Category Archives: Socio-economic Collapse

In early 2022, COVID-19 and its economic and social consequences continue to pose a threat around the world. The pandemic has left a legacy of death, unemployment, greater inequality and poverty. Governments have faced the challenge of maintaining a balance between their primary obligation to preserve lives and the need to safeguard their economies. It has also been a test of their resilience, as they have had to diligently adjust their strategies and measures to respond to the dynamics of changing and uncertain circumstances.

In the case of Latin America and the pandemic, it is important to underline the differences between countries: the diversity of economic and social conditions; the different approaches and policies with which each country has faced the crisis, including the capacity and efficiency of their vaccination programs.

In general terms, the pandemic reached Latin America in a complex regional context where structural economic and social deficiencies had not been resolved. Some countries in the region already maintained low levels of trust in public institutions, citizen dissatisfaction with the quality and coverage of public services, high levels of inequality and labour informality, social protests and acute polarization further exacerbated through social networks.

Furthermore, although there were signs of an economic recovery in late 2021, inflation, depreciation of local currencies and fiscal deficits will all make recovery more complex. According to International Monetary Fund data, it is estimated that GDP had a rebound, growing an average of 6.3% in 2021. A more moderate growth of 3% is estimated in 2022 and growth will not reach the levels prior to the pandemic.

Regional economic outlook for Latin America and the Caribbean

Image: IMF

The World Economic Forums Global Risks Report 2022 suggests that 16% of global experts and leaders surveyed are optimistic about the outlook for the world and just 11% believe that there will be an expedited recovery from the pandemic. The vast majority of the respondents believe that a degree of uncertainty, volatility and divergence will persist. With regard to Latin America, according to the executive opinion survey carried out in 18 countries of the region, the greatest effects of COVID-19 on social matters are seen as unemployment, livelihood crises and an evident erosion of social cohesion.

When it comes to environmental matters, extreme weather and the reversal of climate action (together with the loss of biodiversity) are classified among the potentially most serious risks for the region in the next decade. On the economic front, there are concerns among those surveyed about prolonged economic paralysis, debt crises, inflation, commodity prices volatility and the collapse of social security systems. Stimulus packages from governments were vital to protect people's incomes, ensure their livelihoods, preserve jobs and keep businesses afloat, but the public debt burden has grown. Public budgets will remain tight after the pandemic, making it clear that greater public-private collaboration is critical.

Global Risks Report 2022

Image: World Economic Forum

In relation to connectivity, digital inequality is seen as an imminent threat to the world, since more than 3 billion people remain offline. If left unaddressed, the gap could not only seriously widen between developed and developing economies, but also within countries. Nevertheless, it must also be recognized that many countries and industries were able to quickly access and seamlessly adapt to new forms of digital interaction and remote working, which will likely remain.

This digital leap and the greater dependence on digital systems also leads to greater vulnerability, therefore, rigorous cybersecurity plans must be envisaged. Finally, the collapse of the State, the proliferation of illicit economic activities, geo-economic confrontations and the geo-politicization of strategic resources also emerged in the survey as critical concerns, as well as the deterioration of democracies and the earnest phenomenon of migrations.

While pressing internal challenges require immediate attention, the pandemic and its socio-economic consequences have once again demonstrated that global risks do not respect borders or political divergences and shared threats require a coordinated global response. Latin America cannot be conceived of in isolation from the facts and trends prevailing in the rest of the world. On the contrary, there is an evident need to insert ourselves more into the global context, where the region has been losing prominence.

There are, however, some silver-linings and important opportunities that have also emerged. Just as the growing recognition of innovative Latin American start-ups and unicorns has recently attracted significant investment flows, our region, which is endowed with vast natural resources and valuable human capital, should be at the forefront of emerging opportunities in terms of the energy transition, green markets and jobs, modern infrastructure and preparing new generations with the technological capacities and skills aligned to the employment opportunities of the future.

Ignoring the outlined potential risks will not prevent their occurrence, but we must respond to them with responsibility and drive our regions integration, putting ideological divisions aside and coordinating better to advance innovative solutions that address structural problems. We must promote greater productivity with a long-term vision to provide certainty at national levels and, hopefully, regionally, with a formula that integrates traditional socio-economic indicators with solutions in terms of resilience and inclusion, as well as responses to environmental challenges.

To a large extent, the potential for Latin America to make a better recovery depends on knowing how to apply the lessons learned and the engagement of leaders from all sectors. May the wounds and social and economic scars left by the pandemic serve as a reminder to set aside internal divisions, ideological differences or historical frictions and rivalries, and allow us to outline a pragmatic agenda that ensures that the next decade is not another lost one.

Written by

Marisol Argueta de Barillas, Head of the Regional Agenda, Latin America; Member of the Executive Committee, World Economic Forum

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

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What Latin America needs to address in 2022 - and beyond - World Economic Forum

Washington, Jan. 20, 2022 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- In the past year under the Biden-Harris Administration, the U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) continued scaling up to meet extraordinary challenges and deliver remarkable results for small businesses across America. Despite the odds, President Bidens leadership has added 6.4 million jobs the most in any year in U.S. history and managed the fastest growing economy in decades while cutting unemployment to near historic lows.

Under Administrator Isabella Casillas Guzman, the SBA has undertaken a monumental task saving the small business economy and preserving the jobs and livelihoods of millions. From Main Street to Broadway, manufacturers to Mom-and-Pops, thousands of civil servants played a critical role in getting small businesses (who employ half of the private workforce, create two-thirds of net new jobs, and generate 40 percent of Americas economic productivity) back on their feet, and the work continues. A look back at the SBAs accomplishments and efforts showcases the tremendous good the federal government can do on behalf of the American people.

THE SBA PUNCHED ABOVE ITS WEIGHT IN AN UNPRECEDENTED YEAR:

Focused on helping the hardest-hit, underserved small businesses survive, the SBA saved jobs across America, while expanding its core capital and technical assistance programs. Using a two-pronged strategy of encouraging COVID safety precautions, including vaccinations, as critical to safely reopening, while distributing billions of dollars to struggling small business owners, the SBA has been instrumental in the Biden-Harris Administrations efforts to fight the pandemic and successfully bring the economy back from the brink of collapse.

Through the American Rescue Plan (ARP) and other critical federally funded relief programs, the Biden-Harris Administrations SBA delivered nearly $450 billion in relief to over six million impacted small businesses and nonprofits, including the smallest of small businesses, our critical suppliers, and manufacturers, main street restaurants and live entertainment venues. Since President Biden took office:

The SBA supported small businesses in all 50 states, every territory, and Washington D.C. through the Restaurant Revitalization Fund (approx. $28.5 billion to over 100,000 businesses), Shuttered Venue Operators Grant (approx. $14 billion to nearly 13,000 businesses and nonprofits), the COVID Economic Injury Disaster Loan (EIDL) program (approx. $125 billion to over 650,000 businesses and nonprofits), the COVID EIDL Targeted and Supplemental Advance programs (approx. $7 billion combined to nearly 600,000 businesses), and the Paycheck Protection Program (approx. $280 billion to 5.6 million businesses). And the SBA is delivering on its promise of forgiveness as nearly 1.7 million small businesses with PPP loans of less than $150,000 have received relief through the

.While work remains to close capital gaps, the SBAs

in funding to small businesses in fiscal year (FY) 2021 through more than 61,000 loans.Additionally, Small Business Investment Companies (SBICs) provided over $7 billion in long-term funding to more than 1,000 small businesses helping to start, grow, and sustain small businesses and startups across 49 states and Puerto Rico in fiscal year (FY) 2021. The SBA also helped expand the ecosystem of organizations by connecting small business startups to private capital sources and spurring innovation through award funding and competitive prizes across the country.And as climate change has driven more frequent and devasting natural disasters, the Agencys tireless disaster assistance team responded by delivering nearly $2.3 billion to help small businesses, renters, and homeowners rebuild and recover.

DEEPENED OUR COMMUNITY INVESTMENTS AND RELATIONSHIPS:

From every corner of the United States, the SBA met small business owners and advocates where they were, to hear their concerns and improve its offerings. Whether through moving technical assistance trainings and activities online to help small businesses stay connected and informed during the pandemic or touring and shining a light on their businesses and the importance of supporting small as we safely reopened, the SBA was there every step of the way. By the numbers:

More than 60,000 participants, in total, directly engaged during 2021 National Small Business Week (NSBW), National Veterans Small Business Week (NVSBW), and the

.Hosted over 66,000 virtual and in-person events to counsel small business owners and advocates on navigating government resources, programs, and networks.Engaged over 1,000 organizations and advocates such as diversity chambers, trade associations, and small business affinity groups across the country, with a collective reach of at least 11 million.Expanded to 140 Womens Business Centers the most in the Agencys history - and 22 Veterans Business Outreach Centers to provide extensive-on-the-ground expertise, in addition to 68 district offices and over 1,000 resource partners centers.Launched the ARPs $100 million Community Navigator Pilot Program with 51 navigators and hundreds of hyper-local, spoke organizations deeply embedded in their communities to make it easier than ever for entrepreneurs to access our most vital resources, no matter where they live.And Administrator Guzman has traveled to 22 states and Puerto Rico, visited 41 cities, given nearly 100 national, local, and coalitions media interviews, and delivered 133 speeches to hear from - and speak directly with - small business owners.

EXECUTED ON PRESIDENT BIDEN AND ADMINISTRATOR GUZMANS EQUITY GOALS:

With an intent to reach underserved, under-resourced communities, the SBA has centered equity in all its work and enhanced its services and programs to better meet the unique needs of Americas 32.5 million small businesses.

Advancing Equity Has Permeated Every Aspect of the SBA: Led by various teams, such as the Offices of Capital Access and Government Contracting and Business Development, the agency funded small businesses across key demographic groups, including rural Americans ($58 billion+), Black and African Americans ($17 billion+), Hispanics and Latinos ($15 billion+), Native Americans ($699 million+), and Asian-American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders ($23 billion+).Opening Doors Through New Reforms:

, the SBA released disaggregated data across industries and sectors by race and ethnicity and helped deliver contracting reforms that will require federal agencies to track and publicly report how theyre bringing in new contractors, develop diversification strategies, and open doors for more socio-economic, underserved firms to sell their goods and services to the worlds largest buyer: the U.S. Government.Distributed $15.2 billion in critical RRF relief aid to women-owned ($7.5 billion), veteran-owned ($1 billion), and socially and economically disadvantaged-owned ($6.7 billion) small businesses.In low-income communities, over 600,000 small businesses received a lifeline of up to $15,000 in relief grants through the COVID EIDL Targeted and Supplemental Advance programs, while 22 percent of PPP loans went to those in rural areas.Elevating Critical Constituencies: Recognizing the importance of the over 12 million women entrepreneurs the fastest-growing segment of the business community, Administrator Guzman

the Office of Womens Business Ownership to report directly to her office.Prioritizing the Smallest of the Small: In 2021, 96 percent of PPP loans went to firms of 20 employees or less, while more than 90 percent of SVOG funds supported venues with fewer than 50 employees. On top of this work, nearly 1.7 million small businesses with PPP loans of less than $150,000 have received relief through the

.In addition to the Community Navigator Pilot Program, Administrator Guzman reconvened the

to advise her on critical and nuanced policy matters.

THE SBA OF THE FUTURE AND WHATS NEXT FOR THE GIANTS OF THE ECONOMY:

As our entrepreneurs needs change, the SBA will continue to evolve and grow with them. Now more than ever, small business owners face increasingly complex challenges that threaten their longevity and success. As Administrator Guzman always says, helping small business owners navigate new risks (and opportunities) -- from the increasing gaps in capital access to the rising threats of climate change-induced natural disasters -- will require the SBA to be as entrepreneurial and creative as the customers we serve. That means:

Getting emergency economic relief into the hands of those still struggling to rebuild, despite our progress, by continuing to process Economic Injury Disaster Loan and Targeted EIDL Advance program applications and delivering on the promise of PPP forgiveness.Working with the White House and our sister agencies to equitably unlock procurement opportunities for our small manufacturers, suppliers, and service providers to do business with the federal government including ensuring that our small businesses can help build and innovate to deliver the historic investments in President Bidens

Alongside the ongoing work to help strengthen supply chain resilience, the SBA will stand up a brand-new effort through its Office of Government Contracting and Business Development focused on delivering President Bidens promise of

.

for all Americans who support our small businesses - and the communities in which they exist and contribute to. As the first federal agency to request designation as a voter agency, through the SBAs district offices, small business owners and others will have the services they need to ensure their voices are heard at the ballot box and fair representation for their communities.Exploring and advocating for new ventures, such as expanded direct lending, to better serve our customers who face daunting obstacles and barriers of entry to opportunities and resources needed to thrive. With a proven track record of direct lending success through our emergency disaster loan programs, the SBA is uniquely positioned to close the gaps in accessing capital for our most underserved communities, which continue to exist.Innovating and enhancing traditional products. To help our small businesses leverage an increasingly interconnected global market and booming e-commerce sector, the SBA is exploring new public-private partnerships to get resources and tools to more small businesses and better position them for future success.

Building on the changes we made in 2021 to implement a customer-first, technology-forward, equitable approach, the SBA is strongly positioned to deliver on President Bidens commitment to equity in 2022. Under Administrator Guzmans decisive leadership, the SBA will continue to meet our small businesses and entrepreneurs where they are and provide them with the capital, opportunities, knowledge, and networks to start and grow their American dream and build resilience regardless of demographic. And as our nation continues to build upon a historically strong economic recovery, we will be shifting our focus from emergency COVID relief support to long-term investments that will help lower costs for small business owners and reduce long-run inflationary pressures that families feel at home.

The face of entrepreneurship is changing. We need all our nations 32.5 million small businesses and innovative startups to have access to the SBAs critical federal resources to help ensure that great ideas from everywhere and anywhere can launch and thrive. Now more than ever, the SBA stands ready to help our nations entrepreneurs pivot and grow in the face of any challenge, seize new opportunities, and make sure the dream of starting a small business is in reach for every American.

###

About the U.S. Small Business Administration

The U.S. Small Business Administration makes the American dream of business ownership a reality. As the only go-to resource and voice for small businesses backed by the strength of the federal government, the SBA empowers entrepreneurs and small business owners with the resources and support they need to start, grow or expand their businesses, or recover from a declared disaster. It delivers services through an extensive network of SBA field offices and partnerships with public and private organizations. To learn more, visit http://www.sba.gov.

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Press Office United States Small Business Administration PressOffice@sba.gov

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One Year Later: Biden-Harris Administration, SBA Have Prioritized an Equitable Recovery, ... - KULR-TV

*Urges Buhari to listen to voice of reason, cautions politicians against reckless statements*National census coming a year to election, dangerous, northern elders say *Wants government to provide security, address impending food scarcity*Atiku, Sultan of Sokoto, others proffer solutions

Chuks Okocha in Abuja

Former Military Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar yesterday painted a gloomy picture of Nigeria, stressing that the nation was at crossroads.

He said this while speaking as the chairman of the 19th Daily Trust Dialogue with the theme: 2023:The Politics, Economy and Insecurity.

He also called on President Mohammadu Buhari to listen to the voice of reason and act swiftly to address the crisis plaguing the nation. He equally appealed to politicians to always mind their utterances, saying all must understand that they have no other country than Nigeria.Nigeria is once again at a crossroads. Insecurity remains the single most difficult challenge for our country today, he lamented.

He also called on the federal government to see, whatever we discuss and agree today, we hope that the authorities will take it in good faith and work with it. In my own experience as a leader, I have found that collective wisdom is all better than individual ability.

He added: The Boko Haram insurgency in the north-east, banditry in the north-west, violent secessionist agitations in the south-east, kidnappings and abductions of travellers across many states all continue to fester in the land. Add to these, ethnic, religious and communal conflicts are rearing their ugly heads again in many parts of the country.

All of these have greatly challenged and overstretched our security forces. These challenges have caused thousands of deaths and millions of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Nigeria over the past 13 years.

He quoted the Global Conflict Tracker compiled by the US Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) to have disclosed that about 350,000 persons had been killed and three million displaced directly or indirectly in the conflict in the north-east since 2009.

Also quoting a report by Beacon Consulting, a Nigerian security risk consultancy, Abubakar disclosed that Nigeria recorded 574 cases of kidnappings and 431 confirmed fatalities in security incidents that cut across 29 states and 96 Local Government Areas in December 2021 alone.About 75 per cent of the kidnappings and 57 per cent of the fatalities occurred in the north-west, he said further.

This is clear indication that the epicenter of insecurity in the country has shifted from the north-east to the north-west, he declared.

He said a major cause of insecurity in Nigeria was the proliferation of all calibre of weapons in the country in particular, and in the West African sub-region generally.

For example, he said the 2018 Small Arms Survey estimated that there were over six million of such weapons in circulation in Nigeria, adding that this certainly exacerbated the insecurity situation presently in the country.

In terms of the economic outlook, Abdulsalami, said insecurity in the country was worsened by the dire economic situation.

According to him, In the past three months or so, economic growth rate and inflation have improved somewhat. The economy grew by between four and five per cent since June last year, continuing the recovery from the near economic collapse of 2020. Inflation figures have also dropped to 15.4 per cent, from a four-year high of 18.17 per cent in March 2021.

All of these figures are contained in the 2022 Budget Breakdown and Highlights presented by the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning early this month. But the impact of these numbers on the lives and wellbeing of the ordinary Nigerian is suspect.

Unemployment and underemployment remain at record levels, and over 80 million Nigerians are still caught up in needless poverty. All of these tend to have negative effects on security.

In fact, Nigeria now faces a food security crisis that is compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic and banditry in many states of northern Nigeria. Both of these have disrupted the fragile value chains across the country and negatively impacted the ability of Nigerians to produce, process, and distribute food. The result is a continuing rise in the prices of food items beyond the reach of many Nigerian families.

On top of all these, fuel prices are expected to rise significantly in the coming months as announced last November by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. When this happens, as the government has planned, it will push many millions deeper into poverty.

He added: Young people and women are the demographic groups most affected by the countrys dire economic outlook. For example, estimates by the National Bureau of Statistics shows that while the national unemployment rate stood at 33 per cent by the end of 2020, unemployment for young people between ages 15 and 34 years was 10 per cent higher at 42.5 per cent.

He stressed that if these are not carefully managed, the frustrations of these groups could easily boil over into a national conflagration worse than what was seen during the #EndSARs protests.However, these are not doomsday predictions but a warning to which all stakeholders must pay heed, the former head of state added.

On the political context, the former military leader said the worsening economic and security situations in the country during an election year make it a very challenging period for Nigeria that must be carefully managed by all concerned.

Already, he noted that calls for restructuring Nigeria and for reviewing the constitution have reached fever pitch.

He said: There are calls too for how the resources generated in the country are shared by its constituent parts. Also, for the first time in Nigeria, southern governors have ranged against their northern counterparts, each demanding the presidency for their region.

Meanwhile, some groups would like to balkanise the country and go their separate ways.

In addition to these, Abdulsalami said politicians across all parties were already jostling for power at all levels, explaining that some even use inflammatory political rhetoric to achieve their ends.

According to him, others are presently stoking political fires that would be difficult to put out even after the elections, adding that some again, are lying low, looking to spring surprises on their opponents.

Worse still, political rivalries are sometimes turned into personal fights between supporters of one politician and another. In some instances, these rivalries have degenerated into violence and deaths. None of these is new in Nigerian politics.

And yet, none of them have been fully resolved. It appears that Nigeria is stuck politically in the same place and our democratic experiment has refused to grow beyond these issues, even after more than 60 years of national independence and self-government.

All of these developments make 2022 a very crucial year for the country and its people. Whatever we do or dont do this year will linger for a long time to come, he statedHe explained that the election year calls for statesmanship and patriotism, adding that, it calls for restraint among all politicians in words and deeds. And above all, it calls for serious social and economic programmes that would help pull Nigeria out of the woods.

Speaking on the way forward, he said, As we enter into this important election year, I will like to use this forum to send a few reminders to us all. Let us all remember that despite all the challenges and threats, Nigeria remains one.

For this, we give thanks to Almighty Allah and the resilience of Nigerians. Our unity, and our large and youthful population remain are our greatest strength. We must not compromise these. Instead, we must consolidate on them to chart a way out of current challenges.

As we in the National Peace Committee have been doing for years now, all stakeholders must work with an open mind towards building peace across the country. The government should channel redouble its efforts and channel more resources towards securing peace.

Traditional rulers, and religious and community leaders should support the government towards securing peace for our people. Without security, there is no country.

Our political class must realise that the fate of Nigeria lies in its hands and choose to do good in this moment of history. As they jostle for power in the coming elections, all politicians must watch their words and deeds carefully and avoid saying or doing things that will further heat up the polity.

We must all remember that no one can rule over a nation in ruins. Leadership is a collective responsibility, and we must all play our parts positively, the former military ruler said.He pointed out that in November last year, the federal government through the Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning, Mrs. Zainab Ahmed unveiled a National Development Plan with an investment size of over N348 trillion.

This investment was expected to be funded collaboratively by both federal and state governments, and by the private sector.

If implemented faithfully, the plan will build infrastructure all across the country, expand the private sector, develop social services like all health and education for all Nigerians, and create millions of jobs for our teeming youth over the next five years.

Obviously, there is not much time left for this government to achieve all of these. But I am convinced that the scale of this investment is precisely what Nigeria needs now. So, regardless of party or political differences, the next government can embrace this plan and use it as a blueprint for our collective development.

It has the potential to make Nigeria another success story so that we can take our rightful place among the committee of nations, he said.

Also speaking at the event, the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) objected to plan by the federal government to conduct a national census a year to the 2023 general elections, stating that it portends a very dangerous omen.

The position of NEF was disclosed by the Director of Publicity and Strategy, Dr Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who said that holding census when election was near would create a lot of tension with several meaning ascribed to it.

Baba-Ahmed urged the federal government to focus its attention on addressing the security challenges facing Nigeria as well as the impending food scarcity in the country due the security crisis.

Lending his voice to the dearth of quality governance in the country, the spokesman of the NEF said things have gone so bad that, 90 per cent of our governors have no business being in power today.

He warned against electing a President in 2023 whose only credential is his ability to buy votes, saying, Nigeria does not need an ethnic president, but a competent leader who can provide leadership to move the country forward.

Also speaking, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar said what the country needs to bounce back to reckoning was a leader capable of addressing the challenges facing the nation.

What is important now is to identify a competent leader that can get us out of these crises. We have the capacity to pull this country out of her present predicament. We must do the needful and most importantly, I believe a leadership that will prioritise education is desirable, Atiku said.On his part, the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Saad Abubakar III called for continuous dialogue as a way of building national consensus.

I am one of those who so much believe in dialogue and I believe there cannot be too many sessions not only in this country but across the world. Let us close ranks and come together to see what we can do to move this country forward in peace and prosperity, he added.

In his contribution, Borno state governor, Prof. Babagana Zulum decried activities of insurgents in the north-east, attributing their evil campaign to lack of adequate quality, functional education in the land.

According to him, investment in education remains a vital tool in addressing most of the nations socio-economic challenges.

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Abdulsalami: Nigeria at Crossroads, Insists Nation is Bleeding - THISDAY Newspapers

Home News Why feminism and homosexuality are increasingly tensing the Arab world January 24, 2022

Aspirations for freedom and political participation as well as social rights have been stifled at the same time as the revolutions of the Arab Spring and this in favor of struggles for individual freedoms, carried by the themes of gender, imposed by the West. Here is the point of view of a conservative intellectual, but which reflects an opinion widely shared in the Arab world.

There is a strong movement of rejection all at once of feminism, atheism and homosexuality in Arab public opinion, writes Mohanna Al-Hubail on the site Al-Khaleej Online (The Gulf Online).

These three notions form a triptych and are perceived as one and the same thing, notes this conservative intellectual, living in exile for having defended civil rights in Saudi Arabia.

According to him, this rejection is explained by accumulated anger since the failure of the Arab springs. There was then a general consensus that the Arab world desperately needs a new pact political, where the state ensures the freedom, equality and rights of citizens.

The Collapse of this Arab Spring project went hand in hand with a new western colonial cycle, where Western authorities and international organizations have taken up the notion of freedom, but only from the angle of gender issues.

This focused approach eclipsed the themes dear to the initial project of the Arab revolutions, which were above all political and socio-economic, with in particular the demand for political participation and a fairer distribution of wealth, recalls the author.

By ignorance, or by conviction, young people [] took up gender themes in media and blogs, including some specially created for the purpose of spread these ideas in the Arab world, he complains.

While accusing in passing social media giants, Netflix and others to be the singers of a globalization [autour des thmes] of the kind. And this while they have otherwise no regard for the central struggle, which is to free the individual from the burden of tyranny and build a new political consensus.

If this Saudi intellectual is not far from crying out for the international conspiracy to destroy the Arab family, he adds, however, that individual freedoms are also important. According to him, the discourse of the Islamists has not been able to create a framework that guarantees these freedoms, and where people are not forced to behave.

Source

Created in June 2014, the site Al-Khaleej Online (The Gulf online) is part of the dynamics that followed the Arab spring. As the noose has tightened again on the regions media, it is trying to offer coverage

[]

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Why feminism and homosexuality are increasingly tensing the Arab world - The Times Hub

Busts of Karl Marx and communist-era propaganda posters dominate the rather austere surroundings.

The walls could also do with a lick of paint.

Even the most ardent communist would admit the party's headquarters in central Prague have seen better days.

Which is all a convenient metaphor for Czech communism: like its offices, the party has seen better days.

The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSM) failed to win seats in parliament for the first time in its history at last Octobers parliamentary election.

Since political parties are given state money for every MP they have in parliament -- now zero for the communists -- the coffers are emptier than normal.

In the early 2010s, the KSM was one of the three main political parties in the country, commanding nearly 15 per cent of the vote.

Last October, it fell to around 3 per cent.

Nonetheless, Kateina Konen, an MEP who became party leader in the wake of the election defeat last year, is optimistic they can mount a comeback.

If I wasnt an optimist, I wouldnt be sitting here, she told Euronews.

She has an uphill struggle: last Octobers general election was a rout for left-wing parties.

The Social Democrats (SSD), another major political force after the Czech Republic was founded in 1993, also failed to win seats in parliament for the first time in their history, picking up just 4.65 per cent of the vote.

The Green Party again performed badly, gaining less than 1 per cent of the vote.

Even the progressive Pirates, now one of the five parties that make up the new coalition government, won just four of its electoral alliances 37 seats. It went from having the third-biggest number of MPs in parliament after the 2017 ballot to now the smallest.

Analysts point to some domestic explanations for the collapse of left-wing parties. Both the SSD and KSM were tainted by association with former prime minister Andrej Babi, one of the countrys richest men. The SSD was in a formal coalition with ANO, Babi populist party, and KSM supported the former government informally in parliament.

But ANO claimed all the credit for the governments generous welfare expenditure, siphoning off the voters from the left-wing parties, explained Filip Kostelka, a professor at the European University Institute.

As a result, ANO won 72 seats in the Chamber of Deputies last year, making it the largest party in parliament.

The Social Democrats had been internally split for years, mostly because of the decision of Jan Hamek, who led the party into last Octobers ballot, to cooperate with Babi in 2018. Hamek survived a leadership challenge just months ahead of the election but resigned last October.

Corruption allegations tainted both parties as well as finances. The KSM spent nearly 1.3 million on its campaign for last October's election, about a third of what Babis ANO splurged, according to party finances disclosures to parliament.

The SSD had a little more money (2.3 million) but that was nearly half the victorious SPOLU electoral alliances outlay.

More worrying are demographics: the average age of KSM supporters is around 80, says Lubomr Kopeek, a political science professor at Masaryk University, and it is struggling to attract younger voters.

The SSDs voter base has also winnowed to mainly the elderly in rural areas. That has meant both parties found it difficult to adapt to changing demands of the wider voting public, analysts say.

Sean Hanley, an associate professor in Central and Eastern European politics at University College London, argues that the electoral collapse of left-wing parties in the Czech Republic is representative of the obvious fall of the political left across Europe during the 2010s.

The French Socialist Party used to routinely be in government but fell to only the fourth-biggest group in the National Assembly after 2017. The Dutch Labour Party went from 42 MPs in 2003 to now just nine. The British Labour Party remains in the doldrums, suffering its worst electoral defeat in 84 years at the 2019 general election.

This European trend even has a name: Pasokification, a reference to the collapse of the Greek centre-left party PASOK.

Analysts have many theories as to why. Its down to the hollowing out of working-class communities, according to some, or lingering blame for many of the centre-left parties that were in power during the 2008 financial crisis. Social class and economic policy have become less important to voters.

Hanley, of University College London, says that socio-economic issues havent gone away as key issues for voters, but only have appeal when packaged up with other cultural issues, like migration and corruption.

This was a formula used successfully by Babi, whose election campaign last year focused on two issues.

First, his government had increased pensions and state welfare payments. Second, his government was against increased migration. He even invited Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbn, a champion of European anti-immigration politics, to speak on his campaign trail just days before the election.

Czech left-wing parties realise they have to adapt and can no longer just campaign on economic policy.

Communist leader Konen stressed that her party is unique in its foreign policy agenda: it wants to pull the Czech Republic out of the NATO alliance and offer a referendum on EU membership.

Michal marda, who became president of SSD after last Octobers election defeat, said the party plans to make a restart with its new leadership. That includes its new vice-president Tom Petek, the countrys former foreign minister who attempted a leadership challenge within the party last year.

It is not that the left-wing issues and left-wing voters will disappear overnight. These are people living here, these are issues still relevant for our society, marda told Euronews by email.

Konen stresses that those issues will grow even more important in the coming years, especially as the new coalition government of Prime Minister Petr Fiala plans to push ahead with rightist policies.

Babi has vowed to be the defender of left-wing values in parliament, where his ANO party is the main largest opposition group, but Konen doubts that.

In some aspects, he will be promoting left-wing or social issues, she said, but generally his policies will never be the left policies and his party will never become the [main] left-wing political party.

Instead, she argued, there needs to be a proper left-wing voice in Czech politics.

Fiala vows to balance the budget, after blaming his predecessor Babi for running up the countrys debts, and his government is likely to hit welfare benefits and social spending. His pro-Western foreign policy will likely frustrate many left-wing voters.

There is a large block of Czech voters on the economic centre-left and moderately cultural conservative who are likely to find the coming years tough, Hanley said.

If what has happened in the rest of Europe points to some answers for the collapse of the Czech left-wing parties, they might also learn something from abroad.

Kostelka, of the European University Institute, reckons an ambitious left-wing politician could launch a new left-wing platform in the Czech Republic, something similar to what happened in Slovakia in the early 2000s.

In 2005, the politician Robert Fico began to merge many of rump left-wing parties in an expanded Direction Social Democracy (SMER) party, while also switching towards a more centrist and populist outlook. SMER won Slovakias 2006 general election, while Fico was prime minister for ten of the next 12 years.

Making alliances is the way forward, said marda, the SSD leader. The unification of democratic left, as well as left-leaning parts of Czech civil society, is definitely the way to get Czech Social Democracy back into the Chamber of Deputies, he said, adding that Czech left-wing parties were behind the times in this respect.

Early last year, many of the countrys centrist or centre-right parties formed electoral alliances.

The Civic Democratic Party (ODS), Christian Democrats (KDU-SL) and TOP 09 created the SPOLU (Together) alliance that won 71 of the 200 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Afterwards, it agreed to a coalition government deal with another electoral alliance, composed of the Pirate Party and the centrist Mayors and Independents (STAN). Fiala, the new Czech prime minister who took office in late November, is head of SPOLU.

The right has united its forces and won. Unfortunately, this is not the case with the left, said Konen.

While she rules out any unification of the left-wing groups into one larger party, she agrees that an electoral alliance, possibly with the SSD and some smaller groups, is the way forward.

The big test, she argued, will come at municipal elections later this year, when she reckons the left-wing parties could form an informal partnership to run with joint candidates or back out of certain municipalities if the other party fields a stronger candidate. She also expects the left-wing parties to agree on a single candidate for next years presidential election.

It's at these two elections where we will see how the left in the Czech Republic will be able to unite, she said.

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Czech left-wing parties are at rock bottom. Can they make a comeback? - Euronews

Madam President, Foreign Minister Huitfeld,

Excellencies,

Members of the Security Council,

In my recent briefings, I have highlighted the ongoing deterioration of the economic, security and political situation across the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). Regrettably, this trend continues and urgent steps are required to prevent the situation from worsening.

The Palestinian Authoritys (PA) fiscal situation continues to be dire, threatening its institutional stability and its ability to provide services to its people. Violence continues unabated across the OPT, including settler violence, leading to numerous Palestinian and Israeli casualties and increasing the risk of a broader escalation. Settlement activity, demolitions, and evictions also continue, feeding hopelessness and further diminishing prospects for a negotiated solution.

We must be frank about what is needed to reverse these trends and provide momentum towards a reinvigorated peace process. Piecemeal approaches and half measures will only ensure that the underlying issues perpetuating the conflict continue to fester and worsen over time. Unilateral steps and conflict drivers must stop. Political and economic reforms must be implemented to ensure the PAs continued ability to function effectively, while boosting donor confidence and support.

Above all, efforts by the parties and the international community to stabilize and improve conditions on the ground should be linked to a political framework.

Without a realistic prospect of an end to the occupation and the realization of a two-State solution based on UN resolutions, international law and previous agreements, it is only a matter of time before we face an irreversible, dangerous collapse and widespread instability.

Madam President,

Daily violence continued throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory during the reporting period.

In Gaza, on 29 December, a Palestinian opened fired towards the Gaza perimeter fence, injuring an Israeli civilian. In retaliation, Israeli forces fired several tank shells at what they said were Hamas observation posts in the northern Gaza Strip. Four Palestinian civilians were reportedly injured, including a 16-year-old boy.

On 1 January, Israel Defense Forces announced that two rockets fired from Gaza had landed off the coast of central Israel. Israeli forces subsequently carried out air strikes against what they said were facilities belonging to militant groups in Gaza. No injuries were reported.

In the occupied West Bank, six Palestinian men, were killed by Israeli security forces (ISF), and another died in unclear circumstances, in the context of demonstrations, clashes, search-and-arrest operations, attacks and alleged attacks against Israelis, and other incidents, and 249 Palestinians, including four women and 46 children, were injured. Settlers and other Israeli civilians perpetrated 28 attacks against Palestinians, resulting in six injuries and damage to property. Two Palestinians were killed under unclear circumstances involving Israeli civilian vehicles.

In all, Palestinians perpetrated some 89 attacks against Israeli settlers and other civilians, resulting in 15 Israeli civilians injured and damage to property in clashes, shootings, stabbing and ramming attacks, as well as incidents involving the throwing of stones and Molotov cocktails and other incidents. Five members of Israeli security forces were also injured.

On 21 December, a Palestinian man, who reportedly attempted to carry out a ramming attack against ISF near the Mevo Dotan settlement in the northern West Bank, was killed by ISF.

On 22 December, a Palestinian man was killed by ISF near al-Amari refugee camp near Ramallah. According to ISF, the man had opened fire from a vehicle at Israeli forces conducting a search-and-arrest operation in the area.

On 31 December, a Palestinian man reportedly attempted to carry out a stabbing attack against Israeli soldiers and civilians near the village of Salfit and was shot by ISF, later succumbing to his wounds.

On 6 January, a 21-year-old Palestinian man was killed during armed exchanges with ISF as they conducted a search-and-arrest operation in the Balata Refugee Camp near Nablus, in Area A.

On 5 January, a tow truck under the supervision of the Israeli police hit and severely injured a 70-year-old Palestinian activist man in Umm al-Kheir, south of Hebron, during a police operation to confiscate unregistered vehicles. The man subsequently died from his injuries on 17 January. Police reported that the driver was injured in the head by stones thrown at him and required medical attention.

On 12 January, an 80-year-old Palestinian man died in the context of an ISF operation near Ramallah where the victim was reportedly handcuffed, blindfolded and physically assaulted by the ISF. According to Israel Defense Forces, the man was released alive. I note that Israeli authorities have initiated an investigation and call for a swift, thorough and transparent outcome.

On 17 January, ISF reported that a Palestinian man attempted to stab a soldier with a knife near Hebron. ISF shot and killed the alleged assailant. No ISF injuries were reported. Another Palestinian, who had driven the vehicle of the alleged assailant, later handed himself over to ISF.

Madam President,

Settler-related violence remained a serious concern throughout the reporting period.

From 23 to 25 December, 156 Palestinians were injured by Israeli forces from rubber bullets and 15 from live ammunition in confrontations that erupted in and around Burqa, near Nablus, after settlers repeatedly raided the village, vandalized property and clashed with local residents. This occurred as part of settler protests against the killing of an Israeli settler in that area on 16 December and demands to reestablish the adjacent settlement of Homesh that had been officially evacuated in 2005.

On several occasions during the reporting period, ISF and Israeli settlers clashed in the context of ISF efforts to dismantle unauthorized structures set up by Israeli settlers in Homesh and other outposts, illegal also under Israeli law.

All perpetrators of violence must be held accountable and brought swiftly to justice.

Madam President,

Turning to settlement-related developments, on 5 January, Israeli authorities postponed a planned discussion on objections to two plans for some 3,500 housing units in the controversial E1 area in the West Bank. A new date for the discussion has not been set.

The same day, Israeli authorities published tenders for some 300 settlement housing units in the Talpiyot East neighborhood in occupied East Jerusalem.

On 10 January, the Jerusalem District Planning Committee advanced a plan, pending revisions, to build some 800 housing units in place of an existing 182 units in the East Jerusalem settlement of Gilo.

On 17 January, the Jerusalem District Planning Committee advanced a plan for some 1,200 housing units next to Kibbutz Ramat Rachel in the southern Jerusalem area, a significant number of which are intended for construction across the Green Line in East Jerusalem.

I reiterate that all settlements are illegal under international law and remain a substantial obstacle to peace. I call on the Government of Israel to cease the advancement of all settlement activity immediately.

Madam President,

Israeli authorities demolished, seized, or forced owners to demolish 54 Palestinian-owned structures, in Area C and 23 in occupied East Jerusalem, displacing 102 Palestinians, including 26 women and 47 children. The demolitions were carried out due to the lack of Israeli-issued building permits, which are nearly impossible for Palestinians to obtain.

On 19 January, Israeli forces evicted a Palestinian family and demolished their home in the occupied East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, displacing 12 Palestinians, and reportedly resulting in a number of arrests. According to the Jerusalem Municipality, the structures were built illegally in recent years and the land was cleared to build a special needs school to serve Palestinian children from East Jerusalem.

I still remain concerned by the potential eviction of a number of Palestinian families from homes they have lived in for decades in the Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan neighborhoods of East Jerusalem and the risk that such actions pose for escalating violence.

I call on Israeli authorities to end the displacement and eviction of Palestinians, in line with its obligations under international law, and to approve additional plans that would enable Palestinian communities to build legally and address their development needs.

Madam President,

On 28 December, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas met with Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz for the second time in four months. Following the meeting, Israel announced several measures, including updating the registration of some 9,500 Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, an advance of 100 million Israeli Shekels against clearance revenues Israel collects on the PAs behalf and additional entry permits for Palestinian officials and businesspeople.

I welcome the ongoing high-level engagement between Israeli and Palestinian officials and the recent steps announced. I urge both sides to continue and expand this engagement to encompass underlying political issues.

Following the designation by Israel of six Palestinian NGOs as terrorist organizations, the United Nations continues to engage with all relevant parties to receive more information about the allegations and their implications.

On 12 January, the Palestinian Central Elections Commission (CEC) concluded voter registration for the second phase of local council elections scheduled for 26 March. However, on 17 January, the Palestinian Cabinet postponed local council elections in Gaza over procedural disputes.

On 14 January, the Envoys of the Middle East Quartet met virtually to discuss the latest political development and the situation on the ground.

Madam President,

Turning to Gaza, during the month of January 2022, Israeli authorities completed the issuance of permits to some 10,000 Gazan merchants and traders, of some 12,000 approved permits, the highest number in years.

I welcome the stated willingness of the Government of Israel, in line with commitments made in the November 2021 at the AHLC meeting in Oslo, to increase the movement of goods and people in and out of the Strip and the steps taken in this regard. At the same time, I reiterate that more such moves are needed for durable economic benefits to materialize. I urge both parties to engage with the UN to find concrete ways to further enhance access and trade, including facilitating the entry of dual-use materials for key sectors of the economy under the Gaza Reconstruction Mechanism.

On 27 December, the State of Qatar announced that it had signed an agreement with the Palestinian Authority and the Gaza Electricity Distribution Corporation to advance construction of a natural gas pipeline from Israel to Gaza. The pipeline aims to reduce costs and increase efficiency and electricity generation at the Gaza Power Plant. I urge all parties to facilitate implementation of this important project.

On 28 December, UNRWA announced the start of a cash assistance allocation of USD 8.2 million to families whose homes were damaged during the May 2021 escalation.

Thanks to exceptional financial contributions, an advance on 2022 contributions, a CERF loan and debt carried into 2022, UNRWA was able to sustain critical education, health care and humanitarian services to millions of Palestine refugees in the OPT and throughout the region. For 2022, UNRWA is again presenting a zero-growth core Programme budget despite increased needs of Palestine refugees. The Agency is confronted with a serious financial existential threat that can affect the rights and wellbeing of refugees and regional stability. I, therefore, urge Member States to continue, and to expand, their contributions to UNRWA.

Madam President,

Turning briefly to the region, on the Golan, while the ceasefire between Israel and Syria has been generally maintained, violations of the 1974 Disengagement of Forces Agreement by the parties continue, increasing tensions. It is important that the parties respect their obligations under the terms of the Agreement and refrain from taking unilateral steps on the occupied Golan that further erode peace and stability in the region.

During a visit to Lebanon in December, the Secretary-General expressed solidarity with the Lebanese people in the context of the countrys difficult socio-economic situation and reiterated the need for political leaders to work together urgently to find solutions to the crisis. Parliamentary elections have been announced for 15 May. The full reactivation of the Cabinet will be important, including to reliably support election preparations.

The situation in the UNIFIL area of operations remained relatively stable, despite isolated incidents of aggressive behavior against peacekeepers. UNIFIL remains engaged with the parties to contain incidents and defuse tensions along the Blue Line.

Madam President,

In closing, allow me to reiterate the urgent need for a coordinated approach to address political, economic and institutional obstacles blocking the way to a meaningful peace process.

Alongside key reforms and steps by all parties to defuse tensions, we must focus on providing a political context that will ensure that the positive engagement we have witnessed in recent months is not squandered. Partners, including those in the region, have a vital role to play.

Efforts must also continue to encourage all Palestinian political factions towards political consensus and bringing Gaza and the occupied West Bank under one legitimate, democratic Palestinian authority. Gaza remains integral to a future Palestinian State as part of a two-State solution.

Short-term challenges and urgent crises must be addressed. Yet, at the same time, we must ensure that the solutions put in place advance our ultimate goal: an end to occupation and the achievement of a two-State solution on the basis of UN resolutions, international law and previous agreements.

The UN will continue to actively engage, along with its counterparts in the Middle East Quartet, with regional and international partners, and with Israeli and Palestinian leaders to reach a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Thank you.

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Security Council briefing on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question (as delivered by SC Wennesland), 19 January 2022 -...

Priyayi (former spelling: Prijaji) was the Dutch-era class of the nobles of the robe, as opposed to royal nobility or ningrat (Javanese), in Java, Indonesia, the world's most populous island.

Priyayi is a Javanese word originally denoting the descendants of the adipati or governors, the first of whom were appointed in the 17th century by the Sultan Agung of Mataram to administer the principalities he had conquered. Initially court officials in pre-colonial kingdoms, the priyayi moved into the colonial civil service and then on to administrators of the modern Indonesian republic.[1]

The Mataram Sultanate, an Islamic polity in south central Java that reached its peak in the 17th century, developed a kraton ("court") culture from which the Sultan emerged as a charismatic figure that rules over a relatively independent aristocracy.[2] Named para yayi ("the kings brothers"), nobles, officials, administrators, and chiefs were integrated in a patron-client relationship with the Sultan to preside over the peripheries of the kingdom.[3] The homeland of priyayi culture is attributed to Matarams center, namely the Javanese-speaking middle and eastern parts of Java.[4] Although "Javanized" by Matarams political expansion, the Sundanese-speaking western part of Java, the easternmost parts of Java, and the nearby island of Madura retain ethnic, linguistic, and cultural differences from the Mataramese heartland.[5]

After the arrival of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the collapse of Mataram, the Sultanates of Surakarta and Yogyakarta became centers of Javanese political power since the 1755 Treaty of Giyanti. Although Dutch political influence severely limited their autonomy throughout the colonial period, the two kingdoms continued to serve as symbols of Javanese courtly culture.[6] In the lowland rural areas of Java, the presence of a centralized indigenous bureaucracy strengthened state control over uncultivated land, and helped transform the peasantry from independent smallholders to agricultural laborers.[7]

Outside of the areas ruled directly by Yogyakarta and Surakarta, Dutch colonial authorities established two civil service bodies: the Binnenlands Bestuur ("Interior Administration"), staffed by Dutch officials, and the Pangreh Praja ("Ruler of the Realm"), the indigenous bureaucracy.[8]

By 1926, the Binnenlands Bestuur in the directly ruled areas of Java and Madura consisted of the following offices with territorial responsibilities, in descending order:[8]

In turn, there were three pangreh praja offices with territorial responsibilities, staffed by the indigenous priyayi, in descending order:[8]

Other colonial government employees considered to be of priyayi stature included tax officials, prosecutors, and officials attached to police units.[8] By 1931, Europeans accounted only for 10 percent of the entire state apparatus in the Dutch East Indies, and over 250,000 native officials were on state payroll.[9] In Java, a class distinction existed between priyagung ("upper priyayi"), a group well connected to the aristocratic elite in Surakarta and Yogyakarta, and priyayi cilik ("lower priyayi").[8] Nonetheless, the social distance separating the priyayi from the peasantry is much greater than that separating the priyagung from the priyayi cilik.[10]

In 1901, the Dutch East Indies government established the so-called Ethische Politiek ("Ethical Politics") as an official policy.[11] The Ethical Politics paradigm extended the colonial state control through educational, religious, agricultural, resource extraction, and political surveillance institutions over the native population until Japanese occupation of 1942.[11] Western-style education became available to the native populace, although only the wealthy could afford tuition at the secondary and tertiary institutions where Dutch is the primary language of instruction.[12] Among the Javanese, priyayi men were the first to be educated at Western-style institutions before entering the colonial civil service.[13]

Nationalistic sentiments among Javanese elites who received Dutch education were formative in the era of the Indonesian National Awakening. The Boedi Oetomo, the first indigenous political society in the Dutch East Indies, was established by a group of priyayi doctors and medical students in 1908.[14] Although the group was confined to a Javanese, male priyayi following, the Boedi Oetomo was the first in a series of indigenous political activism in the Dutch East Indies.[14] The Boedi Oetomo gave rise to prominent priyayi figures such as Soetatmo Soeriekosomo (1888-1924) and Noto Soeroto (1888-1951), who are advocates for ethnic nationalism through the Committee for Javanese Nationalism, as well as advocates of Indies-wide nationalism, such as Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo (1886-1943) who later founded the Indische Party.[15] The emergence of other ethnic nationalist groups and Indies-nationalist political parties in Java later eclipsed Javanese nationalism and gave rise to the emergence of a broader, Indonesian-language nationalism throughout the 1920s and 30s.[16]

The recognition of the Republic of Indonesia in 1949 by Dutch authorities resulted in the integration of bureaucratic institutions from Dutch-controlled federal states into the new Republic.[17] The number of civil servants in Indonesia thus grew from 115,000 in the late 1920s to 400,000 in the early 1950s.[17] However, the strategic top echelons were dominated by an elite group of 100,000 Dutch-trained senior officials, which were concentrated in the Ministry of the Interior.[17] By the 1980s, Indonesias civil service expanded to approximately 2 million members, which amounted to 13.9 civil servants per 1,000 of the population, in contrast to the much lower 3.7 per 1,000 in 1950.[18]

Although the status of a priyayi does not have a formal presence in post-Independence Indonesian law, proximity to the executive branches of the state, which it symbolizes, remained a popular mode of upward socio-political mobility from the 1950s and after.[19] The New Order government of General Soeharto encouraged traditional priyayi and corporatist value in the Indonesian civil service, especially through the establishment of the Indonesian Civil Servants' Corps (KORPRI) in 1971.[20]

The priyayi class used elaborate title system. Some of the commonly used titles among Javanese nobility were:[21]

The order of precedence for male nobility title is: a simple Mas is the lowest, followed by simple Raden, and then the higher titles are compound titles of Raden Mas, Raden Panji, Raden Tumenggung, Raden Ngabehi and Raden Aria. These title were hereditary in some extents; a son will inherit a title one level lower than his parent, unless it is already of the lowest rank.[22]

The honorific Raden is related to the Malagasy noble titles of Randriana or Andriana, both of which are derived from the word "Rahadyan" (Ra-hadi-an), meaning "Lord" or "Master" in Old Javanese.[23]

American cultural anthropologist Clifford Geertz explained two cultural oppositions in priyayi worldview that characterizes the priyayi as a social status: alus ("refined") against kasar ("unrefined"), and batin ("inner human experience") against lahir ("outer human behavior").[24] As a feudalistic subculture in Javanese society distinct from the peasantry, priyayi culture emphasizes the alus over the kasar, and the batin over the lahir.[24]

The principal religion of the ethnic Javanese populace in the provinces of Central Java, East Java, and the Special Region of Yogyakarta is Islam, although there are minorities of Roman Catholic Christians, Protestant Christians, Hindus, and Buddhists.[25] Within Javanese Islam, Geertz identified three alirans, or cultural streams: the abangan, the santri, and the priyayi.[26] Members of the santri stream are more likely to be urban dwellers, and tend to be oriented to the mosque, the Qur'an, and to Islamic canon law. In contrast, the abangan tend to be from village peasant backgrounds and absorb both Hindu and Muslim elements, forming a culture of animist and folk traditions.[1] The priyayi stream is the traditional bureaucratic elite and was strongly driven by hierarchical Hindu-Javanese tradition.[1] The santri are sometimes referred to as Putihan ("the white ones") as distinct from the 'red' abangan. In general, the religion of the priyayi is closer to the abangan tradition than the santri, because of its combination of Indic polytheism and Islamic monotheism.[27] Public rituals, such as slametan, or the communal feast, are practiced in abangan peasant and priyayi households alike.[28]

Priyayi families on the coastal center and eastern parts of the island, however emphasize genealogical ties to the wali sanga, the nine Islamic saints of Java, and are closer to the santri in their religious practices than their hinterland counterparts.[5]

While the abangan are often peasants, the priyayi is the class of the landed gentry of towns and urban population centers.[29] Unlike feudal landlords, however, the priyayi of the Dutch colonial period are white-collar government employees who work as bureaucrats, teachers, and clerks.[29] The priyayi distinguish themselves from the peasantry and the merchant class by defining their work for the government as alus ("refined"), as opposed to trading, farming, and laboring, which are defined as kasar ("unrefined").[30] An early 19th century poem, "Suluk Mas Nganten," written by Jayadiningrat I, a Surakarta courtier, describes priyayi as a charismatic power, and not just socio-economic stature, that merchants cannot achieve:[31]

Priyayi families, however, also engage in trading through informal channels. Until the 1980s, priyayi women often supplement their household income by selling homemade textiles and craftswear, although trading in public places is seen as inappropriate for upper- and middle-class priyayi women.[32]

Literacy and command of multiple Javanese language registers were sources of priyayi prestige during the Dutch colonial era, when the majority of Javas population were illiterate.[33] The two major levels of discourse in the Javanese language are krama ("formal") and ngoko ("informal").[33] Mastery of krama, a set of registers primarily spoken up the social hierarchy, requires high levels of education.[33] Towards the end of the 19th century, when younger cadres of priyayi received Dutch-language education, the Javanese "inner elite" began adopting Dutch not only as a language used at work when interacting with the Dutch, but also at home and among Javanese circles.[34] The colonial era priyayi, therefore, became a largely bilingual class.[35] Since independence, Indonesian has been adopted as a national language, and new styles of Indonesian and Javanese have emerged as a continuation of the krama and ngoko registers in official publications and popular literature.[36]

The priyayi are patrons and practitioners of classical, courtly Javanese art forms, which they regard as alus and refined in contrast to the peasant art forms:[37]

See more here:

Priyayi - Wikipedia

Collapse of the USSR and the Socialist bloc can be legitimately described as one of the most astounding developments of last decade of the 20th century. The emergence of the USSR as the first socialist state of world (Socialist Revolution of 1917) had a big and deep impact on the nature and course of international relations of the first quarter of the 20th century.

Likewise, the collapse of the USSR in 1991 acted as a source of equally big impact on international relations of the last decade of the 20th century. It led to the collapse of the entire socialist bloc. The 21st century opened as a new century characterised by ideological and strategic unipolarism, and struggling to adjust with the new realities of the post-USSR, post-socialist bloc international relations.

After having lived and acted as a super power in world politics, and after having organised and led the socialist bloc in international relations, the USSR suffered an inglorious collapse in 1991. Due to internal economic weaknesses and a big political turmoil in the era of Perestroika and Glasnost, it failed to keep up its integrated status. The flag of the USSR came down on 31st December, 1991 and was replaced by the flag of Russia, which became its successor state.

Even before the of total disintegration of the USSR in 1991, some of the republics of the USSR had declared themselves independent sovereign states. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania had been in a position to secure their independences from the USSR, while other republics, one after the other, had also declared their independences.

Nine of the republics had decided to unite into a loose confederation of independent states with the name Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Georgia decided to remain away from the CIS. Thus, the last quarter of the year 1991 witnessed the disintegration of a super powerthe USSR and the liquidation of the socialist bloc.

This event came at a time when cold war had come to an end, the Eastern European states had gone in for non-communist regimes committed to the principles of economic-political liberalisation, democracy, decentralization, peaceful coexistence and cooperation with all others states for development.

The INF Treaty and the START-I Treaty had given a new hope for the securing of arms control in international relations. East-West relations had started taking a positive direction and healthy shape. The changes that had started coming were becoming instrumental in giving a new look and content to international relations, when the collapse of the USSR took place.

It made these changes more profound and bigger. After having remained as one of the two super powers in world politics and as a key actor during 1945-90, the USSR got itself confined to the pages of history in 1991. Its place was taken over by Russia, the CIS and several other independent republics, none of which was individually or collectively in a position to actually take over the role of the (erstwhile) USSR in world politics.

In 1917, Russia came to be the first socialist state in the world. Soon it reorganized itself into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republicsthe USSR. Initially, it decided to concentrate upon the task of internal consolidation and socialist state-building. Within a short span of about 25 years, it was, in a position to make spectacular progress in all spheres of internal administrationpolitical, economic, social, cultural and military.

It began getting transformed for its earlier status as the sick man of Europe to a powerful and developed state and a global powerful actor. During 1917-39 it even refrained from exporting socialism to other countries.

During the period of the Second World War, the USSR first consolidated its position and then entered the war against the Axis powers, particularly against Hitlers Germany which had invaded it in 1942. In this war, it demonstrated not only its new military might but also its ability to secure its desired objectives in international relations.

After the war, the USSR decided to fill in the power vacuum which had resulted from the loss of power suffered by all the European states. It also decided to export socialism to European states, and was actually successful in getting Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Albania, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia transformed into socialist regimes. All these states, with the exception of Yugoslavia, got organised under Soviet leadership into the socialist bloc, which got formalized by the Warsaw Pact of 1955.

The Soviet policies and interests in Europe as well in other parts of the world were challenged by the USA and other democratic (capitalist) countries of the West, particularly the Western European countries. The USA adopted the policy of Containment of Communism and Massive Retaliation particularly for checking the growing power and influence of the communist USSR.

The latter, as a counter move, decided to challenge the US and Western policies, interests and decisions in international politics. In the process a cold war broke out between the East and West in general and the USSR and the USA in particular. The emergence of communists China in 1949 gave a big boost to the growing socialist movement in the world. After 1949 the cold war between the USA and the USSR got materialised as cold war between Socialist East and Capitalist West.

The cold-war (1947-70) continued unabated between the USSR and its bloc on one side and the USA and its bloc on the other side. Each of the two super powers always acted to limit and isolate the other. In 1962 this cold war brought the East and West on the brink of a hot war and the danger compelled the USSR and the USA to lessen the cold war tensions and strains.

Between 1970-80 a conscious attempt was made to reduce the cold war strains and tensions as well as for developing friendly cooperation between the USSR & the USA. The exercise i.e. detente, however remained limited in scope and partial in approach.

In early 1980s this attempt (detente) got once again replaced by a new cold war, which, however, could remain in operation for just 5 to 7 years. The dangers of the New Cold War and the pressure resulting from the USSRs presence and role in Afghanistan compelled the USSR leadership to realize the need for a new detente in international relations.

The leadership of Michael Gorbachev in the USSR and his policies of Perestroika (Restructuring) and Glashost (Openness) provided a good ground for the birth of a new detente capable of terminating the new cold war. In mid-1980s the new cold war got replaced by a new detente, and its birth was heralded by the INF Treaty 1987.

Around 1985 Mr. Gorbachev adopted the policy of liberalisation of Soviet society and polity and of restructuring the Soviet economy. His concepts of Perestroika and Glasnost started guiding the Soviet policies and economy. He came forward to adopt the policy of opening out in international relations through a rejection of cold war and by lending support to the principles of peaceful coexistence, disarmament, arms control and mutual cooperation for development.

Within the Soviet Union, he introduced multi-party, multi-candidate elections, open debates, public decision-making, democratisation, decentralisation and liberalisation. A wind of change started blowing in the USSR as well as in other socialist countries of Europe.

Acting under the new policy initiatives, the USSR signed the historic INF Treaty with the USA in 1987. It gave a big boost to the process of arms control, peaceful coexistence, and cooperation between East and West. Gorbachev adopted the policy of keeping regular and high level contacts with the US President, Mr. Reagan, and Mr. George Brush who succeeded Mr. Reagan in 1988. He adopted the policy of encouraging liberalisation towards the West.

His concepts of Perestroika and Glasnost became instrumental in producing a movement towards liberalisation and democratisation in the Socialist countries of Europe. Between 1988-90, the process of liberalisation of Eastern European countries made its appearance in a big way. The communist regimes in all these states began getting replaced by liberalized non- communist democratic regimes.

In the USSR, the new liberalisation and restructuring got transformed into a movement for democratic rights and freedoms. The economic weakness of the USSR, as reflected in shortages in the consumer goods and food, provided fuel to the movement for liberalisation. The Soviet central power developed a weakness and its ability to use power and authority got limited.

The Union Republics of the USSR, one after the other, started declaring their independences. Ethnic conflicts started developing in several Union Republics. The Baltic states of Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia were the first to secure their independences from the USSR.

In August 1991, an unsuccessful communist coup to seize power in the USSR was staged. The coup further reflected the increasing weakness of central power in the USSR. Moreover after this coup, power struggle between Michael Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin came to the forefront.

By November 1991, the Soviet authority got almost totally eclipsed. All the Soviet Republics declared their independences and the central government led by Mr. Gorbachev found the situation hopeless. Russia, the biggest republic of the USSR, was being ruled by President Boris Yeltsin and he posed the final challenge to the Presidency of Gorbachev.

In November 1991 nine Republics of the USSR, which had declared themselves sovereign independent states, signed a treaty to form the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a loose confederation of nine sovereign states. Russia asserted its claim for recognition as the successor of the erstwhile USSR and it was accepted by the new sovereign republics as well as by the USA and other states of the world.

Finally on 31st December, 1991 the flag of the USSR was replaced by the flag of Russia. The President of Russia, Mr. Boris Yeltsin received the nuclear button from Mikhail Gorbachev. Russia inherited the permanent seat of the USSR in the UN Security Council. With this the collapse of the USSR became complete and a super power got confined to the pages of history.

Along with Russia all the countries of the socialist bloc also got their regimes liberalized. In fact, non-communist regimes became successful in terminating the communist regimes. Disintegration of USSR led to a disintegration of the entire socialist bloc. The socialist bloc now came to be a liberalized bloc. The Eastern European states felt themselves now closer to Western European states. East Germany merged with West Germany to become one single Germany.

Before analyzing the impact of the collapse of the USSR and the liquidation of socialist bloc, it must be noted that the collapse of USSR was both total as well as partial. Total in the sense that the USSR got replaced by Russia, CIS, Georgia, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. It was also total in the sense that it reflected the end of the era of communism in this part of the world, at least for the time being.

However, the collapse of USSR was also partial in the sense that the successor of the erstwhile USSR i.e. Russia inherited 3/4th of territory, population, resources and the whole of nuclear arsenal of the parent USSR. Russia took over all assets and liabilities of the erstwhile USSR.

However, despite this fact, it found itself weak and dependent due to the following factors:

1. A very weak economic system that Russia inherited compelled it to be dependent upon American and Western economic aid.

2. Presence of strong opposition to the leadership of President Boris Yeltsin within Russia acted as a big limitation. He found it difficult to have his own Prime Minister. A power struggle also got developed between the Russian Parliament and the President.

3. Russia was yet to fix its priorities in international relations. It was yet to adopt a foreign policy capable of securing Russian interests in the post-cold war and the post-USSR environment of international relations.

4. Lack of means and power to check the growing US power in international relations further compelled Russia to remain less active. The economic dependence of Russia made it difficult for the new Russian regime to act for limiting the fast developing US dominance over the UN and the international system.

5. The problem of conducting relations with other new independent states, which had been previously parts of the Soviet federation, also posed a big limitation on Russian power. The problem of sharing control over the assets of the Red Army as well as the need to control all the nuclear weapons of the erstwhile USSR, further acted as a big limitation on Russian power.

6. Despite inheriting the permanent seat in the UN Security Council, Russia found it almost difficult to challenge the growing US dominance over this powerful organ of the United Nations.

7. In the ideological and power unipolarism that came to develop as a result of the collapse of the USSR, Russia found it problematic and difficult to challenge the US power in the world.

8. Several internal troubles, e.g., Chechenya crisis a civil war, were instrumental in keeping limited the Russian power and role in international relations.

All these factors prevented Russia from effectively taking over the role of the erstwhile USSR in international relations. Legally it became the successor of the parent USSR, but in practice it failed to act as a super power or even as a major power in world politics.

Further, the new developments in the international relations after the collapse of the USSR, the liquidation of the socialist bloc and the new popularity gained by the principles of economic and political liberalisation, open competition and increased mutual cooperation for development gave rise to a new economic activity in international relations.

It had a positive face in so far as the new economic activity acted as a source of a new strength for the principles of peaceful co-existence, peace, liberalisation, liberalism, democracy, human rights, environment protection, peaceful conflict- resolution, de-nuclearisation, demilitarisation and development.

However, on the other hand it also had a negative dimension in so far as it gave an opportunity to the U.S.A. to dominate international relations particularly international decision-making in the U.N. Security Council. The new developments also acted as a source of more dependence of the Third world countries upon the developed countries.

The return of peace in several parts of the world was a welcome development but along with it the continuance of Neo- colonialism acted as a big strain on the policies and economics of new states. The world under the auspices of the U.N. got engaged in peace-keeping operations in several different parts of the world.

The world scenario in general appeared to be more healthy than what it was in the years of cold war. This became evident from the fact that after 11 September, 2001 all the nations readily came forward to join their heads and hands against the menace of international terrorism. However, the unilateralism shown by the USA by undertaking war against Iraq and in complete disregard to the United Nations, demonstrated the unbalanced nature of the unipolar international system of the post-USSR period of international relations.

In fact the new emerging international system is still struggling to absorb fully the changes resulting from the collapse of the U.S.S.R., and the liquidation of socialist bloc, which was accompanied by the rise of Russia as the successor state of the U.S.S.R., the Commonwealth of Independent States and several other new international actors.

International relations in general and politics in Asia and Europe in particular reflect a dissatisfaction with the presence of unipolarism in international relations. This has given strength to the objective of securing the multi-centric character of the international system and for meeting the menace of neo-colonialism in international relations.

The final impact of these developments is expected to become clear and settled in the first quarter of the 21st century. The post-U.S.S.R. and post-socialist bloc international system is yet to settle as a stable system of relations among nations.

The international community is still trying to restore the multi-centric character of international system. The U.N. General Assembly has become fully representative of the world but the U.N. Security Council is yet to be expanded, democratized and decentralised. The place and role of Russia, China, India, Germany, Brazil, Japan, South Africa and some other states in the emerging international system is yet to mature and get settled. The emerging trend towards multi-polarity is yet to get a definite shape.

The impact of the collapse of the USSR, which also involved the collapse of the socialist bloc in international relations, was indeed very profound and big. It can be analyzed under the following heads:

The cold war got virtually ended when the liberalisation and democratisation of Eastern European countries took place, when the Berlin wall got demolished and the two German states became one, when the Warsaw Pact got liquidated, and when the erstwhile adversaries East and West got engaged in a process of peaceful coexistence and mutual cooperation for development.

However, the presence of a Socialist USSR, despite the new liberalism, kept alive the chances for a re-emergence of a new cold war. It was really after the disintegration of the USSR and the inability of Russia to oppose the West that the chances for a re- emergence of cold war finally came to an end. We can say the final cremation of cold war took place with the collapse of the USSR.

The bi- polarity of the 1950s, which had got replaced by bi-multi-polarity or poly-centrism in 1960s, itself got replaced by a unipolarity in international relations of 1990s. The disintegration of the socialist bloc, the termination of the Warsaw Pact, and the collapse of the USSR created unipolarity in international relations with the U.S.A. as the sole-surviving super power in the world.

The unipolarity in international relations got reflected from the continued presence of NATO, the dominant position of the U.S.A. in the world in general and the UN in particular, and the inability or unwillingness on the part of the major powers to oppose or challenge the U.S. power in the world.

The collapse of the socialist U.S.S.R. as well as the other socialist countries of Europe gave a serious and fatal blow to the ideology of communism. Further, the acceptance and adoption of liberalisation, liberalism, democracy, decentralisation and market economy by almost all the states gave a further blow to the popularity of communism in the world.

Even China had to abandon the socialist economic system even while retaining the socialist-political authoritarianism of the past. It found itself isolated. The case of Vietnam and Cuba also came to be similar. Along with this, the ideological principles of liberalism, liberalisation of politics and economy, human rights, democratisation, decentralisation and peaceful co-existence, received a universal recognition. Ideological unipolarism came to characterize the post-USSR era of international relations.

The collapse of Socialist bloc and the USSR was accompanied by the end of Russian role in European politics. The rise of non-communist regimes through movements for democracy and liberalisation in the Eastern European states, gave a new look to European politics.

The division between Eastern Europe and Western Europe got diluted and all the European states began living in an era of peaceful co-existence and mutual cooperation for development. The demolition of Berlin Wall, the unification of Germany, end of Warsaw Pact and the rise of democratic regimes in erstwhile socialist states together gave a new dress and content to European politics.

These changes in Europe brought into existence the chances of an increased co-operation between the Western European states and the former socialist states, it also gave rise to the possibility of diversion of Western and American economic aid from the Third World to the erstwhile socialist states of Europe.

The U.S.A. became interested in increasing its influence, particularly its economic influence over the Eastern European states. The Western European states which stood organised as the European Union realized the new opportunity for economic development through the establishment of high level trade and economic relations with the Eastern European states.

The membership of the European Union was enlarged with the admission of several new states of Eastern Europe. The European Union did not want them to become dependent on the USA. This feature gave rise to some thinking towards the emergence of an economic cold war between the EU and the U.S.A. However, the change of scene gave to the USA the opportunity to expand its NATO towards the East.

The erstwhile socialist states got involved in the process of adjusting their foreign policies to the new environment, and some of them became willing to join the Non-aligned Movement. They thought that by doing so they could be in a position to avoid a possible economic cold war between the EU and the U.S.A., and at the same time could get a chance to develop high level trade, industrial and economic relations with the developing countries, almost all of whom happened to be the members of the NAM. As such, the collapse of the U.S.S.R acted as a source of a big change in the politics of Europe, which in turn acted as a source of change in international relations.

Six of the republics of the erstwhile U.S.S.R., which became independent sovereign states and which were located in the Central Asian region, preferred to become Islamic republics. They joined nine Islamic states and formed the Economic Cooperation Organisation (E.C.O.) in Central Asia. Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism in Central Asia gave strength to such forces in other parts of the world.

This compelled many countries to realize better the dangers resulting from the growing strength of the factor of Islamic politics in world politics. This factor compelled a change in the U.S. policy towards India, China, West Asia, Cental Asia and other regions of the world. Central Asia became a new centre of global interest and concern. Central Asian Crude became a new factor of worldwide interest in this region.

Under the impact of the collapse of the U.S.S.R., politics in Asia underwent a big change. In particular, India lost one of its time tested and dependable friends. Its foreign policy had to readjust relations with Russia and other republics of the erstwhile U.S.S.R.

It took nearly 12 months to adjust her relations, and give a proper direction to socio-economic-cultural cooperation with Russia and other members of the CIS. India also found it essential to work for an improvement of relations with the USA. Its economic necessities and the changes in its economic policies from public sector oriented policies to privatisation oriented policies further compelled an improvement in Indo-US relations.

The holding of joint Indo-US Naval exercises in the Indian Ocean, the Indian vote in the United Nations in favour of the resolution which held that Zionism was not apartheids, and Indian vote in favour of several US decisions in respect of the Gulf crisis and Gulf war, were all pointers towards this direction.

After the collapse of the USSR, another major Asian power, China also felt itself isolated as a communist state. It found compelled to go in for economic liberalisation in a rapid way, mend its fences with India, Japan, Vietnam and other countries of Asia. It also found it difficult to attempt to restrain the US dominance of the UN Security Council. Vietnam also found it essential to leave Cambodia, mend its fences with China and develop friendly cooperation with other Asian countries.

Likewise, Japan found it essential to reassess and redefine its role in Asia in particular and the world at large in general. It decided to develop its military power in the new environment. The possibility of emergence of an economic cold war with the USA began compelling Japan to develop further its trade relations with other Asian countries, particularly with India, China and ASEAN countries, The strength that forces of Islamic fundamentalism started gaining in Central Asia and West Asia compelled several democratic and secular states to devise policies for keeping these within check.

In the changed environment of Central Asia, Pakistan decided to orient its policy towards the consolidation of unity of the Islamic states of Central Asia. Asia witnessed the emergence of ECO in Central Asia.

The weakness suffered by the erstwhile USSR during 1985-90 and the changes in its policy helped the process of effecting a resolution of conflict in Afghanistan and Cambodia and for the emergence of Arab-Israel talks for resolving the West Asian crisis. In the absence of the USSR, the USA decided to give more importance to her relations with democratic countries like India.

The importance of relations with Asian countries was doubly realized by the western powers. Within nine months of its emergence as a sovereign state, Russia also decided to give priority to the development of its relations with Asian countries, particularly with India, China, Japan, Vietnam and ASEAN states.

The collapse of the U.S.S.R. in 1991 and the changes that came in the international system after 1985 liberalisation of Eastern Europe, liquidation of the Warsaw Pact and dissolution of the socialist blocall combined to create a new environment in which NAM found itself under stress. The disintegration being suffered by Yugoslavia, which happened to be chairman of NAM during the crucial period of 1989-92, also acted as a big limitation on the working of NAM.

The end of Cold war and the emergence of East-West cooperation influenced several scholars to voice the view that NAM had lost its relevance in international relations and that NAM was no longer needed .In the Gulf crisis which was followed by the Gulf War, NAM could play little role. Most of the NAM countries found it essential to accept the US view of several international problems and issues.

The collapse of the U.S.S.R and the dissolution of the socialist bloc reduced the operational ability of the NAM. It had little option except to support liberalisation and to tolerate unipolarism. While NAM welcomed the new faith in peaceful co- existence, democratization and mutual cooperation for development among all nations, it felt apprehensive of the newly emerged unipolarity in international relations.

However by holding the tenth, eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth NAM Summits in 1992, 1995, 1998 and 2003, NAM was successful in reasserting its unity as an international movement. But at the same time, it also reflected a lack of a clear-cut direction. Membership of NAM registered an increase but its ability to work as a cohesive group suffered a decline.

Before the collapse of the U.S.S.R., the Soviet leadership had signed two vitally important arms control/arms reduction agreementsINF and START-I with the U.S.A. After the collapse of the U.S.S.R. its successor state Russia came forward to sign START-II with the U.S.A. in January 1993. On 15th January 1993, the chemical weapons treaty got ratification from 125 states.

As such in the post-U.S.S.R. era of international relations some progress towards arms control was maintained. France and China decided to sign N.P.T. The movement for nuclear disarmament and arms control began gaining some momentum.

However, there was registered little progress towards securing a general and comprehensive disarmament and arms control treaty. CTBT proved to be partial, half-baked and inadequate exercise. The USA revived with vigour its national missile defence programme, India and Pakistan became N- powers in 1998.

In the post-U.S.S.R. era, the demand for securing NIEO through a North-South dialogue virtually fell into background. Little progress could be made towards the securing of NIEO and Uruguay round of negotiations too failed in this respect. The Third World countries now found themselves more dependent upon the U.S.A. and other developed countries, particularly the G-7 (now G-8) countries. They feared a reduction in their foreign aid levels because of the possibility of diversion of western economic aid towards the erstwhile socialist countries.

The neo-colonial dependence of the Third World upon the developed countries of the West continued unabated. The economic liberalisation and market economy began acting as a source of increased economic control of the developed nations and the USA upon the economies and policies of the Third World countries.

These countries now realized better the need for securing their economic development through South-South cooperation. For this they began relying more on NAM, regional cooperation for development, leadership of G-20, increased role of G-24, G-77, UNCTAD and other such institutions.

However, the loss of momentum by NAM and emergence of WTO, Globalisation and increasing role of Multinational corporations created an environment in which the developing countries found it more difficult to secure NIEO.

After the collapse of the Socialist bloc and the USSR, international economic, system began undergoing big changes. Politics of international economic relations came to be the dominant dimension of relations among nations.

After 1990 several economic bloc actors appeared on the scene and began becoming more and more active actors. APEC, AFTA, NAFTA, PIF, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, G-7, G-15 besides the EU, ASEAN, SAARC, OPEC got engaged in active economic diplomacy and cooperation in international relations.

Thus the collapse of the U.S.S.R., the collapse of the socialist bloc, along with the end of Cold war, liberalisation of Eastern Europe and emergence of unipolarism in power structure and ideological environment, acted as a source of profound and big changes in the international relations of the last decade of the 20th century.

The emergence of unipolarity with the USA as the sole surviving super power, the changes in the politics of Europe, the increase in the number of nations states, (the U.N.O. has now a membership of 193 nations), the virtual isolation of the remaining communist countriesChina and Cubathe reduced role of NAM, the U.S. domination of the U.N. Security Council, the continued and ever increasing neo-colonial control of the developed countries over the developing counties, the increased dependence of the developing countries upon foreign aid, the possibility of the rise of an economic cold war in international relations, came to the major realities of the post- U.S.S.R. international relations.

Original post:

Collapse of USSR and Its Impact on International Relations

ISLAMABAD - Pakistan is playing an extremely important role in alleviating the humanitarian crisis and avoiding the socio-economic collapse in Afghanistan, said Chinese scholar Cheng Xizhong, visiting at Southwest University of Political Science and Law.

The international community should fully recognize Pakistans crucial role in maintaining regional peace and stability, said the Chinese scholar told Gwadar Pro yesterday.

Prof. Cheng believes that Pakistans important role on the Afghan issue is mainly reflected in the aspects:

He said that despite its own COVID-hit economy and natural disasters, Pakistan generously announced Rs 5 billion in-kind humanitarian aid for Afghanistan including food commodities, emergency medical supplies, winter shelters and other supplies besides allowing 246,144 new Afghan refugees to enter Pakistan.

The country is already hosting over three million Afghan refugees.

Pakistan has urgently appealed to the international community to actively participate in alleviating the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. Pakistan timely initiated the convening of the 17th Extraordinary Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers of OIC, which deepened the international communitys understanding of the seriousness of the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan and gathered the consensus of the international community on the need to take urgent measures to avoid the socio-economic collapse of Afghanistan.

The United Nations largest-ever $5 billion funding appeal, the US additional aid of $308 million and over $1 billion pledge from the European Union indicate the success of Pakistans repeated calls for the world to help avert looming humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.

The Chinese scholar also said that Pakistan is exploring the fundamental way to solve the Afghan issue. All external assistance can only temporarily alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan, but to fundamentally solve the socio-economic problems facing Afghanistan, the international community should help Afghanistan cultivate its own self-reliance capacity.

The rest is here:

Pak role termed crucial in easing Afghan humanitarian crisis - The Nation

Documenting the National Security Policy (NSP) is a welcome step. After all, documenting something helps to know and understand it better, thus making it easier to analyse, discuss and improve. We find that although the language of the National Security Policy document of Pakistan shared publicly is futuristic, implying change, however, it does not claim to be a new or changed policy and reading it confirms it is not. And though it uses some new terms and phrases to describe things, but reading carefully shows there is neither any change nor any intentions to change. At best, one can see tactical adjustments. Expecting changes in national security policy without a change in the political context or strategic culture is futile.

The document claims to take a Comprehensive Security approach. In the 1970s, the term Comprehensive Security came as a conceptual response to the changing international system, when mainly due to nuclear weapons, it was realised that direct military conflict was almost impossible, but states survival may be threatened by non-military threats. The Soviet collapse, with its military capability intact, underscored this point. It referred to both broadening, meaning inclusion of non-military issues; and deepening, referring to inclusion of domestic concerns in the concept of security. We started hearing of human security focusing on the person of individual rather than the geography of the state. Barry Buzan, a British professor, wrote of securitisation referring to the broadening/expansion of the security through inclusion of governance, economy and socio-economic elements. This meant that in the calculus of state security, one must include much more than tanks, fighter planes and bombs.

The present document on Pakistans security policy does indeed talk of all these aspects of Comprehensive Security. The problem is it does so without any change in the primacy of traditional security.

Comprehensive Security in democratic states furthers the democratisation of decision-making by increasing the role of non-security segments on security issues, along with political control. Where the security establishment dominates decision-making, like in Pakistan, it expands its control in fields hitherto left to the civilians. The document claims to be result of wide consultations. However, we know political parties or parliament were not a part of this consultation. It was not even presented in the parliament after being written, let alone debated there. The document was authored by the National Security Division after consultations with some independent scholars and civil society members, whose identity is not known. It also claims to have been based on discussions in universities, but mentions only National Defense University (NDU), a fully owned and managed Armed Forces institution.

Maintaining India as the traditional military threat (increased due to Hindutvaisation), even if this approach is correct and justifies military preparedness, requires concrete policy and clear thinking. So, for instance, denying Afghanistan (even under the control of supposedly friendly Taliban) and India to connect through Pakistani territory negates the claimed policy of seeking security in connectivity and can be justified only through a traditional security and geopolitical approach

Due to limitation of space, this essay just gives an overview of the document, with the help of some selected terms and phrases, showing why it fails to be a comprehensive security approach. The document considers traditional military security as the primary concern and thus emphasises it centrality. Rather than treating the non-military elements of security at par with military elements and the need to secure people as being of equal importance, if not more, it treats them as supportive and required for a strong military. It sees them as being required for territorial security from military threats posed by a rising Hindutva-oriented India. There term cost effective is used to present the case for military preparedness. There is nothing to show what is meant by cost effective. Though there was no need for spelling it out in a policy document, one normally expects that a policy approach based on the concept of Comprehensive Security would aim for a cost effective defence policy through a balance between what is allocated for military expenses and for human development. The current tilt is heavily towards the military. Future implementations actions (budgets) will tell how much this tilt has been corrected.

The document acknowledges the diversity of Pakistan. However, the policy continues to deal with it as the state of Pakistan has always dealt with it. The same is true of its acknowledgement of the terrorist threat. The words used are to differentiate between reconcilable and non-reconcilable along with an inclusive approach which indicates the thinking between the lines .The distinction should be between those who articulate their views on rights and wrongs, present policy alternatives and different strategies for resolution of issues or complain and peacefully protest for/ against what they consider to be just or unjust; and those who use unconstitutional or violent means to further their views or demands. There may be some foreign-backed elements among the later too. However, the terms irreconcilable and reconcilable imply an insistence on all agreeing to a particular set of state-backed narratives.

The intention to carry out development activities merely so that different ethnicities or people of various geographic areas are not weaponised by foreign agents shows a continuation of the policy framed by a non-democratic, centralising and elitist mindset. This negates the claimed inclusivist approach.

An inclusive approach means including the marginalised in decision-making: and not just on issues concerning them which should be their exclusive domain but in decisions concerning collective issues too. The smaller ethnicities are not people of colonies that can be merely accepted as sharing the burdens and bounties of the state. Inclusion does not mean just giving them benefits, but letting them be a part of both good and bad.

In early 2021, a consultative meeting was convened by the office of Moeed Yousuf at the University of Peshawar, for discussing Afghanistan (whether that was part of the National Security Policy consultation was not mentioned). Merely discussing Afghanistan, former FATA, or terrorism with Pashtun academics is not including them in decision-making. Inclusion would require inviting and considering their views on economic policy, broader foreign Policy as well as other common concerns (to set the record straight, this is the approach of the mainstream Pakistani democrats too).

Maintaining India as the traditional military threat (increased due to Hindutvaisation), even if this approach is correct and justifies military preparedness, requires concrete policy and clear thinking. So, for instance, denying Afghanistan (even under the control of supposedly friendly Taliban) and India to connect through Pakistani territory negates the claimed policy of seeking security in connectivity and can be justified only through a traditional security and geopolitical approach. This also continues the old approach of using Pakistans location as if it were of geopolitical significance and not as a space of geo-economic significance or economic hub as claimed by the document.

A change of policy only results from change of perceptions. And perceptions change when we reconsider as to whose perceptions matter. Democratic decision-making by including those previously excluded in decision-making enables inputs from the diversity of which all states are made up. This is what truly changes perceptions and thus policies based on them.

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Interpreting the National Security Policy: How Much Of It Is Old Wine In A New Bottle? - The Friday Times