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Comment: Help! There’s a zoo in my street – Gulf Digital News
Posted: January 9, 2021 at 3:29 pm
When we moved into our neighbourhood a decade ago, it was a quiet and elegant area with wide streets and gap-toothed by the occasional vacant lot that multiple car families and visitors could use to park their vehicles.
Over time, the children in the hood grew up and people moved in and out but the essence of the area remained unruffled.
However, in one aspect the surroundings have changed and Im going to put it out here at the risk of sounding politically incorrect.
We have seen a marked increase in animals and birds in the area pets as well as strays and the public endorsement of the practice of feeding strays means that there are feeding stations all over the place.
One household keeps out trays of stale bread pieces for pigeons and another puts up a regular banquet for the cats in the street all nine or 10 of them.
A couple of houses down the line, a kindly lady shares her pet dogs treats with a steadily increasing pack of stray dogs.
In between these feeding times, the animals romp around and hunt for snacks in the municipal garbage bins.
And then there are pet-owners who walk their dogs and have decided to ignore the October 2020 Capital Trustees Board suggestion that the dog-owners must scoop the poop and not be allowed to leave public places dirty and unhygienic.
It is a practice that is followed in some of the most fashionable places from Hyde Park to the Champs Elysees, so why not the parks and streets of Bahrain?
Now, I am not a pet owner and while not a passionate animal-lover, I do vigorously defend animal rights.
I fail to understand though, why my neighbourhood must pay the price for the animal-feeding instincts of people who themselves dont have so many pets. Those pigeon-feeders and cat-feeders are happily pet-free and the feeder of canines has just one happy dog to care for in her own space.
All these people inflict their need to feed these creatures on the neighbourhoods public space without taking responsibility for the animals. Want to feed 10 cats?
Sure, but do so in the privacy of your garden and not in the street in front of my house. And why not contribute to a neutering programme for these kitties so that they will not multiply every year and over-run the block?
As for pigeons, I think there must be a law against dumping stale food in public places for birds or any creatures for that matter.
The way some restaurants simply trash the small roundabouts and pavements nearby under the pretext of feeding the birds is bad for public health.
Who are they kidding when they throw away yesterdays smelly biryani leftovers and say the pigeons love the meal?
The menace of stray dogs is often over-exaggerated there is a difference between strays and feral packs but the line dividing them is thin indeed.
If I wanted to share my life with pets, I would have gotten myself one and I feel quite put upon that I have to now swerve my car or walk gingerly around prowling cats and dogs in a street that originally beguiled me with its monastic quiet.
Im seriously thinking of starting an awareness campaign against the irresponsibility of making your street a zoo without checks and balances.
Suggestions are welcome.
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The war between Silicon Valley and Washington takes a new turn – POLITICO
Posted: at 3:24 pm
The rat-tat-tat of takedowns was a striking display of the tech industrys power to shape the fate of even the president of the United States. And it comes after years of efforts by both Democrats and Republicans in Washington to cut Silicon Valley down to size including lawsuits that Trumps antitrust enforcers have filed in recent months against Facebook and Google, plus efforts on both the right and left to challenge Section 230, the provision in communications law that limits online platforms liability for what users post to them.
Those lawsuits, legislative efforts and a potential antitrust investigation of Apples App Store echo the complaint that, remarkably, Trump supporters, civil libertarians and some prominent Democrats are airing this weekend: No handful of companies should have this much unilateral authority.
[I]t should concern everyone when companies like Facebook and Twitter wield the unchecked power to remove people from platforms that have become indispensable for the speech of billions especially when political realities make those decisions easier, American Civil Liberties Union senior legislative counsel Kate Ruane said in a statement.
Of course, many on the left cheered Twitters takedown of Trump. Rashad Robinson, president of the advocacy group Color of Change which has long argued that Trump and his allies have used social media to stoke racism in the United States called the move in a statement overdue but monumental progress. Rep. Frank Pallone (D-N.J.), chair of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, called himself relieved, and House Intelligence Chair Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) tweeted that social media companies have allowed this vile content to fester for too long, and need to do much more.
Democrats' anger at the tech industry remains real, however and their looming full control over Congress and the executive branch will give them the opportunity to try to tame Silicon Valley.
President-elect Joe Biden's administration is expected to continue pursuing the big-tech antitrust cases that Trump's agencies filed. Just this week Biden chose a prominent Facebook critic, civil rights attorney Vanita Gupta, to be the No. 3 official in his Justice Department. House Democrats have proposed a raft of major legislative changes over some Republicans' objections to make it easier to break up giant tech companies and keep them from getting bigger.
Conservatives' Trump-era grievances against Silicon Valley have focused largely on accusations of censorship and cancel culture. The left has a different critique: If powerful companies like Twitter and Facebook had more competition, theyd behave more responsibly even before that became the smart political move.
It took blood and glass in the halls of Congress and a change in the political winds for the most powerful tech companies in the world to recognize, at the last possible moment, the profound threat of Donald Trump, said Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) in a statement. And tweeted Jennifer Palmieri, former communications director both in the Obama White House and the 2016 presidential campaign of Hillary Clinton, It has not escaped my attention that the day social media companies decided there actually IS more they could do to police Trumps destructive behavior was the same day they learned Democrats would chair all the congressional committees that oversee them.
As a long line of court cases points out, online platforms are private businesses that can host or kick out anyone they want. Still, for four long years, Silicon Valleys companies had tried to carve out paths through the Trump presidency that minimized the harm he could cause while skirting the idea that it was censoring the political free speech of Americans. All the while, they were under intense pressure from Democrats, many in the civil rights world, and others to simply turn off Trumps digital microphone.
So why did Silicon Valley decide it had had enough of Trump now, this week, after so many years of turmoil?
In retrospect, the arc of Trumps presidency and the course of recent events conspired to make what we're witnessing nearly inevitable.
Jump back to last winter. Twitter and others in Silicon Valley have said that their experience with tackling bad information circulating about Covid-19 in its early days was a powerful lesson: They could throttle information they thought threatened the public good and the sky wouldnt fall down.
Fast forward some months, and in November Trump became a lame duck and a much less scary political enemy.
Trumps loss also undercut one of the social media companies loudest arguments for keeping Trump on board: Voters should know what their elected leaders thinks so they can decide whether to vote for them. As of Nov. 3, that ship had sailed.
More recently, and most horrifically, was this weeks violence on Capitol Hill that left five people, including a Capitol police officer, dead. Tech companies had, in recent years, landed on the idea that they had to act when online rhetoric caused offline harm. The facts smacked them in the face: What Trump was saying online was fueling violence in the real world.
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And, they feared, the worst was yet to come. Inauguration Day is looming, less than two weeks away, and the companies worried that Trump and his supporters would use social media in their bid to cause havoc around Biden's swearing-in.
Then Trump, on Friday, tweeted that he wouldnt be attending the transfer of power, tweeting: "To all of those who have asked, I will not be going to the Inauguration on January 20th. (With Trumps account suspended, the tweet is no longer viewable.)
While a bland and fairly unsurprising statement of facts on its face, the post was interpreted inside Twitter as a potential signal to supporters that they should feel free to once again gather in D.C. and get violent.
Twitter said as much in its blog post announcing the Trump ban. Factoring into its decision, the company said, was that [p]lans for future armed protests have already begun proliferating on and off-Twitter, including a proposed secondary attack on the US Capitol and state capitol buildings in the run-up to the inauguration.
Kicking Trump off right now solved both a long-term headache and immediate crisis for Twitter.
Also, importantly, it had the benefit of a bit of cover from Facebook. When it comes to politics, Silicon Valley companies have traditionally been extraordinarily reluctant to get ahead of others in their industry. Facebook opened the door with its short-term restriction on Trump, freeing Twitter to jump through it.
But as popular as Silicon Valleys moves were with many Democrats newly in power in Bidens Washington, it is at best a brief reprieve for the industry.
An overdue step, tweeted Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee. But its important to remember, this is much bigger than one person. Its about an entire ecosystem that allows misinformation and hate to spread and fester unchecked.
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The war between Silicon Valley and Washington takes a new turn - POLITICO
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A Question Hidden in the Platypus Genome: Are We the Weird Ones? – The New York Times
Posted: at 3:07 pm
When the British zoologist George Shaw first encountered a platypus specimen in 1799, he was so befuddled that he checked for stitches, thinking someone might be trying to trick him with a Frankencreature. Its hard to blame him: What other animal has a rubbery bill, ankle spikes full of venom, luxurious fur that glows under black light and a tendency to lay eggs?
Centuries later, were still trying to tease the platypus apart, now with subtler tools. What we find may lead us to ask: Is the platypus normal, and are we the thing that turned out strange?
On Wednesday in Nature, researchers presented the most complete platypus genome yet assembled, along with the genome of a close relation, the short-beaked echidna. By diving into their DNA, researchers can uncover the genes and proteins that underpin some of these creatures distinctive traits, and better understand how mammals like us evolved to be so unlike them.
The platypus and four echidna species, all native to Australia, are the worlds only living monotremes a group perhaps best known for their unique reproductive strategy, which involves laying eggs and then nursing their young once theyve hatched.
They are very bizarre in many ways, said Guojie Zhang, a genomicist at the University of Copenhagen and a leader of the sequencing effort.
But because the monotremes diverged from other mammals so early about 187 million years ago they are also very important for understanding mammalian evolution, he said. Indeed, some monotreme traits that seem so strange to us may have actually been present in the ancestor we all share.
The platypus genome was first sequenced in 2008. Since then, improvements in technology have made it much easier to map the placement of particular genes onto chromosomes. In the earlier attempt, only about 25 percent of the platypus genome was contextualized in such a way, Dr. Zhang said, while the new version is 96 percent mapped.
Its very complete, he said. We find a lot of genes that have been missed in previous assemblies.
The new genomes validate many previous findings about the platypus and, combined with the new echidna genome, add much more clarity to the evolutionary mechanisms involved, said Wesley Warren, a professor of genomics at the University of Missouri, who led the 2008 sequencing study but was not involved in this one.
In my opinion, among mammals, the platypus is the most fascinating species of all, he added. They represent the ancestral state of what terrestrial mammal genomes could have been before adapting to various environments.
Having such a comprehensive map enables comparisons among the genomes of different species, and helps fill gaps in the step-by-step story of how mammals appeared and then diverged. For instance, many birds and insects have multiple copies of a gene called vitellogenin, which is involved in the production of egg yolks.
Most mammals dont have the vitellogenin gene, said Dr. Zhang. But the new genomes reveal that platypuses and echidnas have one copy of it, helping to explain their anomalous egg-laying and suggesting that this gene (and perhaps the reproductive strategy itself) may have been something the rest of us lost, rather than an innovation of the monotremes. Meanwhile, they also have milk-producing genes similar to ours and those of other mammals, allowing them to nourish their young.
Other traits took other paths. The new genome reveals that monotremes, which are toothless, have lost multiple genes associated with dental development that are present in other mammals. Platypuses also have venom-producing genes that other mammals lack, but that are similar to those found in some reptiles, perhaps explaining their toxic foot spikes.
Less visible, but equally perplexing, is the fact that while other mammals generally have one pair of sex chromosomes, monotremes have five pairs. The structure of the newly revealed genomes suggests that these sex chromosomes were once in a ring formation, and then broke into pieces although more research is needed to figure out how that happened.
Dr. Zhang and his colleagues plan to continue investigating the many monotreme mysteries that remain. They are a very important lineage to understand, he said.
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Establishment and lineage dynamics of the SARS-CoV-2 epidemic in the UK – Science
Posted: at 3:07 pm
Abstract
The UKs COVID-19 epidemic during early 2020 was one of worlds largest and unusually well represented by virus genomic sampling. Here we reveal the fine-scale genetic lineage structure of this epidemic through analysis of 50,887 SARS-CoV-2 genomes, including 26,181 from the UK sampled throughout the countrys first wave of infection. Using large-scale phylogenetic analyses, combined with epidemiological and travel data, we quantify the size, spatio-temporal origins and persistence of genetically-distinct UK transmission lineages. Rapid fluctuations in virus importation rates resulted in >1000 lineages; those introduced prior to national lockdown tended to be larger and more dispersed. Lineage importation and regional lineage diversity declined after lockdown, while lineage elimination was size-dependent. We discuss the implications of our genetic perspective on transmission dynamics for COVID-19 epidemiology and control.
Infectious disease epidemics are composed of chains of transmission, yet surprisingly little is known about how co-circulating transmission lineages vary in size, spatial distribution, and persistence, and how key properties such as epidemic size and duration arise from their combined action. While individual-level contact tracing investigations can reconstruct the structure of small-scale transmission clusters [e.g., (13)] they cannot be extended practically to large national epidemics. However, recent studies of Ebola, Zika, influenza and other viruses have demonstrated that virus emergence and spread can be instead tracked using large-scale pathogen genome sequencing [e.g., (47)]. Such studies show that regional epidemics can be highly dynamic at the genetic level, with recurrent importation and extinction of transmission chains within a given location. In addition to measuring genetic diversity, understanding pathogen lineage dynamics can help target interventions effectively [e.g., (8, 9)], track variants with potentially different phenotypes [e.g., (10, 11)], and improve the interpretation of incidence data [e.g., (12, 13)].
The rate and scale of virus genome sequencing worldwide during the COVID-19 pandemic has been unprecedented, with >100,000 SARS-CoV-2 genomes shared online by 1 October 2020 (14). Notably, approximately half of these represent UK infections and were generated by the national COVID-19 Genomics UK (COG-UK) consortium (15). The UK experienced one of the largest epidemics worldwide during the first half of 2020. Numbers of positive SARS-CoV-2 tests rose in March and peaked in April; by 26 June there had been 40,453 nationally-notified COVID-19 deaths in the UK (deaths occurring 28 days of first positive test; (16). Here, we combine this large genomic data set with epidemiological and travel data to provide a full characterisation of the genetic structure and lineage dynamics of the UK epidemic.
Our study encompasses the initial epidemic wave of COVID-19 in the UK and comprises all SARS-CoV-2 genomes available before 26 June 2020 (50,887 genomes, of which 26,181 were from the UK; Fig. 1A) (17). The data represents genomes from 9.29% of confirmed UK COVID-19 cases by 26 June (16). Further, using an estimate of the actual size of the UK epidemic (18) we infer virus genomes were generated for 0.66% (95% CI = 0.46-0.95%) of all UK infections by 5th May (Fig. 1B).
(A) Collection dates of the 50,887 genomes analyzed here (left-hand axis). Genomes are colored by sampling location (England = red, Scotland = dark blue, Wales = yellow, Northern Ireland = light blue, elsewhere = grey). The solid line shows the cumulative number of UK virus genomes (right-hand axis). The dashed and dotted lines show, respectively, the cumulative number of laboratory-confirmed UK cases (by specimen date) and the estimated number of UK infections (18); grey shading = 95% CI; right-hand axis). Due to retrospective screening, the cumulative number of genomes early in the epidemic exceeds that of confirmed cases. (B) Proportion of weekly estimated UK infections (18) included in our genome sequence dataset.
We first sought to identify and enumerate all independently introduced, genetically-distinct chains of infection within the UK. We developed a large-scale molecular clock phylogenetic pipeline to identify UK transmission lineages that (i) contain two or more UK genomes and (ii) descend from an ancestral lineage inferred to exist outside of the UK (Fig. 2, A and B). Sources of statistical uncertainty in lineage assignation were taken into account (17). We identified a total of 1179 (95% HPD 1143-1286) UK transmission lineages. Although each is intended to capture a chain of local transmission arising from a single importation event, some UK transmission lineages will be unobserved or aggregated due to limited SARS-CoV-2 genetic diversity (19) or incomplete or uneven genome sampling (20, 21). Therefore we expect this number to be an underestimate (17). In our phylogenetic analysis 1650 (95% HPD 1611-1783) UK genomes could not be allocated to a UK transmission lineage (singletons). Had more genomes been sequenced, it is likely that many of these singletons would have been assigned to a UK transmission lineage. Further, many singleton importations are likely to be unobserved.
(A) Figurative illustration of the international context of UK transmission lineages. Note only half of the cases in the top UK transmission lineage are observed and the bottom UK transmission lineage is unobserved. To be detected, a UK transmission lineage must contain two or more sampled genomes; singletons are not classified here as UK transmission lineages. (B) Detailed view of one of the UK transmission lineages from (A), used to illustrate the terms TMRCA, detection lag, and importation lag. The lineage TMRCA is sample-dependent; for example, TMRCA A is observed if genomes 16 are sampled and TMRCA B is observed if only genomes 35 are sampled. (C) Distribution of UK transmission lineage sizes. Blue bars show the number of transmission lineages of each size (red bars = 95% HPD of these sizes across the posterior tree distribution). Inset: the corresponding cumulative frequency distribution of lineage size (blue line), on double logarithmic axes (red shading = 95% HPD of this distribution across the posterior tree distribution). Values either side of vertical dashed line show coefficients of power-law distributions (P[X x] ~ x) fitted to lineages containing 50 (1) and >50 (2) virus genomes, respectively. (D) Partition of 26,181 UK genomes into UK transmission lineages and singletons, colored by (i) lineage, for the 8 largest lineages, or (ii) duration of lineage detection (time between the lineages oldest and most recent genomes) for the remainder. The sizes of the 8 largest lineages are also shown in the figure.
Most transmission lineages are small and 72.4% (95% HPD 69.3-72.9%) contain <10 genomes (Fig. 2C). However the lineage size distribution is strongly skewed and follows a power-law distribution (Fig. 2C, inset), such that the 8 largest UK transmission lineages contain >25% of all sampled UK genomes (Fig. 2D; figs. S2 to S5 show further visualizations). Although the two largest transmission lineages are estimated to comprise >1500 UK genomes each, there is phylogenetic uncertainty in their sizes (95% HPDs = 1280-2133 and 1342-2011 genomes). Since our dataset comprises only a small fraction of all UK infections, these observed lineage sizes will underestimate true lineage size. However, the true distribution of relative lineage sizes will closely match our observation, and its power-law shape indicates that almost all unobserved lineages will be small. All 8 largest lineages were first detected before the UK national lockdown was announced on 23 March and, as expected, larger lineages were observed for longer (Pearsons r = 0.82; 95% CI = 0.8-0.83; fig. S7). The sampling frequency of lineages of varying sizes differed over time (Fig. 3A and figs. S8 and S9); while UK transmission lineages containing >100 genomes consistently accounted for >40% of weekly sampled genomes, the proportion of small transmission lineages (10 genomes) and singletons decreased over the course of the epidemic (Fig. 3A).
(A) Lineage size breakdown of UK genomes collected each week. Colors of the 8 largest lineages are as depicted in Fig. 2D. (B) Trends through time in the detection of UK transmission lineages. For each day, all lineages detected up to that day are colored by the time since the transmission lineage was last sampled. Isoclines correspond to weeks. Shaded area = transmission lineages that were first sampled <1 week ago. The red arrow indicates the start of the UK lockdown. (C) Red line = daily rate of detecting new transmission lineages. Blue line = rate at which lineages have not been observed for >4 weeks, shading = 95% HPD across the posterior distribution of trees.
The detection of UK transmission lineages in our data changed markedly through time. In early March the epidemic was characterised by lineages first observed within the previous week (Fig. 3B). The per-genome rate of appearance of new lineages was initially high, then declined throughout March and April (Fig. 3C), such that by 1st May 96.2% of sampled genomes belonged to transmission lineages that were first observed >7 days previously. By 1st June, a growing number of lineages (>73%) had not been detected by genomic sampling for >4 weeks, suggesting that they were rare or had gone extinct, a result that is robust to the sampling rate (Fig. 1, A and B, and Fig. 3C). Together, these results indicate that the UKs first epidemic wave resulted from the concurrent growth of many hundreds of independently-introduced transmission lineages, and that the introduction of non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) was followed by the apparent extinction of lineages in a size-dependent manner.
We also characterised the spatial distribution of UK transmission lineages using available data on 107 virus genome sampling locations, which correspond broadly to UK counties or metropolitan regions (data S1). Although genomes were not collected randomly (some lineages and regions will be over-represented due to targeted investigation of local outbreaks; e.g., (22) the number of UK lineages detected in each region correlates with the number of genomes sequenced (Fig. 4A, Pearsons r = 0.96, 95% CI = 0.95-0.98) and the number of reported cases (fig. S10, Pearsons r = 0.53, 95% CI = 0.35-0.67, data S2) in each region. Further, larger lineages were observed in more locations; every 100 additional genomes in a lineage increases its observed range by 6-7 regions (Fig. 4B; Pearsons r = 0.8, 95% CI = 0.78-0.82). Thus, bigger regional epidemics comprised a greater diversity of transmission lineages, and larger lineages were more geographically widespread. These observations indicate substantial dissemination of a subset of lineages across the UK and suggest many regions experienced a series of introductions of new lineages from elsewhere, potentially hindering the impact of local interventions.
(A) Correlation between the number of transmission lineages detected in each region (points = median values, bars = 95% HPD intervals) and the number of UK virus genomes from each region (Pearsons r = 0.96, 95% CI = 0.95-0.98). (B) Correlation between the spatial range of each transmission lineage and the number of virus genomes it contains (Pearsons r = 0.8, 95% CI = 0.78-0.82,) (C) Map showing Shannons index (SI) for each region, calculated across the study period (2nd Feb-26th Jun). Yellow colors indicate higher SI values and darker colors lower values. (D) SI through time for the UK national capital cities. The dotted lines indicate the start of the UK national lockdown. (E) Illustration of the diverse spatial range distributions of UK transmission lineages. Colors represent the week of the first detected genome in the transmission lineage in each location. Circles show the number of sampled genomes per location. Insets show the distribution of geographic distances for all sequence pairs within the lineage (see data S4 and fig. S12 for further details). Colored boxes next to lineage names are as depicted in Fig. 2D.
We quantified the substantial variation among regions in the diversity of transmission lineages present using Shannons index (SI; this value increases as both the number of lineages and the evenness of their frequencies increase; Fig. 4C and data S3). We observed the highest SIs in Hertfordshire (4.77), Greater London (4.62) and Essex (4.49); these locations are characterised by frequent commuter travel to/within London and proximity to major international airports (23). Locations with the three lowest nonzero SIs were in Scotland (Stirling = 0.96, Aberdeenshire = 1.04, Inverclyde = 1.32; Fig. 4C). We speculate that regional differences in transmission lineage diversity may be related to the level of connectedness to other regions.
To illustrate temporal trends in transmission lineage diversity, we plot SI through time for each of the UKs national capital cities (Fig. 4D). Lineage diversities in each peaked in late March and declined after the UK national lockdown, congruent with Fig. 3, C and D. Greater Londons epidemic was the most diverse and characterised by an early, rapid rise in SI (Fig. 4D), consistent with epidemiological trends there (16, 24). Belfasts lineage diversity was notably lower (data S4 shows other locations).
We observe variation in the spatial range of individual UK transmission lineages. Although some lineages are widespread, most are more localized and the range size distribution is right-skewed (fig. S11), congruent with an observed abundance of small lineages (Figs. 2C and 4B) and biogeographic theory [e.g., (25)]. For example, lineage DTA_13 is geographically dispersed (>50% of sequence pairs sampled >234km apart) whereas DTA_290 is strongly local (95% of sequence pairs sampled <100km apart) and DTA_62 has multiple foci of sampled genomes (Fig. 4E and fig. S12). The national distribution of cases therefore arose from the aggregation of multiple heterogeneous lineage-specific patterns.
The process by which transmission lineages are introduced to an area is an important aspect of early epidemic growth [e.g., (26)]. To investigate this at a national scale we estimated the rate and source of SARS-CoV-2 importations into the UK. Since standard phylogeographic approaches were precluded by strong biases in genome sampling among countries (20), we developed a new approach that combines virus phylogenetics with epidemiological and travel data. First, we estimated the TMRCA (time of the most recent common ancestor) of each UK transmission lineage (17). The TMRCAs of most UK lineages are dated to March and early April (median = 21st March; IQR = 14th-29th March). UK lineages with earlier TMRCAs tend to be larger and longer-lived than those whose TMRCAs postdate the national lockdown (Fig. 5A and fig. S15).
(A) Histogram of lineage TMRCAs, colored by lineage size. Inset: expanded view of the days prior to UK lockdown. Left-hand arrow = collection date of the UKs first laboratory-confirmed case; right-hand arrow = collection date of the earliest UK virus genome in our dataset. (B) Estimated number of inbound travellers to the UK per day (black) and estimated number of infectious cases worldwide (dashed red). Arrows here show, from left to right, dates of the first self-isolation advice for returning travellers from China, Italy, and of the start of the UK national lockdown. (C) Estimated importation intensity (EII) curve (black) and the histogram of lineage TMRCAs (grey). (D) Estimated histogram of virus lineage importation events per day, obtained from our lag model. Colors show the proportion attributable each day to inbound travel from various countries (see table S4 and figs. S19 and S20). This assignment is statistical, i.e., we cannot ascribe a specific source location to any given lineage.
Due to incomplete sampling, TMRCAs best represent the date of the first inferred transmission event in a lineage, not its importation date (Fig. 2B). To infer the latter, and quantify the delay between importation and onward within-UK transmission, we generated daily estimates of the number of travellers arriving in the UK and of global SARS-CoV-2 infections (17) worldwide. Before March, the UK received ~1.75m inbound travellers per week (school holidays explain the end-February ~10% increase; Fig. 5B). International arrivals fell by ~95% during March and this reduction was maintained through April. Elsewhere, estimated numbers of infectious cases peaked in late March (Fig. 5B). We combined these two trends to generate an estimated importation intensity (EII) - a daily empirical measure of the intensity of SARS-CoV-2 importation into the UK (17). Since both travel volumes and epidemic incidence fluctuate rapidly over orders of magnitude, the EII is robust to other sources of variation in the relative importation risk among countries (17). The EII peaks in mid-March, when high UK inbound travel volumes coincided with growing numbers of infectious cases elsewhere (Fig. 5, B and C).
Crucially, the EIIs temporal profile closely matches, but precedes, that of the TMRCAs of UK transmission lineages (Fig. 5, A and C). The difference between the two represents the importation lag, the time elapsed between lineage importation and the first detected local transmission event (Fig. 2B). Using a statistical model (17), we estimate importation lag to be on average 8.22 5.21 days (IQR = 3.35-15.18) across all transmission lineages. Further, importation lag is strongly size-dependent; average lag is ~10 days for lineages comprising 10 genomes and <1 day for lineages of >100 genomes (table S2). This size-dependency likely arises because the earliest transmission event in a lineage is more likely to be captured if it contains many genomes (Fig. 2B) (17). We use this model to impute an importation date for each UK transmission lineage (Fig. 5D). Importation was unexpectedly dynamic, rising and falling substantially over only 4 weeks, hence 80% of importations (that gave rise to detectable UK transmission lineages) occurred between 27 February and 30 March. The delay between the inferred date of importation and the first genomic detection of each lineage was 14.13 5.61 days on average (IQR = 10-18) and declined through time (tables S2 and S3).
To investigate country-specific contributions to virus importation we generated separate importation intensity (EII) curves for each country (fig. S17). Using these values, we estimated the numbers of inferred importations each day attributable to inbound travel from each source location. This assignment is statistical and does not take the effects of superspreading events into account. As with the rate of importation (Fig. 5A), the relative contributions of arrivals from different countries were dynamic (Fig. 5D). Dominant source locations shifted rapidly in February and March and the diversity of source locations increased in mid-March (fig. S17). Earliest importations were most likely from China or elsewhere in Asia but were rare compared to those from Europe. Over our study period we infer ~33% of UK transmission lineages stemmed from arrivals from Spain, 29% from France, 12% from Italy and 26% from elsewhere (fig. S20 and table S4). These large-scale trends were not apparent from individual-level travel histories; routine collection of such data ceased on 12 March (27).
The exceptional size of our genomic survey provides insight into the micro-epidemiological patterns that underlie the features of a large, national COVID-19 epidemic, allowing us to quantify the abundance, size distribution, and spatial range of transmission lineages. Pre-lockdown, high travel volumes and few restrictions on international arrivals (Fig. 5B and table S5) led to the establishment and co-circulation of >1000 identifiable UK transmission lineages (Fig. 5A), jointly contributing to accelerated epidemic growth that quickly exceeded national contact tracing capacity (27). The relative contributions of importation and local transmission to initial epidemic dynamics under such circumstances warrants further investigation. We expect similar trends occurred in other countries with comparably large epidemics and high international travel volumes; virus genomic studies from regions with smaller or controlled COVID-19 epidemics have reported high importation rates followed by more transient lineage persistence [e.g., (2830)].
Earlier lineages were larger, more dispersed, and harder to eliminate, highlighting the importance of rapid or pre-emptive interventions in reducing transmission [e.g., (3133)]. The high heterogeneity in SARS-CoV-2 transmission at the individual level (3436) appears to extend to whole transmission lineages, such that >75% of sampled viruses belong to the top 20% of lineages ranked by size. While the national lockdown coincided with limited importation and reduced regional lineage diversity, its impact on lineage extinction was size-dependent (Fig. 3, B and C). The over-dispersed nature of SARS-CoV-2 transmission likely exacerbated this effect (37), thereby favoring, as Rt declined, greater survival of larger widespread lineages and faster local elimination of lineages in low prevalence regions. The degree to which the surviving lineages contributed to the UKs ongoing second epidemic, including the effect of specific mutations on lineage growth rates [e.g., (11)], is currently under investigation. The transmission structure and dynamics measured here provide a new context in which future public health actions at regional, national, and international scales should be planned and evaluated.
S. A. Nadeau, T. G. Vaughan, J. Scir, J. S. Huisman, T. Stadler, The origin and early spread of SARS-CoV-2 in Europe. medRxiv [preprint]. 12 June 2020.pmid:20127738
C. Angus, CoVid Plots and Analysis. University of Sheffield (2020); .doi:10.15131/shef.data.12328226
J. L. Geoghegan, X. Ren, M. Storey, J. Hadfield, L. Jelley, S. Jefferies, J. Sherwood, S. Paine, S. Huang, J. Douglas, F. K. Mendes, A. Sporle, M. G. Baker, D. R. Murdoch, N. French, C. R. Simpson, D. Welch, A. J. Drummond, E. C. Holmes, S. Duchene, J. de Ligt, Genomic epidemiology reveals transmission patterns and dynamics of SARS-CoV-2 in Aotearoa New Zealand. medRxiv [preprint]. 20 August 2020.pmid:20168930
S. M. Nicholls et al., MAJORA: Continuous integration supporting decentralised sequencing for SARS-CoV-2 genomic surveillance. bioRxiv [preprint]. 7 October 2020.pmid:328328
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Experts warn U.S. is blind to new virus variant – Minneapolis Star Tribune
Posted: at 3:07 pm
With no robust system to identify genetic variations of the coronavirus, experts warn that the U.S. is woefully ill-equipped to track a dangerous new mutant, leaving health officials blind as they try to combat the grave threat.
The variant, which is now surging in Britain, has the potential to explode in the U.S. the next few weeks, putting new pressures on hospitals already near the breaking point.
The U.S. has no large-scale, nationwide system for checking coronavirus genomes for new mutations, including the ones carried by the new variant. About 1.4 million people test positive for the virus each week, but researchers are only doing genome sequencing a method that can definitively spot the variant on fewer than 3,000 of those weekly samples. And that work is done by a patchwork of academic, state and commercial laboratories.
Scientists say that a national surveillance program would be able to determine just how widespread the new variant is and help contain emerging hot spots, extending the crucial window of time in which vulnerable people across the country could get vaccinated. That would cost several hundred million dollars or more. But that is a tiny fraction of the $16 trillion in economic losses that the U.S. is estimated to have sustained because of COVID-19.
"We need some sort of leadership," said Dr. Charles Chiu, a researcher at the University of California, San Francisco, whose team spotted some of the first California cases of the new variant. "This has to be a system that is implemented on a national level."
With such a system in place, health officials could warn the public in affected areas and institute new measures to contend with the variant such as using better masks, contact tracing, closing schools or temporary lockdowns and do so early, rather than waiting until a new surge flooded hospitals with the sick. The incoming Biden administration may be open to the idea.
Experts point to Britain as a model. British researchers sequence the genome the complete genetic material in a coronavirus from up to 10% of new positive samples. Even if the U.S. sequenced just 1% of genomes from across the country, or about 2,000 a day, that would shine a bright light on the new variant as well as other variants that may emerge.
But over the past month, U.S. researchers have only sequenced a few hundred genomes a day, said GISAID, an international database. And just a few states have been responsible for most of the effort. California is in the lead, with 8,896 genomes. In North Dakota, which has had more than 93,500 cases so far, researchers haven't sequenced a single genome.
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DNA-editing method shows promise to treat mouse model of progeria – National Human Genome Research Institute
Posted: at 3:07 pm
Researchers have successfully used a DNA-editing technique to extend the lifespan of mice with the genetic variation associated with progeria, a rare genetic disease that causes extreme premature aging in children and can significantly shorten their life expectancy. The study was published in the journal Nature, and was a collaboration between the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI), part of the National Institutes of Health; Broad Institute of Harvard and MIT, Boston; and the Vanderbilt University Medical Center, Nashville, Tennessee.
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Base editing for progeria treatmentProgeria is caused by a mutation in the nuclear lamin Agene in which one DNA base C is changed to a T. Researchers used the base editing method, which substitutes a single DNA letter for another without damaging the DNA, to reverse that change. Credit: Ernesto Del Aguila, NHGRI.
DNA is made up of four chemical bases A, C, G and T. Progeria, which is also known as Hutchinson-Gilford progeria syndrome, is caused by a mutation in the nuclear lamin A(LMNA) gene in which one DNA base C is changed to a T. This change increases the production of the toxic protein progerin, which causes the rapid aging process.
Approximately 1 in 4 million children are diagnosed with progeria within the first two years of birth, and virtually all of these children develop health issues in childhood and adolescence that are normally associated with old age, including cardiovascular disease (heart attacks and strokes), hair loss, skeletal problems, subcutaneous fat loss and hardened skin.
For this study, researchers used a breakthrough DNA-editing technique called base editing, which substitutes a single DNA letter for another without damaging the DNA, to study how changing this mutation might affect progeria-like symptoms in mice.
"The toll of this devastating illness on affected children and their families cannot be overstated," said Francis S. Collins, M.D., Ph.D., a senior investigator in NHGRI's Medical Genomics and Metabolic Genetics Branch, NIH director and a corresponding author on the paper. "The fact that a single specific mutation causes the disease in nearly all affected children made us realize that we might have tools to fix the root cause. These tools could only be developed thanks to long-term investments in basic genomics research.
The toll of this devastating illness on affected children and their families cannot be overstated.The fact that a single specific mutation causes the disease in nearly all affected children made us realize that we might have tools to fix the root cause. These tools could only be developed thanks to long-term investments in basic genomics research.
The study follows another recent milestone for progeria research, as the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the first treatment for progeria in November 2020, a drug called lonafarnib. The drug therapy provides some life extension, but it is not a cure. The DNA-editing method may provide an additional and even more dramatic treatment option in the future.
David Liu, Ph.D., and his lab at the Broad Institute developed the base-editing method in 2016, funded in part by NHGRI.
"CRISPR editing, while revolutionary, cannot yet make precise DNA changes in many kinds of cells," said Dr. Liu, a senior author on the paper. "The base-editing technique we've developed is like a find-and-replace function in a word processor. It is extremely efficient in converting one base pair to another, which we believed would be powerful in treating a disease like progeria.
To test the effectiveness of their base-editing method, the team initially collaborated with the Progeria Research Foundation to obtain connective tissue cells from progeria patients. The team used the base editor on theLMNAgene within the patients cells in a laboratory setting. The treatment fixed the mutation in 90% of the cells.
The Progeria Research Foundation was thrilled to collaborate on this seminal study with Dr. Collinss group at the NIH and Dr. Lius group at Broad Institute, said Leslie Gordon, M.D., Ph.D., a co-author and medical director of The Progeria Research Foundation, which partially funded the study. These study results present an exciting new pathway for investigation into new treatments and the cure for children with progeria.
Following this success, the researchers tested the gene-editing technique by delivering a single intravenous injection of the DNA-editing mix into nearly a dozen mice with the progeria-causing mutation soon after birth. The gene editor successfully restored the normal DNA sequence of theLMNAgene in a significant percentage of cells in various organs, including the heart and aorta.
Many of the mice cell types still maintained the corrected DNA sequence six months after the treatment. In the aorta, the results were even better than expected, as the edited cells seemed to have replaced those that carried the progeria mutation and dropped out from early deterioration. Most dramatically, the treated mice's lifespan increased from seven months to almost 1.5 years. The average normal lifespan of the mice used in the study is two years.
As a physician-scientist, its incredibly exciting to think that an idea youve been working on in the laboratory might actually have therapeutic benefit, said Jonathan D. Brown, M.D., assistant professor of medicine in the Division of Cardiovascular Medicine at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. Ultimately our goal will be to try to develop this for humans, but there are additional key questions that we need to first address in these model systems.
Funding for the study was supported in part by NHGRI, the NIH Common Fund, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, the National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and Engineering, the National Institute of General Medical Sciences, the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute and the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences.
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CU professor: Stopping spread of misinformation on social media will take more than censorship – FOX 31 Denver
Posted: at 2:54 pm
BOULDER, Colo. (KDVR) The protests that turned violent at the U.S. Capitol Wednesday could have been partly fueled by misinformation on social media, according to University of Colorado Boulder professor Dr. Casey Fiesler.
Fiesler, a professor of information science, focuses on social media ethics and law. She says theres evidence of the influence of filter bubbles in creating a widespread belief the 2020 election was fraudulent. She says social media platforms make it easy for people to only see information that aligns with their beliefs.
You have a sense that you know so many people because you have so many interactions with strangers on forums like Facebook. You feel like you have this bigger sense of the world but you have still curated your social media feeds such that youre only interacting with people who are like yourself, said Fiesler.
In severe cases, she says that could lead to becoming radicalized.
Social media platforms took quick action against President Donald Trump following the chaos in Washington. Twitter froze the presidents account temporarily and removed several tweets, citing rule violations. Facebook and Instagram blocked his accounts indefinitely.
Twitter has flagged the presidents tweets about alleged election fraud for months, saying the claims are disputed. Fiesler says those warnings wont stop the spread of misinformation.
When Twitter flags something for misinformation, that doesnt make a lot of people think its false. And thats the problem, said Fiesler, when you see a piece of information that confirms what you already believe, youre going to believe its true.
Fiesler says social media platforms have their own terms of service and rules that users have to abide by. Those platforms can remove content for violating those terms if they choose. However, she says some may choose to leave certain posts up even when they violate the rules if the post is of interest to the general public. Fiesler says a tweet from the president could be an example of this exception.
Fiesler believes an effective way to stop the spread of misinformation is to limit the ability for people to share it that could include disabling retweets on content considered dangerous or false.
At some point, it becomes a matter of principal and values. What are you going to allow your platform to be a part of? said Fiesler.
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CU professor: Stopping spread of misinformation on social media will take more than censorship - FOX 31 Denver
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TV Is Starting to Cut Ties with Trump, as His Legacy Wreaks Havoc on Reality – IndieWire
Posted: at 2:54 pm
Amid the chaos and tragedy of Wednesday afternoon, an unexpected concession was made. President-elect Joseph R. Biden asked President Donald J. Trump to go on TV and give a speech to the American people, and the typically uncooperative POTUS technically did just that.
Years, if not months, earlier such a clear-cut request and response couldve been seen as a justifiable rationale to air Trumps pre-taped address without warning or censorship. The Capitol was under siege by Trump supporters, and any attempt to end the violence was worth a shot. Plus, who would call out cable or network news for showing something both presidents wanted the country to see?
But on Wednesday, after years of putting Trumps speeches through exhaustive fact-checks and suffering through power-hungry ratings ploys, the news anchors proved a bit smarter than that.
It certainly helped that the speech started with a lie (though whether it was referred to as such, or instead labeled a baseless assertion, depends on who you heard describe it). Trump, trying to connect with his already devoted gang of domestic terrorists, claimed at the onset we had an election stolen from us. After the video ended, CNNs Jake Tapper said, I also want to note that in that video, he lies about the election being stolen and pours more fuel on the fire. [] He continues his shameful behavior of lying to his supporters about what happened. It is absolutely disgraceful. I feel ambivalent about the fact that we even aired it.
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There was no ambivalence on CNBC, where Shepard Smith shouted for his producers to Stop the tape before its minute-long runtime elapsed. That is not true, and we are not airing it, he said. Other networks didnt air the video at all, while still others claimed to be duty-bound to let the riot leader try to calm his rioters. Meanwhile, the arguably more-powerful social media sites of YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter all deleted the video entirely. (Calls to ban Trump from the latter two platforms have yet to be acknowledged, despite his continued propagation of hate speech.)
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Would it have been better for the networks to follow suit and not air Trumps video at all? Most likely, yes. Like a TV villain who gets too many chances by the kind-hearted protagonist, everyone should know by now that Trump is incapable of denouncing even his most despicable supporters. But the clarifying remarks made surrounding the video, as well as calls like Chuck Todds to avoid glorifying the terrorists behavior by showing their photos from inside the Capitol, stand as progress for TV news. When Trump was running and first elected to office, reporters were drawn to his asinine antics like moths to a flame; the unprecedented nature of his presidential behavior was too unbelievable to disregard, so they didnt.
Now, they are or theyre trying to, at least. That could be because theyve learned from their mistakes, slowly realizing that feeding a beast who thrives on ratings is a gradual way to get eaten alive. Or perhaps theyre a bit quicker to call out a lame duck president, knowing they wont have to put up with him for four more years. (Major networks cut away from his election week speech, when he baselessly tried to undermine the results theyd already recognized as accurate.) Or, and this is entirely possible, it just feels like national pundits are putting Trump in their rearview because were all eager to do the same thing.
But Wednesdays events and the infuriating reaction showed the fine line media has to walk moving forward. Trump, his message, and their combined toxicity need to be cut out of the discourse. His office and title are no longer reason enough to justify coverage, and the droves of invaders swarming the Capitol were a terrifying example of what happens when his manipulative pity parties are given a national platform. Too many people only hear his words, and they miss the anchor explaining why theyre wrong.
At the same time, the consequences of Trumps tenure demand not only our attention but a quick and assertive response and as contradictory as those goals may sound, they are distinct. Trump isnt going to just quietly sulk off into the sunset, and even if he did, hes already activated a following thats angry and eager to act out. Keeping Trump off TV wont magically put out the fire, but it will cut out some of the oxygen feeding it. When the flames inevitably erupt, as they did Wednesday, the response has to be better than the cops taking selfies with terrorists; there has to be more decisive action taken to defend America than there was to defend American property. (Despite what Republicans claimed later that night, Wednesday most clearly illustrated the police forces appallingly inequitable treatment of white and Black protesters.)
In other words, it cant feel like those in charge of protecting democracy are just sitting around watching TV. Most people watching at home are helpless to do anything, but the cop staring at the same cell phone we are doesnt need to be taking a picture or checking the news. He needs to be taking action. This kind of tepid response to a nightmare scenario the last time I watched bombs be placed in the Capitol, it was on Designated Survivor led to growing panic and immense frustration. Once video surfaced of officers parting the barricades to let the Trump supporters through, many onlookers said theyd had enough. After an afternoon spent watching TV, they walked away or changed the channel.
The media doesnt have that option. They have a responsibility to cover the news in its entirety, and aside from a few notable mistakes (like not airing that video of the gates being opened), they did just that on Wednesday, from noon to well past midnight. Many of us couldnt stop watching, which made it all the more important that Trumps rhetoric wasnt given additional airtime. Thats a start. Someday, hopefully, the fallout will fade from the airwaves, as well. But only when its been addressed, not appeased.
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TV Is Starting to Cut Ties with Trump, as His Legacy Wreaks Havoc on Reality - IndieWire
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Trumps Twitter ban is a step toward ending the hijacking of the First Amendment – The Boston Globe
Posted: at 2:54 pm
And while Twitter and Facebook finally took the welcome if insufficient steps of cutting off Donald Trump and his associates who have using the platforms to promote the violent overthrow of our freely elected government, this comes only after these and other tech companies have been implicated in the promotion of antidemocratic politics around the world.
There is no doubt that much of what takes place on Twitter and Facebook is real, unfettered exchange about fundamental political issues. Such discussions are often not incredibly civil, and they dont need to be. But much of what is spread by social media from misinformation to intimidation strikes at the heart of democratic ideals.
How can anyone argue that democracys own core principles require us to let them tear it apart for as long as they want?
The problem stems from the fact that in the United States, and to a lesser extent around the world, we have come to develop an absolutist perspective on free speech. The First Amendment begins Congress shall make no law, and thats often held to mean that government may not touch anything that even looks like speech. But that claim is untrue: Even in the United States, law touches speech in hundreds of ways. For example, speech used in furtherance of a criminal enterprise such as murder or fraud counts as primary evidence of the crime. There are penalties for libelous and slanderous speech. There are full prohibitions on noxious material like depictions of the exploitation of children. Yet technology companies, far-right agitators, and other groups continually present the issue as black and white: They claim that either we protect speech absolutely (despite the fact that we dont do this) or we dont protect it at all.
As a small group of scholars and activists are arguing with increasing force, this is a false choice, and it is manifestly possible to protect free speech and thus enhance the political and democratic values free speech is meant to promote while suppressing, or at least not actively encouraging, the efforts of those who want to turn democracies against themselves.
And if we grasp that protections on speech really exist to enhance democratic participation, then its easier to see through the claims that digital products such as Bitcoin or Apples computer code count as speech. In other words, wed see that a lot of cries for freedom of speech in the Internet era are really just demands for freedom from regulations that wouldnt be challenged in the offline world.
Computer code on a pedestal
The problem of freedom of speech being used to undermine the democracy it is meant to promote has deep historical roots, but two unfortunate trends have made it especially acute. One trend is that the far right has, at least as far back as the rise of fascism in Italy and Germany, sold the view that the speech we hate is somehow the most valuable speech in democracies and legal scholars and organizations like the ACLU have helped to advance that claim. One of the most famous First Amendment cases in the 20th century was the ACLUs defense of a proposed march by Nazis on Skokie, Ill., in the 1970s. When Americans learn about this event, they learn that the ACLU was protecting a fundamental democratic value by defending Nazis. Yet how it can be that democracy depends on tolerance for speech that is designed to generate hatred not just of minorities but of democracy itself?
The idea that Nazi speech must be tolerated to have a functioning democracy is provably false. Nazi speech has been outlawed in Germany since World War II, and yet Germany continues to score very high, sometimes higher than the United States, in assessments of the worlds democracies. For example, in the Democracy Index published by the Economist Intelligence Unit, which weighs such factors as civil liberties and the health of political culture, Germany rates as a full democracy while the United States is a flawed democracy. Are we defending democracy by protecting the speech of Nazis or are we, as legal scholars Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic put it, simply defending Nazis?
The second unfortunate trend has to do with the blurring of lines between speech and actions taken by corporations. In its infamous 2010 Citizens United decision, the US Supreme Court appeared to assert that spending money on political ads is the same thing as speaking. As in the Nazis-in-Skokie case, the ACLU sided with the party here, corporate interests that seemed on its face to be antidemocratic.
But the issue runs even deeper than this case, because wave after wave of technological change has complicated the speech/action distinction. For example, in the last decade or so a doctrine has arisen called code is speech. It holds that because computer programs are made of code that looks something like human language, everything done with computer code deserves First Amendment protections, and never mind the fact that the whole point of computer programs is to do things to take action. The Electronic Frontier Foundation and other digital advocates routinely suggest that code is speech is an obvious and well-established legal principle. Apple made this very claim in court filings in 2016, when it said it had a First Amendment right not to provide the FBI with a way of unlocking, under legal warrant, the iPhone of a suspect in the San Bernardino terror attack.
So far, many judges have rejected the code is speech doctrine on its face, precisely because computer programs, when they are run, perform actions. And yet, as absurd as the code is speech argument is, it is nevertheless a rock-bottom foundation for much commentary about and on social media commentary that more often than not conflates what most of us understand as speech with things as varied as the operation of Googles search engine, the deployment of facial recognition algorithms, the targeting of protesters with artificial intelligence, and the operation of drones.
Its an attempt to accord actions with the protections granted to speech in fact, with more protections than speech itself actually has. After all, the First Amendment allows the government to write laws affecting speech in a variety of ways, depending on the kind of speech and regulation in question. One very rarely hears the complaint that the broadcasting standards issued by the Federal Communications Commission violate free speech, despite the fact that large categories of content that most of us would think of as speech in some sensethink especially of otherwise legal, adult pornographic materialare barred from appearing on the public airwaves, even when those public airwaves are licensed to private corporations. Issuing orders to commit crimes, or falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic, as Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. wrote in a 1919 decision, does not receive First Amendment protection. The claim that speech has absolute protection from law is a species of the assault on governmental regulation that has characterized right-wing political activism for decades.
Into a black hole
In addition to the code is speech doctrine, the absolutist approach to speech has made it hard to regulate digital technology under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996. Section 230 has recently become a target of both progressives and conservatives, in no small part owing to ambiguity about its meaning and effects. Some of that agitation, especially from President Trump, has obscured the work of progressive activists, lawyers, and legal scholars who have been working for years to push back against the shield of legal immunity the law appears to give to digital platforms like Facebook and Twitter.
The title of lawyer, journalist, and cybersecurity professor Jeff Kosseffs excellent 2019 book, The Twenty-Six Words That Created the Internet, repeats a claim we often hear from the laws supporters: that social media companies could not exist without it. Those 26 words read: No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider. The law was intended to have two related effects, which in some ways are at cross purposes. One was to encourage platforms to moderate problematic content: Congress hoped to encourage the companies to feel free to adopt basic conduct codes and delete material that the companies believe is inappropriate, Kosseff observes. But it was also intended, Kosseff says, to allow technology companies to freely innovate and create open platforms for user content. Shielding Internet companies from regulation and lawsuits would encourage investment and growth, they thought.
One of the most fascinating aspects of Section 230 is the lack of agreement, among even the well informed, about what it means. Appearing to endorse the claim that the law is necessary, Kosseff writes that YouTube, Facebook, Reddit, Wikipedia, Twitter, and eBay ... simply could not exist without Section 230. Yet in the same paragraph Kosseff rightly notes that those companies operate in many countries that do not have Section 230 protection or anything close to it, and do not come crashing to the ground. In none of them does the Internet break. Even if Section 230 somehow created the Internet, the Internet nevertheless persists quite robustly where the law does not exist.
Section 230 has become a glaring example of the negative consequences of absolutist views of free speech. Internet companies and their promoters and lobbyists have encouraged courts and companies to believe that they have and need to have legal impunity for the content on their sites. Because of this misunderstanding, any editorial intervention or moderation on their part is cast as censorship, despite the fact that, as far as the First Amendment goes, it is only government curtailing of speech that qualifies as censorship. As soon as one starts to consider the actions of private companies to be censorship, the most ordinary activities associated with publishing such as editing can be disingenuously described as censorship.
Section 230 has been used in courts to shield companies from what seem like entirely reasonable legal consequences. One of the most egregious instances is a lawsuit known as Herrick v. Grindr, in which the dating app Grindr repeatedly invoked Section 230 to shield itself from liability for providing a tool that enabled the outrageous harassment of one user, Matthew Herrick. Herrick had met a partner over Grindr. After they broke up, Herricks ex set up a fake profile for Herrick on Grindr and another app and sent a stream of hookups to Herricks home, telling them that he wanted rough sex and that if he appeared to refuse, this was part of the game and the partner should persist in other words, directly provoking people to rape and assault him.
Herrick was resourceful enough to stave off physical harm. He called the police more than a dozen times. He also contacted Grindr and the other dating app company, demanding the fake profiles be removed. The smaller app company immediately did so. But despite the fact that his exs behavior directly violated Grindrs terms of service, Grindr repeatedly refused to help. Herricks lawyer, Carrie Goldberg, has fought a years-long uphill battle against the company, which has hidden behind the near-total immunity provided by Section 230 even though prior legal theories around product liability would seem to apply in the case.
One of the most trenchant critics of the way digital technologies are distorting free speech is University of Miami law professor Mary Anne Franks. In her 2019 book The Cult of the Constitution: Our Deadly Devotion to Guns and Free Speech, Franks shows how claims of censorship have been hurled against stalking laws, revenge porn statutes, anti-harassment training, diversity initiatives, blocking users on Twitter, criticism of sexism in video games, pointing out racism, closing comments sections and much more. Rather than encouraging free speech, she writes, these efforts have hobbled attempts to build a truly diverse and robust online free speech culture.
Franks and her Cyber Civil Rights Initiative also have led efforts to ban so-called revenge porn, the disclosure of sexually explicit images without the subjects consent. This nonconsensual pornography, she writes, often plays a role in intimate partner violence, with abusers using the threat of disclosure to keep their partners from leaving or reporting their abuse to law enforcement. Almost every state now has a law criminalizing nonconsensual pornography, but a federal law harmonizing the state standards has remained elusive. The chief opponents have been the ACLU and the self-nominated digital rights advocates at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. As Franks writes, The ACLU took the position that no criminal law prohibiting the nonconsensual distribution of sexually explicit images was permissible within the bounds of the First Amendment. The organization also has made the slippery slope claim arguing that laws against revenge porn could be overapplied, although Franks notes that in briefs opposing the law in Illinois, the ACLU was not able to point to a single actual case of overapplication of such laws in other states. Even now, when the state laws against nonconsensual porn have resulted in no documented impacts on freedom of speech at all, technology advocates still make the same slippery slope arguments to oppose a potential federal law.
In other words, an abstract commitment to free speech absolutism supports a penumbra of legal untouchability around digital technology outweighing the actual, concrete, verifiable harms that revenge porn does to thousands of real people. This stretch of the First Amendment, Franks argues, is turning it into a black hole from which nothing democracy, autonomy, or truth will be able to escape.
Corporate power in disguise
We are supposed to think that the crisis of free speech in social media is about individuals being censored. Never mind that private companies by definition cannot censor. Never mind that the loudest complaints of censorship come from either the companies themselves or from white supremacists and other members of the far right, the same people who insist that hoaxsters and provocateurs like Alex Jones and Milo Yiannopoulos and Jack Posobiec and QAnon promoters have something to say that the mainstream media is illicitly suppressing. That these are the same political forces that have long made common cause behind the metastasizing First Amendment should come as no surprise. All dispassionate analysis shows that the political right not only is not being suppressed but is actively promoted and helped in numerous ways by social media.
In fact, its most accurate to say that technology platforms do not merely permit white supremacist material and other extremist content but actively distribute it. And what can easily be lost in all this is that Twitter, Facebook, Google, and their supporters have not really been advocating for the freedom of individual speech that the doctrine was designed for, to help promote democracy. Rather, it is the antithesis of that: It is corporate power that they have been seeking to uphold even as the actions of right-wing trolls, actions that look like speech because they include words, drive marginalized people in droves away from these platforms, often much the worse for wear due to threats of every kind of violence, some of which come to fruition.
Last year the invasive facial recognition company Clearview AI asserted a First Amendment right to distribute its surveillance technology and to collect pictures of hundreds of thousands or millions of Americans it scraped from the Web from public and even apparently private forums. The spirit of code is speech lurks in that argument. What Clearview AI does has nothing to do with political speech, and yet the company finds it plausible to claim it has the right to violate everyones privacy and sell a profoundly invasive product. In a bastardization of freedom of speech, it asserts the right to ensure a freedom to surveil at will, as law professors Neil Richards and Woodrow Hartzog put it in the Globe.
This expansion of speech rights into territory that has nothing to do with speech is particularly visible in the rhetoric surrounding Bitcoin, the digital currency birthed by far-right online agitators who call themselves crypto-anarchists. Part of what makes Bitcoin distinct is its use of so-called blockchain technology. Blockchain technology is said to be distributed and decentralized, which in this case means that anyone anywhere can run the software that checks the authenticity of transactions and mines Bitcoin in the process. That means the only way to stop it is to shut down every computer that could run it. That makes it very hard to control, and even legislation making it illegal would be difficult to put into practice.
Its true that a software process that is difficult to stop is a new thing in the world. But does that justify the way Bitcoin promoters describe it as censorship resistance? In fact, the co-chair of a law firm serving the cryptocurrency industry, building explicitly on the code is speech position, has claimed that Bitcoin is speech. Yet blockchain technologies are not on their face anything like political speech at all: They simply produce ledger entries, transaction verification, tokens. The idea that laws or regulations that stopped that technology would be censorship can gain traction only in a world that has lost track entirely of the nature of political speech and its role in democratic governance. Indeed, its hard not to pause over the fact that the crypto-anarchists who call blockchain censorship resistant have only contempt and often outright hatred for democracies, so its odd for them to be gesturing at a core democratic value as if it should encourage others to support the technology.
Even today, more than five decades after his death, Marshall McLuhan is widely considered the visionary thinker who most clearly foresaw the Internet. McLuhan was an erratic and self-contradicting writer whose ideas like the global village and the medium is the message often sound far more visionary than careful reflection can support. Much less well known, but arguably far more important, is McLuhans teacher Harold Innis, the Canadian economic historian and media theorist whose learning was vaster and whose writing was far more precise than that of his pupil. In a 1951 meeting in Paris, Innis delivered a paper called The Concept of Monopoly and Civilization. In that wide-ranging paper, Innis worried that large newspapers determined what people thought about across entire continents, creating what he called monopolies of knowledge. The paper was not published until 1995, by which time digital mass instantaneity was finally beginning to show the consequences that his contrarian thinking had predicted: In the name of freedom, a technological framework has been built that the citizens of democracies have very little power over. And the very power to shape that technology has somehow been declared censorship by people who mean to deprive democracy of some of its most important features.
Its welcome that Donald Trump and his QAnon supporters, and even entire products like Parler and 4chan, have been deplatformed since Wednesdays insurrection in Washington, D.C. Twitter, Facebook and others rightly hold Trump responsible for stoking the violence. But theyre also responsible for it, because they served as tools of antidemocratic propaganda. It is time to ask hard questions about whether these products are in fact compatible with democratic governance. It is not clear that private companies should be in position to decide whether to ban elected national leaders from their platforms. That suggests not that the bans are wrong but rather that the existence of the platforms, at least in their current forms, is. Reddit, which moved to a heavily moderated model in the wake of earlier scandals, suggests one form social media could take in the future. But there is no reason to think there cant be other forms of it.
It remains incumbent on all of us to make democratic values central online, and put them ahead of any idea of technological progress or free speech pursued as an absolute and antidemocratic goal.
This means focusing our activism and our legal system on strengthening democracy and its institutions, not handing more and more power to those who pretend to champion democracy while doing everything they can to undermine it. Technology can be useful toward those ends, but only when our uses of it are based on a clear understanding of our core values.
David Golumbia, associate professor of digital studies at Virginia Commonwealth University, is the author of The Politics of Bitcoin: Software as Right-Wing Extremism.
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Trumps Twitter ban is a step toward ending the hijacking of the First Amendment - The Boston Globe
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NCAC Statement on Cancellation of Book by Josh Hawley – Blogging Censorship
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NCAC Statement on Cancellation of Book by Josh Hawley
The National Coalition Against Censorship (NCAC) shares the outrage of our fellow citizens over the attack on the Capitol by a mob of Trump supporters who disrupted the certification of President-elect Joe Biden. The Capitol does not belong to any group or party. The attack struck at the heart of the democratic process, which guarantees the right of every citizen to be heard. We also understand the anger at President Trump, Senator Josh Hawley and the other Republicans who fed the anger of the mob by challenging the legitimacy of our elections.
However, we are deeply concerned by the decision of Simon & Schuster to cancel a forthcoming book by Hawley because of his role in what became a dangerous threat. Of course, publishers have a First Amendment right to publishor not publishany book they choose. Hawley is certainly wrong to claim that Simon & Schuster has violated his First Amendment rights. His book can, and probably will, be published by another company.
Canceling the book weakens free expression. American publishers play a critical role in our democracy by disseminating the books that inspire the public debate that shapes our future. Many of the booksand many of the authorsare highly controversial and generate intense opposition. When that happens, it is crucial that publishers stand by their decision to publish, even when they strongly disagree with something the author has said. Canceling a book encourages those who seek to silence their critics, producing more pressure on publishers, which will lead to more cancellations. The best defense for democracy is a strong commitment to free expression.
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