Category Archives: Socio-economic Collapse

The thought of Tier 1 FX desks being run by teams of entitled, unaccountable gray cardigan-wearing Caravan Club members with civil service pension plans should be enough to send the entire industry striking up prime brokerage relationships in Hong Kong, New York and Singapore.

Just one month remains before Britains electorate goes to the polls to elect the prime minister that will lead the country for the next four years after incumbent premier Theresa May called a snap General Election two weeks ago.

Never since the dark days of the late 1970s has there been such a polarization between potential candidates, Theresa Mays evident attempts to emulate the late and great Baroness Margaret Thatcher a far cry from opposition leader Jeremy Corbyns old-fashioned extreme left aspirations.

It is entirely possible to listen to a speech by Mr Corbyn, or read his party manifesto, whilst reminiscing over the several meter high piles of refuse adorning the streets of every town and city, the three day working week and the nationwide industrial disobedience that brought Britains proud industrial empire to its knees forty years ago.

There are far more considerations this time than socio-economic preferences, however, as todays world is an electronic one, and Londons financial markets economy, which leads the world and is responsible for 176 billion in revenues and is so efficient that it employs only 0.0009% of the European Unions workforce yet produces 16% of all tax receipts for the entire 28 member states and has a 76 billion trade surplus.

It is patently evident that Londons financial sector especially the non-bank electronic trading sector with its prime of prime brokerages, connectivity and integration suppliers, and their relationship with the eFX divisions of Canary Wharfs Tier 1 banks is a pinnacle of commercial excellence and leads the world.

Not very much scratching beneath the surface of Jeremy Corbyns hammer-and-sickle toting shadow cabinet is required to note something quite sinister, that being the socialist Labor Partys disdain for Britains largest and most revenue driving business, Londons financial markets industry.

Just three years ago, there was a substantial amount of discourse mounting in London with regard to the European Unions predilection for the intrinsically socialist Tobin Tax on transactions that are placed in trading financial instruments.

That has now gone completely quiet, as Britain opposed it on principle and has managed to fend it off, however in 2013, eleven European Union member states, all of which were led by left-wing governments, announced their wish to move ahead with introducing a financial transactions tax.

At that time, the nations which include France and Germany intended to use the tax to help raise funds to tackle the debt crisis, and the tax had the backing of the European Commission which was reinforced after the 2014 election the highly unpopular Jean-Claude Juncker as President.

The other countries that wished to introduce it were Italy, Spain, Austria, Belgium, Greece, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia and Estonia, all nations with absolutely no place in the worlds highly advanced financial markets economy. Greeces government accountants, when not asleep for half of the day, cannot tell the top from the bottom of their balance sheets, Italy is rife with corruption, Portugal is agrarian, Belgium has invoked outright bans of retail electronic trading instruments and Slovakia, Slovenia and Estonia have absolutely no Tier 1 bank presence.

Jeremy Corbyns policies echo this line of thinking.

The Tobin tax was originally proposed to target the FX market when it was orchestrated by James Tobin in the 1970s, and whilst Britain has managed to remain free from its burden until now, Jeremy Corbyn is a staunch advocate of implementing it.

In September 2015, Jeremy Corbyn and Shadow Chancellor and equally leftist John McDonnell made a schedule to meet four times per year with a seven-strong group comprising of economic academics (rather than business leaders) one of which was Anastasia Nesvetailova, a self-designated expert on the international financial sector and its role in the global financial crisis of 2007-09. Ms. Nesvietailova, is an academic who spends her day in the classroom rather than the boardroom, thus is a theorist and has no practical experience. Just the type of policy advisors favored by the left.

During one particular conversation, the Labor Partys support for the implementation of the Tobin Tax on all trading transactions was raised, as was, rather alarmingly, the potential of a Britain free of dominance of the financial sector.

Bearing this in mind, it is worth looking at John McDonnells credentials and viewpoint.

Mr. McDonnell is a former trade unionist who backs renationalizing banks and imposing wealth taxes. He actually lists generally fomenting the overthrow of capitalism as one of his interests in the Whos Who directory of influential people. He also advocates the complete public ownership of all banks.

Mr McDonnell has served as Chair of the Socialist Campaign Group in Parliament and the Labour Representation Committee, and was the chair of the Public Services Not Private Profit Group. He is also Parliamentary Convenor of the Trade Union Co-ordinating Group of eight left-wing trade unions representing over half a million workers

The thought of Tier 1 FX desks being run by teams of entitled, unaccountable gray cardigan-wearing Caravan Club memberswith civil service pension plans should be enough to send the entire industry striking up prime brokerage relationships in Hong Kong, New York and Singapore.

Mr McDonnell has also said publicly that if he was able to, he would have assassinated Margaret Thatcher in the 1980s, a comment that when challenged, he retracted and said it was a joke.

Well, Mr McDonnell, that kind of extreme anti-business mentality combined with a will to bring the entire financial markets sector to its knees in the rebellious quest for overthrowing capitalism is not welcome.

Mr McDonnell wrote in 2012 that a financial transaction tax would halt the frenetic, madcap speculation in the City and raise money for infrastructure investment.

If the City resists then lets make it clear that capital controls would follow, he said in a piece for Labour Briefing, a left-wing website.

He has also said he wants to take the power to set interest rates away from the Bank of England and to give it back to government. This would reverse a decision by the Blair government to let the central bank decide monetary policy.

If his choice of senior cabinet ministers is not enough to ensure that this odious relic of the dark days of socialism stays out of office, Mr. Corbyns affection for Venezuelan communist dictator Hugo Chavez should do the trick.

In 2013, Mr. Corbyn tweeted Thanks Hugo Chavez for showing that the poor matter and wealth can be shared. He made massive contributions to Venezuela & a very wide world just after president Chavez passed away.

The hard-left policies of Mr Corbyns idol Hugo Chavez have left a once-rich nation brutalized and devastated and with 2,200% inflation, strict capital control laws and an inability to do business with any free market nations.

Venezuela shows quite clearly just how catastrophic socialism is. So you might then expect those well-meaning folk who held up Chavez as a paragon to admit their mistake. Naomi Campbell, Diane Abbott, Seumas Milne and Owen Jones in the UK; Sean Penn, Oliver Stone and Michael Moore in the US. Not a peep from any of them.

Hugo Chavez successor Nicolas Maduro has turned out to be a first class economic incompetent. In 2016, imports collapsed by more than 50% (largely due to socialist trade sanctions) and the economy nosedived by 19%.

The budget deficit is around 20% of GDP. The minimum wage is now the equivalent of 25 a month. Conversely, Londons financial sector employs several middle managers between the ages of 25 and 35 who easily earn between 150,000 to 200,000 per annum, rising to over 500,000 for a senior executive position, and professional mobility the chance of switching to new firms and accelerating ones career is among the best in the world.

After a Central Bank estimate that suggested that the Venezuelan economy had contracted by 19% last year was leaked to the press, Mr Maduro fired the banks president and replaced him with a Marxist loyalist demonstrating another very problematic aspect of left wing control, censorship and that anyone who speaks against the ideology, whether right or wrong, will be removed from office.

Up to 640 billion of oil money was lavished on the countrys poor during the oil boom years, creating a gargantuan dependency culture. The country quintupled its national debt and hundreds of thousands of homes (of questionable construction quality) were handed to the poor. President Chavez created a massive and unsustainable bubble which is now beginning its slow, painful collapse.

At the heart of Venezuelas economic chaos lie market distortions. Gasoline is sold locally for less than 1 British pence per litre and it receives 12 billion of state subsidies a year. The country has a complex monetary arrangement that makes use of three different exchange rates simultaneously.

This feeds rampant corruption because those with close connections to the president can buy dollars from the state at 10 bolivars a dollar but sell them at 3,300 bolivars a dollar on the black market a classic case of do as I say, dont do as I do.

Price controls have made it unprofitable for small businesses to sell staple goods, leading to widespread shortages. Carjackings and kidnappings are now epidemic. Caracass murder rate is 80 times higher than that of London, which over the last 15 years has become very safe indeed, especially in Central London, and in particular, the Square Mile where it would be extremely rotten luck to have even so much as a wallet stolen from a pocket.

It does not bear thinking about should a government with these views and ideas which are aimed at instilling a new world order gain office, hence London will likely be business as usual on June 9 once the sensible rather than anarchic have done the right thing at the polling booths.

Read the original here:

Jeremy Corbyn's hard-line socialism and Bolivarian aspirations would destroy the electronic trading business - Op Ed - FinanceFeeds (blog)

The theme of the WEFAfrica 2017, Achieving inclusive growth through responsive and responsible leadership, could have been an appropriate and founding moral code and political philosophy for the incoming democratic government at the beginning of the transition period in 1994 because it captures, in a simple but profound manner, the essence of what needed to be done to reverse the racist practices of the colonialists and the apartheid regime that had existed for centuries.

The liberation struggle was premised on defeating apartheid and putting in place a democratic dispensation underpinned by the rule of law and human rights. This responsibility required a leadership that is motivated by a high moral code and a framework of values that put a high sense of consciousness for social justice at the centre.

However, 23 years into the transition period, serious questions are being raised about the pace of change and the extent of its inclusiveness as well as a breakdown in governance. Too many people legitimately feel left out of the democratic dividend and are now furiously calling for faster socio-economic transformation.

The legitimate and loud calls for Radical Economic Transformation reflect the shortcomings of our development strategy and trajectory that has left millions of poor and under-educated people out of employment and other opportunities for self-improvement. Many people, including some in the new middle class, have expressed their frustrations with what is perceived as White Monopoly Capital as the biggest constraint and barrier to inclusive growth and development. But resorting to slogans that clearly mask weaknesses in policy and strategy execution will not change the stark realities that confront us.

It may be helpful therefore in the circumstances to interrogate the context we inherited at the dawn of democracy and how we may best handle these increasing and strident new calls for a new and radical approach to economic transformation that is also radical and inclusive.

The apartheid legacy was profoundly challenging and daunting in material terms. The ANC-led democratic state was confronted with:

Under these circumstances the ANC-led government had a moral obligation to respond to these challenges through a comprehensive set of social welfare grants and other benefits, such as rolling out free housing, access to electricity and water in order to mitigate the crippling effects of poverty and inequality.

However, the ability to sustain this vital commitment had to be underpinned by building a healthy and resilient financial position of the state. Therefore, implementing fiscal discipline and reducing the national debt that was limiting expenditure allocations was indeed top priority. Building a strong, credible and competent Treasury and SARS necessarily became a compelling and urgent need. This was not an easy policy and strategy to execute but ultimately we manged to reduce our budget deficit from 4.5% of GDP in 1994 to a surplus of 1.0% in 2008. Government debt also fell from 43% of GDP in 1994 to 27% in 2009.

This is the consolidation we needed to achieve in order to create a solid basis for more aggressive socio-economic transformation going forward.

Notwithstanding these impressive achievements, the contextual reality that confronts us is that more than 23 years after apartheid, far too many South Africans live in poverty. The principal reason for this, and for our enormous inequalities, is that far too few South Africans are employed. This has serious implications for our politics and stability and the populist declarations that are being made by the ANC and its affiliate organisations are a response to this reality and the fact that electoral loss in 2019 is now a real prospect following its dismal performance in the 2016 local elections. What then should have been done to avoid the current situation? What follows are some of the critical policy choices we needed to have executed successfully.

First; building a capable and efficient state and supporting state institutions at the three levels of government is, and continues to be, a top priority in the context of high and growing inequality, poverty and unemployment. Efficient service delivery is impossible without achieving visible success on this question. There is no doubt that the ANC perfectly understood this compelling necessity however, in the last ten years, the biggest focus and energy of the current administration was diverted to building a very successful patrimonial state staffed with incompetent but compliant cadres. And this objective has been achieved successfully. This is at the heart of the under-performance and rot that has been documented at the key institutions of state and state owned enterprises.

The collapse of governance at all levels indicates a state of mind of a leadership that had deviated from the mantra of a responsive and responsible leadership that motivated the generation of Mandela. As a result, the promise of a better life for all especially at the local level remains a distant dream.

Second; South Africas economy has been characterised as having very high levels of concentration and vertical integration and that it is also capital intensive. The large number of very serious anti-competitive behaviour cases in the market place attest to this view. There is also a credible view that it marginalises and excludes the small and medium enterprise sector. This is the challenge that has been at the centre of the challenge and need for radical economic transformation and democratisation.

But what has been missing is a highly focused strategy and determination to fortify our competition laws and progressively, but aggressively, break the monopolies and oligopolies that still define our economic framework twenty three years into democracy. Why have we been hesitant in pursuing an aggressive strategy on this issue? Is it because politically connected individuals sit on the boards of these companies that could have been the target of such aggressive policies?

Third; policy uncertainty and confusion contributes negatively to creating an investor and business friendly environment. The fundamental question we have to deal with is whether the current menu of growth policy strategies: Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994), Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (1996), Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative-South Africa (2006), the New Growth Path (NGP of 2010) and the NDP, will indeed deliver the desired outcomes. We have also been introduced to the Nine Point Plan which now seems to be overtaken by a new populist catchphrase Radical Economic Transformation.

Johannes Fedderke states that There is not one country in the world that has addressed the problem of poverty without first getting on to a high growth trajectory. Growth is not a sufficient condition for solving the problem of poverty but it is certainly a necessary condition. Until more than a month ago some of us were reluctantly convinced that the green shoots of potential better growth prospects were beginning to show. But all this has been destroyed by the junk status that the president has so recklessly and senselessly gifted us.

How we manage to grow out of this quagmire depends on how the new minister of finance, with the support of the president, manages to maintain a steady policy certainty and terrain and rebuild a credible social pact with the domestic investor community. Investment in all the areas that have been identified as critical to triggering renewed domestic investment appetite will not happen until the trust that has been destroyed is restored in the shortest period. And this has become very urgent in the context of stagnant economic growth and possible recession.

Finally;

Against this moral framework, the current leadership manifests gaping fault lines and shortfalls that can only be corrected by a total leadership overhaul at all key levers of power. For this to happen, the ANC must act quickly and decisively.

Follow this link:

How to ignite growth and return South Africa to investment grade ... - Thought Leader

On Karl Marxs birth anniversary I hear a call from within; I feel like invoking him and paying homage to the prophet of modern times. Even though I am not a Marxist (if by being a Marxist one means following a set of strict guidelines unconditional acceptance of the postulates of historical materialism or the inexorable laws of history leading to the maturation of class conflict and resultant social transformation; or becoming an activist comrade in a leftist political group and negating all other visions of socialism as utopian), the oceanic currents in his thinking continue to fascinate students and wanderers like me. A political economist revealing the mysterious character that commodities acquire in the process of market-mediated exchange; a political theorist exploring the formation of classes, the social character of the state and the dynamics of power in a conflict-ridden society; and an existential philosopher negotiating with Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Ludwig Feuerbach, and reflecting on the loss of mans species character in an alienated work sphere Marx seems to be all-pervading. And that is why I dare to recall him even in our times characterised by the fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the assertion of neoliberal global capitalism. To begin with, I wish to refer to a set of four insights from Marxian thinking which, I believe, have altered our ways of seeing the world in a significant way even Marxs opponents cannot escape this influence. First, it is absolutely important to remember his profound moral/spiritual critique of capitalism. No, I do not wish to negate its importance by saying that it was merely the romanticism of young Marx. Instead, I see the limits to epistemological break and find an extraordinary affinity between Hegelian Marxs reflections on alienation, estranged labour, the ability of money to alter everything into its opposite and the death of all heavenly ecstasies in the icy water of egotistical calculation in his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts and Communist Manifesto, and what the mature Marx described in Capital as commodity fetishism the way human relations get transformed into relations between objects and commodities. What else do you see in the IPL a mix of global capitalism, corporate media and cricket spectacles? In fact, capitalism transforms us into commodities and destroys us our human potential, our creativity and relationships. And this led Marx to give us a noble (yet feasible) dream an aspiration for communism: the true resolution of the strife between existence and essence, objectification and self-confirmation, freedom and necessity, love generating love, and a whole man cultivating all the faculties of being. We should not lose sight of this fact in the name of merely theorising labour time, surplus value and profit, even though, as a look at A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy would suggest, it has its importance. Second, he opened our eyes, equipped us with the spirit of critical consciousness the ability to see how our ideas are related to our social location, our engagement with the forces and relations of production and how the ideology of the ruling class (those who control the production relations) often projects itself as the dominant common sense, an indisputable truth. And we need to overcome the trap of this ideological illusion or false consciousness to see how society actually functions: say, the way the idea of fair competition conceals the reality that in a class divided society, because of the asymmetrical distribution of wealth and power, there is actually no equal race. This is like redefining the state. Beneath its apparent neutrality lies its essential interest to retain the status quo through its coercive as well as ideological apparatus. In a way, it was Marxs gift the ability to see beyond the doctrine of official truth. Third, Marx enabled us to see a new meaning in conflict. Conflict is not just an aberration, a law and order problem. Conflict is not necessarily negative. Instead, conflict is rooted in the process of social formation itself. The conflicting class interests, as his sharpened dialectical logic suggests, become the driving force in the progressive movement of history. In fact, it is through this methodology the continual dialectical interplay of thesis and anti-thesis that we see a pattern in history. We understand, say, how the new modes of production led to the rise of the aspiring industrial/ bourgeois class that eventually caused the demolition of feudalism, how the growth of the nationalist bourgeoisie in colonial India generated a pan-Indian freedom struggle, or how the vicious circle of Maoist upsurge and fake encounters is inseparable from an economic model that displaces, humiliates and marginalises the local inhabitants in the hinterland of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. And finally, Marx helped us to see the possibilities and boundaries of human agency. In the material world our freedom is not absolute because we are historically located actors governed by the constraints of socio-economic structure. Ideas, morality and religion, Marx said in The German Ideology, do not have the resemblance of autonomy because what individuals are coincides with their production, both with what they produce and how they produce. Yet, we should not forget that Marxs materialism was not like the mechanistic materialism of Feuerbach. Between consciousness and reality lies praxis, and it is through praxis that as collective subjects we regain our agency and, far from being passive spectators of history, take part in historic transformation. Marx was not a detached observer formulating the iron laws of history; instead, he was a passionate, reflexive thinker making us aware of our historic responsibility. The 11th thesis on Feuerbach makes this point abundantly clear: The philosophers have interpreted the world in many ways. The point, however, is to change it. No wonder that with such magical thinking Marx could inspire people from every walk of life artists, political activists, academics, philosophers. Even when differences prevail, it would be difficult to escape him. For instance, even though a sociologist like Max Weber came forward with a more nuanced reading of social stratification through the categories of class, status and power or pleaded for the role of ideas (or Calvinism) in the making of capitalism, the ghost of Marx would continue to haunt him. Likewise, while an Indian Marxist, because of the growing force of Ambedkarism, acknowledges the relative autonomy of caste, he does not forget to see its economic base in, say, landholding patterns in a semi-feudal economy. Or for that matter, Jean Paul Sartres existentialism was not altogether indifferent to the conscience of Marxism. In fact, Sartres anguish over bad faith was not fundamentally different from Marxs reflection on the agony of alienated man. And Michel Foucault, despite his critique of the Marxian grand theory of power, retained the same critical spirit in depicting the dynamics of micro physics of power through the technologies of surveillance and discipline. However, there are dangers economic determinism and the violence of authoritarianism that we cannot afford to forget. Luckily, creative, non-orthodox Marxists have come forward and regenerated its emancipatory spirit in the context of the changing times. Take, for instance, the possibility of Marxism being degenerated into a reductionist, deterministic, positivistic doctrine. Thank Antonio Gramsci; he evolved a powerful critique of this sort of vulgar evolutionism and positivism that he saw in Nikolai Bukharin and Georgi Plekhanov. The influence of the idealist philosopher Benedetto Croce and his immense sensitivity to the domain of culture and human possibilities led him to nurture a philosophy of praxis. There is no mechanistic or deterministic rule that makes history move. As politics is the realm of creative action, one can foresee, said Gramsci, to the extent one acts. With Gramsci we realised the need for reconciling the feeling of the popular element and the thinking of the intellectual element, the importance of a counter-hegemonic struggle in the domain of culture and the delicate balance of war of movement and war of position. With Gramsci, Marxism restored its essential humanism. Likewise, the burden of scientism (we should not forget that Marx too was a child of the European Enlightenment its rationale of scientific determinism, be it Newtonian theory or Darwinian evolution, proved to be an obstacle. The changing social reality in the 20th century the reduction of science into an ideology of domination leading to technological violence and instrumental rationality, the growth of non-reflexive culture industry and the mass psychology of fascism, the rise of authoritarian personalities like Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini and Joseph Stalin needed a new mode of thinking and analysis that classical Marxism could not provide. A great thing happened. The Frankfurt School emerged and we were meaningfully enlightened by Theodor Adornos path-breaking reading of culture industry, Marcuses analysis of new forms of social control promoting the practice of ceaseless consumption by one-dimensional man and Erich Fromms delicate engagement with Freud, Marx and deep religiosity leading to the celebration of being rather than having mode of existence. A culture-sensitive, dialogic and psychologically-enriched tradition within Marxism emerged. And why should we forget our own M.N. Roy his reminder of the seeds of authoritarianism in the notion of the vanguard or the dictatorship of the proletariat and his radical humanism and its celebration of some sort of party-less, decentralised democracy? All these experimentations, I believe, could retain the pluralistic tradition within Marxism and save it from the monopoly of its official practitioners. Marx was indeed a turning point possibly the founder of the most appealing secular religion in modern times. Yet, he missed something deep that the likes of Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi realised. He missed what Tagore would have characterised as the poets religion an aesthetically enriched religiosity with a sense of gratitude and prayer, a religiosity that strives for our rhythmic connectedness with the universal: something beyond the parameters of class analysis. And he also missed what Gandhi would have regarded as a journey to the inner world: a constant work on the self for transforming politics into an act of love and sarvodaya. Marx missed this intuitive music of the soul because of his embeddedness in the Western discourse of reason. But then, this is what life is all about. We have to continuously learn, unlearn and expand our horizons. If we become sufficiently experimental and choose to walk with humanist Marx, poetic Tagore and visionary Gandhi, it is possible to find an exit route from what has been happening in the domain of Indian politics and culture militant nationalism as an ideology that conceals social contradictions, hyper-masculine aggression in the name of development, poverty amidst vulgar affluence and jobless growth, and a manipulated public sphere selling politics as a brand product.

Read this article:

A Non-Marxist's Gratitude for Karl Marx - Kasmir Monitor

Coordinators of the nightly protests that have taken place in Serbia ever since Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic won the presidential election have split into two main groups, one of which focuses on Vucics policies and the other on the socio-economic reality in Serbia.

The group running the protesters original Facebook page Against the Dictatorship has released a statement expressing regret that the two groups had split and adding that they hope to cooperate in future in the struggle against dictatorship, which is the reason for these protests.

The other group insists that while they continue to back the fight against the current regime led by Aleksandar Vucic, the raison detre for the protests must be bigger than just getting rid of Vucic.

After the wars of the 1990s, the [NATO] bombing, failed expectations [since the fall of Slobodan Milosevic], privatisation, deindustrialisation, collapse of education, welfare and healthcare, we saw the political elites change but the policy remained the same, the second group said in a statement.

This group has assumed the name Seven Demands, referring to the original demands adopted at the height of the protests. They intend to further define those demands and organise their own activities.

The list of demands was issued on April 10, one week into the protests. The demands are broad and general, including the removal of the political elite headed by Vucic, but also a shift in economic and social policies and protection of living standards.

Some are purely political, such as the dismissal of parliament speaker Maja Gojkovic, and removal of the management of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media, REM, and of the State Electoral Commission, RIK.

Others include changing the labour laws, scrapping pension and wage cuts, increasing the minimum wage and other social issues.

Besides the two main groups, a smaller third one, Culture Against Dictatorship, has also stepped out independently. They told the Serbian news portal Insajder that they will formulate more concrete demands because the existing ones are unattainable.

Points of contention

Marko Stricevic, from Seven Demands, says that his group wanted to fight for all the demands agreed on during the first weeks of the protests, but the other group did not want to push for the socio-economic part.

He said the demand to change the Labour law was agreed at a joint meeting, but the Against the Dictatorship activists did not want to implement the decision. This moment was decisive, but not the only reason for the split, Stricevic told BIRN.

At a meeting in late April, one group sought changes to the elections laws, while the other wanted to push for changes to the labour law.

According to BIRNs findings, the latter group was outvoted by a slim margin, and propositions to put forth one political and one socio-economic demand were also defeated.

Seven Demands also did not want to continue staging protests every day, which was another point of contention with the other group.

We wished to dedicate more time to making connections with protesters in other cities and fleshing out the demands, Stricevic said.

After the split, Against the Dictatorship has kept on organising daily protests, although the numbers of people attending keeps dwindling.

The group says it also wanted to discontinue the daily protests but the people in the streets wanted to carry on.

Against the Dictatorship did not answer BIRNs questions regarding their future activities sent by email by the time of publication.

While neither group has publicly endorsed a political party or leader, contacts were established with some opposition figures even before the coordinators split.

Before the schism, some members of the group held meetings with opposition figures, which heightened tension between the two streams.

Seven Demands opposes all collaboration with opposition politicians, insisting that all the parties that were in power over the last three decades created the living conditions that exist today.

Against the Dictatorship maintains that it has no intention to lend support to any one politician or party.

Groups set out future plans

Both groups are meanwhile adapting their strategies to the new reality in which the protests are drawing less and less people.

Against the Dictatorship has changed the concept of their protests, gathering in front of institutions and media organisations to express their discontent or support independent reporting.

The group has issued a statement saying that they want to continue fighting the system that enables [Vucics] dictatorship.

The ultimate goal is to achieve our demands so that one man cannot keep holding all power in his hands, the group said on Facebook.

Both groups also intend to fight for other causes, announcing their support for a rally on Thursday to prevent the forced eviction of an elderly woman and her disabled son.

Seven Demands announced that it would also show up at a rally in Belgrade against the displacement of refugees from the park near the Faculty of Economy, scheduled on the same day.

Stricevic says they will also support workers causes and labour rights, with a focus on changing the labour law. Further protests will be coordinated with protesters in other cities, he added.

Seven Demands has received an endorsement from the Students Movement, which has been organising the protests in the northern city of Novi Sad since the beginning.

As the protests subside, neither group is able to draw crowds of thousands that marched in the first two weeks of April, between election day and Easter. The number of people protesting has shrunk to around a hundred.

Read more here:

Serbia's Fading Protest Movement Splits - Balkan Insight

This years Harare International Festival of the Arts (Hifa) is a symbolic event meant to bridge social differences that have widened among Zimbabwean citizens over the years, organisers have said.

By Kennedy Nyavaya

Tafadzwa Simba

Regarded as the biggest arts festival in the country, the six-day event came to life yesterday, defying the socio-economic collapse, which has threatened to take the festival down with it.

Speaking at a Press briefing yesterday, Hifa executive, director Maria Wilson said locals, although faced with a gloomy reality, should embrace the healing role of arts by attending the shows.

The festival is much of a statement about this country and its people, [so] lets embrace each other, she said.

Its time, as Zimbabweans, that we did this and we stopped this division between us and move forward.

Wilson urged festival-goers to embrace the artists and their work.

It is our job as the imbibers of their hearts to open our minds to challenge ourselves to start communicating with each other just to start realising that these barriers that seem to be between us are created falsely, she said.

This is something where we can literally just say enough, its time to be together, time to open our minds.

Tafadzwa Simba, the executive associate, weighed in, highlighting that the spirit of the festival has been reverberating, inspite of its uninspiring build-up.

It has been a wonderful miracle moment for us to get to this point, I think, now with everything setup, it is easier for everybody to believe so, do go, enjoy it and see it, he said.

Read more here:

Hifa presents peace and love - NewsDay Zimbabwe - NewsDay

A very interesting debate is raging on in Kenya about people who have seemingly gotten rich through ill-gotten gains; a skill President Uhuru Kenyatta says most Kenyans are experts in. (the other skill, also according to Mr. Kenyatta, is their penchant for abusing one another).

The trigger for the debate was a Facebook post by someone known for braggadocio and gratuitous displays, oftentimes, of garish ostentation. The FB post in turn prompted an article by Prof. Makau Mutua titled Debate on wealth of Kenya's oligarchs raises key issues and like the (FB) post, focused on questions surrounding the probity and the source of wealth owned by one of the countrys most prominent business personalities Chris Kirubi.

The debate appears to continue a trend that started shortly after independence when the land transfer program meant to re-settle landless/displaced Kenyans was corrupted by the countrys first president - Jomo Kenyatta - for personal and political gains. Daniel Branch offers that accumulation of wealth through nefarious means eventually extended beyond simple personal acquisitiveness and greed into a fundamental part of Kenyas political system..providing the cement that bonded the post-colonial political elites..... Charles Hornsby adds that along with a handful of favored sons from other communities, Mr. Kirubi parlayed proceeds from the suspiciously acquired personal wealth and questionable dealings into viable business ventures effectively blurring, if not erasing completely, the line between ill-gotten wealth and legitimate wealth.

In writing that most wealthy Kenyans trace their money to the plunder of the State by the elites in the Kenyatta regime from 1964 to 1978, Mr. Mutua simultaneously underscores and reaffirms the scope, role and impact of grand corruption in Kenya while illuminating the conundrum facing a society trying to confront the issue. He also makes no bones about the current state of affairs re: grand corruption - that (connected Kenyans) are now making a killing under (Uhuru) Kenyattas (government).

The debate is thus happening in a society where the relationship between wealth, courtesy of suspected grand corruption and political connection, is immutable and total. It is a relationship that makes the idea of holding accountable the likes of Chris Kirubi, frankly most wealthy Kenyans, an absolute non-starter - protestation from various quarters and eloquent speechifying and ultimatums notwithstanding.

Just as discussions about the historical trajectory of Americas economic (and political) development continue to have detractors and supporters alike, the current debate regarding the role played by Chris Kirubi (and others like him) in Kenyas economic development is coalescing into two camps:

One camp hails his role in the countrys development and is willing to forgive the tycoon/industrialist who has supposedly used his ill-gotten gains to do good, itself a fluid construction. Contrastingly, the other camp is unforgiving and wants to see such people stripped of their (ill-gotten) wealth, forced to pay restitution and thrown in jail, their philanthropy and alleged contribution to the countrys economic development aside.

Specific to Mr. Kirubi, he has been linked to at least four companies - KENATCO, ICDC, Uchumi, and Kenya Airways - that have variously been on the brink of collapse or have collapsed, completely, only to arise, in some cases under different names, thanks to the intervention by the Government of Kenya.

His supporters argue that what he has contributed to the society/economy, outweigh, by a magnitude, any negatives the allegations surrounding him may have wrought i.e. the end justifies the means. They go on to list ventures such as the Two Rivers Mall and the rather trumpian claim that the project has created thousands of jobs for Kenyans in all phases of the mega-project and beyond. This sounds reasonable, at first glance. It however fails to offer an accounting of the potential damage and negative impact Chris Kirubis alleged misdeeds may have wrought on the various communities and businesses left in their wake. This include employees of Kenya National Transportation Company (KENATCO), of Uchumi and recently, of Kenyas national carrier Kenya Airways.

Aside from the jobs lost when the companies were either under receivership or restructuring due to mismanagement, pilferage, greed and myopic leadership, also lost or affected by Kirubis suspected malfeasance were related socio-economic activities in the companies respective supply chain. When these lost socio-economic activities are taken into consideration, then the claim that Mr. Kirubis ill-gotten gains or philanthropy benefit/ted the society become tenuous at best.

Back in November 2015, I wrote a piece titled Drawing The Line on Corruption in Kenya: Give Amnesty to Tenderpreneurs, Industrialists and Entrepreneurs where I suggested some form of amnesty for individuals accused or suspected of grand corruption as a way of drawing a line and allowing Kenya and Kenyans to warp their arms around the vice and formulate a way forward. I said then and remain convinced now that the country cannot take a firm and definitive stand against corruption because of the point Prof. Makau and historians Daniel Branch and Charles Hornsby make: That

most wealthy Kenyans trace their money to the plunder of the State by the elites in the Kenyatta regime from 1964 to 1978.

I would also add to the foregoing observation, its always-ever present ethnic dimension as pointedly noted during a spirited exchange on social media when someone characterized the series of articles questioning the probity of Chris Kirubis wealth as kimnadho i.e. a jealousy-motivated veiled narrative to portray.....(him and his tribe)..as thieves, corrupted and tribalist. While this was not my contribution to thread, it was not the first time the two issues corruption and ethnicity had intersected. This is yet another truism that renders any discussions about decisive and punitive (legal) actions against the likes of Chris Kirubi highly unlikely and more of an intellectual exercise; one that does not even touch on the moral implications surrounding the issue.

The perspective offered by Prof. Makau and others, combined with the camps that either vilify or deify, certainly mollify Mr. Kirubis record, underscore the mutability of corruption in Kenya and bring to mind a variant of FDRs characterization of Anastasio Somoza:

"He may be a crook but at least he is OUR crook.

All told, the wildly dichotomous views on Chris Kirubis wealth effeminate and render impotent, any credible and sustained war against corruption while emboldening others to emulate someone they hold up as a role model and seek a piece of the action by any means necessary.

See the original post here:

Corruption in Kenya: At Least They Are Our Crooks. - Huffington Post

By Roderick L. Abad

THE private sector is encouraged to always be prepared and cooperative for the Big One, following the 5.5-magnitude tectonic earthquake early last month that jolted Batangas City and other areas of Luzon.

Let me emphasize certain things, which are very important for our national survival. [To guarantee the] earthquake resiliency of our national systems, both government and business should be strengthened, Department of Science and Technology (DOST) Undersecretary Rene Solidum said during the 2nd Business and the Big One Forum organized recently by the Corporate Network For Disaster Response and the American Chamber of Commerce Foundation.

Ironically, a day after he made this call for the business communitys cooperation with the government, not only to prevent damages and casualties, but also to ensure business continuity, a strong tremor measuring 7.2-magnitude struck off the coast of Mindanao.

Advertisement

It was reported that several buildings were reported damaged; cracks were spotted in a hospital, two government buildings and a port; and at least one house had collapsedsome of the many destructions that could be avoided if only theyre properly designed and built to withstand such a strong earthquake.

For government and business organizations, implement backup systems and backup sites. And for national organizations, we need to decongest our operations and transfer critical operations, [or] have nearer offices in some parts of the Philippines. We need to strengthen our residential structures, office and buildings, and retrofit critical facilities right away. In the long term, either condemn or retrofit houses or buildings, he added.

The country sits atop the so-called Pacific Ring of Fire, an area thats prone to natural catastrophes like earthquake, volcanic eruptions, and others. The most active faultthe West Valleyis seen to affect the capital region once it moves.

Hence, the popularity of the term the Big One, or the nickname of Metro Manila quake, which like all other earthquakes is feared the most. It cannot be predicted or forecasted, but based on historical data, is due to happen over within the century.

Because of this, a whole of society participation is required to reduce its potential impacts and those of eventual events like the tsunami, according to the DOST official.

Preparedness for extreme hazards needs an understanding of the extent of the hazards and the riskphysical and socio-economic, Solidum said. Science-based scenarios should be used for regional to national coordination of a whole of society approach to mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery prior to the occurrence of extreme events.

The DOST undersecretary, likewise, noted the importance of development of Business (Service) Continuity Plans in both the public and private sectors.

He warned though the business sector looking for a place to guarantee continuity of operation that Cebu, being a top preferred destination, also has its fault line like Metro Manila, so they need a backup place for their offices where their trade still proceeds despite an earthquake or any national emergencies.

Structural integrity for Big One

THERE will be a worst-case damage scenario if ever the Big One hits the country, cautioned Association of Structural Engineers of the Philippines-Continuing Professional Development Chairperson Engr. Adam C. Abinales.

This is more destructive than some of the strong earthquakes recorded over the last two decades ago, such as those in Luzon (July 16, 1990) at 7.8 magnitude; Negros Oriental (February 6, 2012), 6.9 magnitude; Bohol (October 15, 2013), 7.2 magnitude; Surigao del Norte (February 10, 2017), 6.7 magnitude; and Batangas (April 4 and 8, 2017), 5.5 magnitude.

Citing the Metro Manila Earthquake Impact Reduction Study (MMEIRS) in 2004, he said that the foreseen scenario has a timeline of one week, introducing a dynamic damage situation from the period of the earthquake.

For residential, 168,000 would be heavily damaged or collapsed (13 percent of total buildings) as 340,000 moderately damaged (26 percent of total buildings). Around 10,000 affected buildings alongside Manila Bay, riversides and Laguna lakeshore would be prone to liquefaction.

As to human casualties, 34,000 would be dead, of which 90 percent from pressure from collapsed buildings.

The number of dead would be small in squatter areas, Abinales noted. Those trapped in damaged buildings may be burned to death, especially those living in squatter area. Building collapse causing further death may ensue due to aftershocks.

Meanwhile, the report estimates that close to 114,000 will be heavily injured, trauma and bone fractures would be prevalent because of structural damages and falling debris, and people may fall from mid- and high-rise buildings.

Public facilities will not be spared also to destruction, including 177 hospitals, 1,412 schools, 124 firefighting stations, 43 police headquarters and 53 Metro Manila RRMC-Organization and local government unit city hall buildings. About eight percent to 10 percent of public utilities would be heavily damaged and collapsed as 20 percent to 25 percent partly destructed.

Utilities would be destroyed, including water pipeline breakage at 954 points along 4,600 km, cut of 32 km of electricity cables along length of 4,900 km, and cut of 97 km of PLDT telephone cable along 13,300 km long. Of the 213 bridges in the country, seven have high possibility of collapse, including 80 flyovers in the metropolis.

Regarding all structures, MMEIRS 2004 reveals that of the 1,000 structures built in the country, around 11 percent of the 10 to 30 stories building would be heavily damaged or collapsed, as 27 percent would be moderately destructed. From a hundred of 31- to 60-floor high towers, only two percent and 12 percent would be heavily destroyed or collapsed and slightly damaged, respectively.

Considering that the report was done 13 years ago, the structural impacts of the Big One hitting Metro Manila on businesses may be worse than projected, according to him.

So we really need to be prepared for the Big One, he suggested. But we can do something about these damages in the report by following the 10 indicators of vulnerable structure and what do we need to mitigate the effects of the hazards of earthquake, Abinales said.

The signs that buildings are at risk include: over 50 year olds, or built before 1990, with damaged structural members and that are not retrofitted based on latest code of the National Structural Code of the Philippines in 2001, 2010 and 2015; located very near fault, which may not have been designed and constructed properly; put up along coastal regions, likely hit by tsunami; built at the foot of mountain, where avalanche of rocks or landslide may occur; erected along cliffs or ravine and rivers; still undergoing construction, which are not yet structurally stable; with glass panels not anchored well, as well as other attached architectural elements; damaged by fire that are not retrofitted; and with distinctive changes in structure like vertical alignment of columns, sagging of beams, cracks at the joints and walls, doors and windows that are hard to close or open, uneven floor level, and with preexisting irregularities in plan and elevation.

The action points to reduce the effects of earthquake hazards include knowing where the dangers are(I.e. active faults and splays, weak soil, dangerous slopes and establish no build zones minimizing or eliminating falling hazards; avoiding overloading of areas on any floor in a building; conducting regular structural inspection of critical structural elements and checking for damages; and performing as necessary the pre-earthquake evaluation of building using Tier-1 Evaluation Process, whenever applicable.

Most importantly, enforce the building code, particularly the National Structural Code of the Philippines. The Big One is not yet happening, but we must act now and have all these buildings evaluated. said Abinales. These are some things that most of the companies would like to know about, especially on the integrity of existing buildings and, of course, future structures that theyre going to build.

Image Credits: en.wikipedia.org, Noodhulp

View post:

Private sector urged to brace for the 'Big One' | BusinessMirror - Business Mirror

Says party has displayed ignorance & has exposed its collusion with Jindal, Adani and Vedanta in their plans to make Goa a coal hub

Team Herald

VASCO: Goa Against Coal(GAC) convenor Custodio D'Souza slammed Goa Forward for its U-turn on nationalisation of rivers, and for its false and misleading public statements endorsing multi-fold increase in coal handling at Vasco and the rest of Goa.

Addressing reporters in Vasco on Monday, D'Souza said, "Goa Forward has displayed its ignorance regarding the policies of the country, how electricity is generated in the country or why coal is considered dirty cargo by the Government itself, and has also exposed its collusion with Jindal, Adani and Vedanta in their devious plans to make Goa a coal hub" he said

"As stated in the Report of the Working Group for the Port Sector for the 12th Five Year Plan 2012-17, coal is the dirtiest cargo and is responsible for a large number of deaths and large-scale diseases. The report recommends that all dirty and hazardous operations have to be taken away from port cities. The said Report envisages Ports at or near cities to be used for local communities, tourism, recreation and green cargo, and also states that MPT is best suited for cruise tourism. Goa Forward has exposed its gross ignorance about how electricity is generated in the country, and the policy of the Ministry of Coal not to use imported coal for power generation. The statement of Goa Forward has cleverly tried to protect the greedy, profit-seeking corporations by implying that this coal is for power generation for Goa, a big lie. As verified during the Public Hearings and from their EIA studies, there is no public interest behind these coal imports through Goa (better facilities exist on the East Coast), only to save freight charges for three corporations! By ignoring the destruction of fisheries, rivers, villages and the Western Ghats, Goa Forward has shown total disregard for our future generations, whose only wealth is the environment we leave behind," he said.

He further added that, "The five rivers and one canal which are proposed to be dredged, are almost 410 km in length and are the lifeline of scores of villages and lakhs of people. These rivers are common lands of the residents of these villages having fundamental and inalienable rights over the entire rivers. If these rivers are diverted for the use of rich corporations by declaring them nationalised, we will have a socio-economic disaster of unprecedented scale. If these rivers are dredged, it will completely destroy the ecology of our rivers, as several million lakhs cubic metres of silt will be dredged annually to maintain the draft in the navigational channel across 410 km rivers of Goa. All existing river bunds will collapse and our villages will be inundated. There will be no fish in Goan waters at all, if this coal project is not stopped. Even if the lives of fisher folk did not matter, this coal will not spare other Goans either air pollution across the State, displacement and pollution along coal corridors (both rail and road), and the future threat of rising sea levels and failed monsoons due to climate change will get us all, and others across the globe unless we stop coal".

Goa Against Coal further demanded that in accordance with their international commitments, with due regard for the lives and livelihoods of Goans and humanity at large, keeping in mind their fundamental duty towards the environment and the future generations, and in compliance with the policies and laws of the land, all projects for dredging (estuaries, bays, sea or rivers), expansion of dirty cargo/ hazardous cargo through Goa, nationalization of the common land and rivers and related road and rail connectivity projects be stopped immediately. "We also demand that MPT be used for infrastructure for local fishing and city communities, for cruise tourism and for green cargo only," GAC concluded.

Go here to read the rest:

GAC slams GF for U-turn on river nationalisation, coal issue - Oherald

Co-authored by Shehab al-Makahleh

LobeLog originally published this article on April 25, 2017.

On April 18, U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis arrived in Saudi Arabia to meet with King Salman and other high-ranking officials in the kingdom as part of a regional trip, which also included stops in Djibouti, Egypt, Israel and Qatar. Mattis said that his frank candid honest talks with the Saudis could not have gone better.

The Pentagon chief praised the kingdom, which he called one of Washingtons best counterterrorism partners, for stepping up to its regional leadership role to restore stability in this key region of the world. The following day an official from the administration suggested that Donald Trump may soon make his first visit to Saudi Arabia as president of the United States. While speaking with Mohammad bin Salman, Saudi Arabias Deputy Crown Prince and Defense Minister, Mattis stated that it serves Washingtons interest to see a strong Saudi Arabia.

Building on Mohammed bin Salmans visit to the White House in March, which Saudi officials claimed marked a historic turning point in U.S.-Saudi relations, Mattis recent trip to Riyadh served to further strengthen Saudi confidence in the Trump administrations approach to countering Irans mischief. After commending Saudi Arabia for supporting two close U.S. alliesEgypt and JordanMattis condemned Iran for backing Lebanese Hezbollah and Bashar al-Assads regime in Damascus, as well as deploying its own military forces to Syria. He asserted, Everywhere you look, if there is trouble in the region, you find Iran.

In continuity with the last administration, Mattis expressed the White Houses support for pursuing a diplomatic settlement to Yemens civil war, which involves bringing Iranian-backed Houthi rebels to the roundtable. The Trump administration, at least based on its words, seems to have joined the consensus that military action alone cannot bring peace to Yemen. However, in reassuring the Saudi leadership, Mattis stressed the administrations view that Iran, rather than the collapse of the Yemeni nation-state or other socio-economic and sectarian problems, lies at the heart of Yemens crisis. He pointed to Irans delivery of weapons to Ansarullah (the dominant Houthi militia), saying that Iran once again is no help. Although the international community can make progress on Yemen, Mattis declared that it must first overcome Irans efforts to destabilize yet another country and create another militia in their image of Lebanese Hezbollah.

Read the original post:

Trump And The Yemeni Quagmire - Huffington Post

The Horizon By KayodeKomolafekayode.komolafe@thisdaylive.com 0805 500 1974

It was grim news again recently when the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) launched the 2016 Human Development Report. On the table of Human Development Index Nigeria is ranked 152 out of 185 countries surveyed for the indicators of progress. Relatively, Nigeria was even better rated in 2014 to be in the 151st position. The country is, of course, in the unenviable league of other poor African countries. Nothing illustrates the fact that Africa is being left behind in the global journey of development more than the ranking in which those in the 170th to 185th position, the last, are all African countries. Norway is rated to have the highest human development index in the world while Burkina Faso has the lowest.

This report is eminently worth pondering in the light of the legitimate criticisms of the style and substance of economic management of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. It is also instructive that prominent among the critics are those who once had the opportunity to shape policy for public good but failed to do so because of their ideological orientation and other reasons. When some of the trenchant critics were in the saddle, their policy orientation did not suggest that they would agree with the director of the Human Development Report Office (HDRO), Selim Jahan, when he posited at the launch of the report that every human being counts and every human life is equally valuable. To overcome Nigerias development delay, the strategy of development that should be embraced is the one that is informed by this HDROs simple credo.

The indicators used in the latest ranking include healthcare, education, jobs, human security, gender, environment, communication, mobility and poverty in general terms. The issues remain the basic ones school enrolment; girl-child education, communicable diseases (such as the recent outbreak of meningitis); air pollution; sanitation, potable water etc.

Inequality markedly defines the access of members of the population to those things that count for human development. And policy choices determine whether a majority of the population would have access to these necessities of good life. The negative trend has been there for decades now. The present condition is actually the cumulative result of not taking a pro-people path to development.

The paradox of the Nigerian situation is that the critics are not in any fundamental disagreement with the government on the strategy of development that Nigeria has pursued (or failed to pursue). The consequence of taking this path of development is this shameful rank in human development. Basically the same ideas informing policy today were the same ones that informed governance when some of those critics were in charge of policy conception and execution. That is why most criticisms focus on selling of assets, exchange rate, growth rates, size of the economy, endorsement of International Monetary Fund etc. The critics are concerned about how far the government can go with privatisation or liberalisation. They are worried about how the government should proceed in that direction. The critics are not focussing on the trend in which quality healthcare and education are increasingly becoming commodities that only a few could afford. For instance, the education sector is becoming a big industry where market forces are expected to allocate quality education to the children of the poor and the rich. This does not feature prominently in the mounting criticisms of governments at all levels.

A nation cannot be said to be doing well in human development when a majority of its people lacks these basic services in the social sector. That is an index of inequality. Universally, inequality has been identified as a social plague. Nigeria continues to be rated low in human development because as a matter of policy social spending is not a priority. But hardly do you hear that from the economic experts criticising the government. Yet the government has to increase social spending to reverse the trend of inequality. In fact, an intellectual attack on the festering inequality is not a favourite theme of the critics. It is as if the critics are oblivious of the consequences of unchecked inequality on the overall economic development as well as social justice.

Perhaps, the criticisms themselves deserve a critique so that the critics are also held accountable. This could help in focussing the criticisms on why economic management has failed to enhance human development. The critique is to draw attention of the critics to a troubling question: why cant poverty eradication be the focus of governance at this time? Take a sample. After eight years of opportunity to reshape the political economy for the greatest good of the greatest number, a former president struts all over the place admonishing that youth unemployment is a time bomb. Meanwhile, there is no addendum of the millions of jobs created as a result of the strategy of development he adopted while in power to accompany this pontificating.

Yet no one bothers to ask this leader if the bomb that he has just identified was planted in the social space only last night. Former Central Bank governors are warning against the risk of economic collapse. But they fail to tell us how monetary policies during their tenures energised the real sector to create jobs in millions. These former public office holders get away with their grandstanding because here is a nation where no one bears responsibility for why development has remained a dream in this land when it has become a reality elsewhere.

People who have held public offices should be held accountable for their record of performance especially when they elect to lecture us on the same problems they failed to solve. Besides, the criticisms do not get to the root of the problem. Critics attack consequences of a wrong approach to development. They do not question the strategy of development itself. The problem at hand requires more radical questions to be posed on why things remain the way they are at present. Some honest liberal observations have been made about the nations socio-economic problems. They should be commended. However, only a radical probing would get us to the root of the matter.

Remarkably, the 2016 Report emphasises the element of national policy matrix for human development. An element of the matrix in the Nigerian context is the outlook of policymakers who are to design and implement a strategy of development. The greatest worry should be that fundamentally nothing has changed in terms of a strategic approach to development.

All told, socio-economic debates should also focus on human development.

Follow this link:

Of Critics and Human Development - THISDAY Newspapers