their performance, these people who live for what they can do. What can you tell me about that?
Miller: The way we feel about ourselves in the world is often contextual and even your word, decline. We dont have a better word, so its no shame in using it. But really all it is is change. Its a decline in reference to this other place that you were. Its decline, like disability. Im only disabled in comparison to this standardized human thing that were supposed to be. Im disabled compared to some standard thats made-up. Youre in decline because youre in reference to what used to be or what was.
And the truth is, if you can get really agile and really exercise your human prerogative to choose the frame for yourself. You know we compare and contrast ourselves to one another all the time to place ourselves: Are we good or bad? You know, thats a referentialwe need some frame of reference to know if were doing a good job or a bad job. Okay, fine, but realize as a human being, you also have the capacity to name your reference, to place the context. So if you want to belong in this world, youve got to find a way to look at the world in which you belong.
You know, if you want to continue to wring everything out of every cell and work as long as you can or be as long as you can. In America, we have this issuewere so identified with work. Maybe they just love their work. So were the source of bringing love; bring love to whatever youre doing, whether its working or staring at a wall. So I dont necessarily demonize anyone for loving their work or living for their work.
Youve got to move your frame of reference with you as you decline. So I guess in answer to your question there, that would be my advice, is to continue to practice letting go or shifting, moving that frame of reference. Thats a creative act. We get to do that if we want to.
Miller: Our imaginations tend to be a little bit more rough than reality. So I couldnt have imagined losing three limbs. I might have said something silly, like, Gosh, no, let me die. People did say that. Some people said that to my parents, like, encouraged my parents to let me go when I was in hospital because it would be such an awful thing to live without three limbs. I mean, geez, Louise. Thats just a limitation. Thats problems of imagination and a problem of their own fears, you know?
So one lesson is be careful of your imagination. Dont believe your projections. We are way more durable than we generally give ourselves credit for. And once were actually in the situation, we find our way very often, you know, so I think that that isIll have those fears too. I just put a little asterisk next to it, or Ill just wink at that feeling, knowing that well see when I get there.
You know, the same with death. Like, you know, I think Ill be cool with my death when Im there, given everything were talking about, but I reserve the right to freak out. I dont know. I dont, you know. Thats part of just all this embrace of reality and embracing things I dont comprehend. And maybe I will. And down the road, maybe I wont. I dont know. But to just make sure Im noting when its my imagination versus when its the reality.
We need to get much better at grieving. So part of shifting your frame of reference and keeping up with your life is grieving the losses as they come. Thats a way to metabolize loss, to honor what was, but then also to open your eyes to what you still have.
Brooks: I was out in Aspen, [Colorado,] which is a beautiful place, and I was thinking about how, you know, the life of an aspen tree, you know, how its so stately and solitary and, you know, its a single life. And somebody explained to meand I did not know thisthat an aspen grove is all one plant.
I mean, you see an aspen tree, thats simply one shoot off the same root system, and it goes on and on and on. And when an aspen tree dies, that just means one shoot out of the aspen tree no longer exists in that particular state. Pando, in Utah, where you are right nowits 6 million kilograms of wood that looks like acres and acres and acres and acres of aspen trees. And what youre sayingand its quite a Buddhist way of seeing the world, I thinkthat our individual life is in and of itself an illusion. Do you believe that?
Miller: Well, so youre right, I am, by the way, just down the road from Pando. Its just really around the corner for me, actuallyits not far. Yes, I agree with what youre saying, and I do see its overlap with Buddhism. Im not Buddhist. I find Buddhism sort of irrefutable. Its kind of hard to not be Buddhist on some level.
So Buddhism would be one way to frame that and get to that realization or just observation. You know, thats not a belief system applied to Pando, to apply to that aspen grove. Thats just true. That just is; you can see it. So sure, Buddhism can get you there, but so can observation. So could science, in a way. And one way or another, its not a question of whether or not to believe it and just see it. It just is.
Brooks: This is an important point that youre making, too, and its one that our audience, I think, has probably heard more than once from different guests and from me, which is, you know, you can live with the same priorities as protozoa, where there are certain things that freak you out and so you naturally try to avoid them. But thats not going to make you happy. I mean, basically, your prerogatives that are born into you, that are natural to you, are to breed and stay alive. But Mother Nature doesnt really care if youre happy. And so you actually need to go beyond the way that youre wired in a lot of cases.
And given the fact that we have the metacognition, the awareness of our lives and the awareness that were going to die, we might as well not get freaked out. We might as well actually go against our protozoan biological imperatives and choose happiness. And one of the ways to choose happiness is by actually coming to terms with the fact that our life is going to end at some point, that our life is scarce and were going to enjoy it and we might as well have a happy death as well, right?
Miller: Right on. I mean, I like to say when happiness is a choice, choose it! You know, Im all for happiness. Its a beautiful thing. But first of all, its not always accessible. Second of all, it is deeply related to pain and other troubles. I dont think happiness is the absence of trouble or absence of problems or the absence of pain. I think happiness and pain are really close bedfellows, just like life or health, you might say, is not the absence of disease. I know a lot of walking zombies who dont have any disease that doesnt make them healthy per se. So these false divides, these either/ors, these are all problems of language and constructs. These are not natural phenomena. Some of the most miserable people I know, Arthur, are people who have everything.
And that includesagain, so much of your meta message herethat includes pain! I miss my legs. I loved my legs. I miss them. That hurt, you know. It will hurt when I lose my career. So thats true too. Let that in. The way I got to where I am now is that I didnt sidestep the pain. You got to go through it too. So let yourself feel those losses. Grieve them. You will see how much is left. You still have so much left.
Brooks: Thank you, BJ Miller, for blessing us all with these ideas and for the work that youre doing. Its been really wonderful to be with you.
Miller: Thank you, Arthur. Its such a treat, man. I could talk to you for hours, and I really appreciate what youre up to here. Thank you so much.
Brooks: Were talking this week about death and pain and the necessary integration of suffering into our lives. So how are you going to put these ideas into practice?
Well, theres an ancient Buddhist technique that can help you come to grips with these things that you fear, these things that you would naturally avoid. Its a technique that comes from Theravada Buddhism.
If youve ever been in a Theravada Buddhist monastery, say in Sri Lanka or Thailand, you might notice that there are photographs, typically, along the walls of the monastery. But theyre not just photographs of beautiful scenery. No. Usually theyre photographs of corpses in various states of decay. Now, first you say, Oh, thats horrible. Why is that? And that was my first reaction the first time I saw it too.
I asked and a monk told me, Well, our monks contemplate these photographs. They look at these photographs every day and they say, Thats me. Thats me. Not very long from now. And they do this so that they become comfortable with their inevitable fate, so its no longer scary so that the sting of death is actually removed by making it ordinary. They also engage in whats called the maranasati meditation on death, which is really just an exercise to help you understand the meaning of life. The maranasati death meditation is a nine-part meditation, and heres how it works.
Its kind of alarming at first because it forces you to actually think about yourself dying and decaying, and its really very graphic and actually kind of gruesome at first. It walks you step-by-step through the actual process of physical decay. Im going to spare you the details. You can look it up easily.
Heres the point: When you meditate on your own death, very specifically, very graphically, your own death becomes kind of an ordinary, normal thing. Youll begin to find that death is losing its grip on you. Its losing its terror. The fear of death starts to just melt away, like any other ordinary thing. Now I know it sounds terrible at first, but you know that bad things are going to happen to you, that they are in fact ordinary. We make them extraordinary by trying to act as if they werent going to happen, by running away from them. And we do that because were afraid.
So lets use the idea of the maranasati death meditation on some ordinary fears of pain that we might experience in our lives. One of the things that I talk about a lot with my students who are in their 20s is that the abject fear that they have of failure, mostly professional failure. See, a lot of my students are well educated. You know, they went to colleges that they wanted to go to, and they worked really hard. They know that things might not turn out the way that they expected and that just gives them real terror, so they try to avoid even thinking about it. Well, thats the wrong approach. There are disappointments coming.
Are they terrible? Are they minor? I dont know. But one way or the other, you should not be wasting your life by feeling terrified of something that is going to happen in one way or another, and a way to stop feeling terrified is to look straight at the worst case. Heres an exercise Im going to propose to you. Just using this as an example. Lets say youre 27 or 28 years old and youre in the workforce, and youre really terrified that things are not going to go as well for you in your profession and your career as you hope that they would. As a matter of fact, lets say that things go just south.
Lets do a version of the nine-part maranasati death meditation for your professional life. I want you to ponder these nine steps.
Step one: I feel my dreams growing more distant because what I hoped would come true in my career is simply not coming true.
Step two: People close to me start wondering, Why is she or he not more successful?
Step three: I start to see other people receiving the social and professional attention that I kind of thought I was going to get and I sort of hoped I was going to receive.
Step four: I have to accept work that I used to think was actually beneath me.
Step five: Im making less money than my friends, and quite frankly, I dont feel like Im using my education.
Step six: I dont really feel like Im living up to my purpose or my potential in life professionally.
Step seven: You know, I think my parents feel sorry for me.
Step eight: Im spending some time unemployed, and really, I feel like Im losing my skills.
Step nine: I accept my diminished professional status as permanent.
Look, the point isnt that this is something thats going to happen. The point is that this or some part of this is possible, and the fear of that possibility just might be making your life less fulfilling and less enjoyable than it should be. But theres a solution, which is facing the idea of this professional deaththe worst-case scenariohead-on. If you do so, its going to take away the terror. Its going to help you get on with your life and understand that even this is an ordinary thing.
Pain and disappointment, theyre ordinary things like any other ordinary thing. You can write a maranasati meditation for whatever it is thats troubling you, whatever it is that wakes you up at night.
The point is this: If you dont want to be managed by your fear, you have to manage your fear. You have to own your fear. Own your pain. Look at it directly. Youre strong enough. I know you are. Your fear will decline and youll start to see the transcendent purpose in the worst things and the best things and everything in between, because thats part of a full life. What it was you were trying to avoid, youll embrace, and in so doing, youll start to enjoy the life that youre living today.
Brooks: As we close out the series, I want to thank you all for taking the time to answer this question: When is the last time you remember being truly happy? Ive been amazed by the wisdom in your simple and honest and heartfelt reflections. Youve given me an incredible amount of knowledge. I hope the next time you reflect on this question, each moment of happiness is more frequent than the last. And for those of you still on the journey with me, I hope that your next moment of happiness is coming very soon.
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How to Find Happiness When You're Suffering - The Atlantic
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