Category Archives: Republican

On April 15, 1947, Jackie Robinson played his first game with the Brooklyn Dodgers, forever changing baseball and society.

Robinson was Black, and the integration of all-white major league baseball was perhaps the most important story about civil rights in the years immediately following World War II.

The integration, Jules Tygiel wrote in his groundbreaking book Baseballs Great Experiment, captured the imagination of millions of Americans who had previously ignored the nations racial dilemma.

As Martin Luther King Jr. famously put it, Robinson was a sit-inner before sit-ins, a freedom rider before freedom rides.

Major League Baseball celebrates the 75th anniversary of Robinsons historic career on April 15, 2022, in stadiums and ballparks across the nation.

But in my view, those celebrations will fall short if they dont address how Robinson confronted white supremacy with class and dignity during a time before he joined the Dodgers, when his own minor league manager once asked, Do you really think a nigra is a human being?

Ive written or edited four books about Jackie Robinson. When I give a lecture or a talk about him, I often mention that he was a Republican.

Given the modern-day opposition that the Republican Party has toward civil and voting rights protections and the teaching of racism in American history this invariably provokes an audible gasp from the audience.

Robinson, who lived from 1919 to 1972, was a Republican when millions of other Blacks were Republicans.

Back in those days, the GOP still hung on to its mantra that it was the party of Abraham Lincoln, the president who signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

The proclamation declared that all persons held as slaves within the rebellious Southern states that had seceded from the Union are, and henceforward shall be free.

Robinsons parents gave him the middle name Roosevelt in honor of Republican President Teddy Roosevelt, who expressed disdain about racism, Arnold Rampersad wrote in his Robinson biography, before white supremacist power made Roosevelt retreat into conservatism.

Branch Rickey, the white Dodgers executive who signed Robinson to a contract and became his mentor, was an ardent Republican who believed in racial equality. Robinson supported and then worked for civil rights advocate New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller.

If we had one or two governors in the Deep South like Nelson Rockefeller, King said, many of our problems could be readily solved.

Robinson endorsed Richard Nixon, the Republican candidate for president, in 1960. Nixon, who, like Robinson, was from southern California, convinced Robinson, a former UCLA athlete, that he would support civil rights.

Robinson found Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy, Nixons opponent, insincere in his tepid support for civil rights.

Kennedy won the presidential election that year.

In 1964, U.S. Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona challenged Rockefeller and other more liberal Republicans for control of what the right wing called the white mans party. He won the partys presidential nomination.

Though Goldwater lost the presidential election in a landslide to Democratic President Lyndon Baines Johnson, he won the hearts and minds of pro-segregation Democrats, the mostly Southern politicians and their followers who had abandoned the Democratic Party when it endorsed legislation during the late 50s and '60s to advance civil rights and voting rights for Blacks.

Those who switched parties included U.S. Sen. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, who ran for president in 1948 as a segregationist and later filibustered for more than 24 hours to prevent passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act.

Goldwater, Nixon and others in the GOP used what they called the Southern strategy to leverage the grievances and fears of Southern whites over the Democrats groundbreaking proposal that Blacks should have equal rights.

By 1968, Robinson was done with the GOP. He refused to support Nixon when he ran for president again in 1968. He also became more active in the civil rights movement and appeared with King on frequent occasions.

Robinson also became a prolific writer, including a column for the Amsterdam News, a weekly Black newspaper, where he further developed his fierce opposition to the Republican Party.

I suspect that unless the party showed a desire to win our votes, he wrote in a letter 1968 to Clarence Lee Towns Jr., the leading Black member of the Republican National Committee, it may rest assured that I and my friends cannot and will not support a conservative.

Instead, Robinson supported Nixons Democratic rival, Hubert Humphrey. I have my right to remember that I am Black and American before I am Republican, Robinson wrote in the Amsterdam News. As such, I will never vote for Mr. Nixon.

When Nixon won the election, Robinson demonstrated the determination he showed throughout his life.

In one of his last letters to the Nixon White House, Robinson pleaded with special assistant Roland L. Elliott to listen to Black America before racial tensions got out of control.

Black America has asked so little, Robinson wrote, but if you cant see the anger that comes from rejection, you are treading a dangerous course. We older blacks, unfortunately were willing to wait. Todays young blacks are ready to explode.

On Nov. 24, 1972, Robinson died of a heart attack at age 53. Twenty-five years later, Major League Baseball honored him by retiring his number, 42, meaning the number can no longer be worn by any player in the league.

No other baseball player has been given such an honor.

Link:

Jackie Robinson was a Republican until the GOP became the 'white mans party' - The Conversation

Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced. James Baldwin

Heres what were not going to do here.

We are not going to indulge the lazy rationalizations, false equivalence, cheap gaslighting and other forms of rhetorical chicanery that have become so common to political discourse in this era. Our country is in crisis, and we owe it better.

The warning is for those who claimed offense at the following observation, made in this space a few days back: What Americans have lost to be painfully accurate, what Republicans have trashed in pursuit of power is the willingness and ability to share a common national identity. It would seem to be self-evident truth. But not everyone agrees.

Constantly blaming Republicans, griped one respondent.

You ONLY blame the Republicans, complained another.

You exclusively blame Republicans, grumbled yet another.

Well, theres a reason the Republicans get the blame for destroying any sense of common American narrative. Its because pay close attention here they deserve the blame for destroying any sense of common American narrative.

Sorry, but Hunter Bidens laptop didnt do that. Black Lives Matter didnt do that. Whatever thing Fox News last told its audience to fear did not do that.

The Republican Party did it by a campaign of demonizing dissent, shredding norms and boundaries, embracing a politics of white resentment and fear and, perhaps most corrosively, delegitimizing the very idea of knowable fact, so that an ordinary birth certificate becomes an object of suspicion, an ordinary election a seedbed of distrust and the sacking of the U.S. Capitol an innocent visit by tourists.

Is it mere partisanship to hold the party accountable for this? Or are we not talking about something bigger and more foundational than political gamesmanship? Note how many of the GOPs ardent defenders George F. Will, Rep. Adam Kinzinger, Kathleen Parker, Rep. Liz Cheney, Sen. Mitt Romney, Jonah Goldberg have become, to various degrees, estranged from it in recent years. None of those worthies may be credibly accused of being anti-Republican.

But what they are is conscientious enough that they cannot deny self-evident truth when it is right before them. Some of us prefer to peddle misguided both-sideism, to spew non-responsive non-sequiturs or stick metaphorical fingers in metaphorical ears going la la la la la la la until the truth safely passes them by.

Meantime, one party steers the ship of state toward jagged rocks.

Political scientists Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein once observed that, The Republican Party has become an insurgent outlier ideologically extreme; contemptuous of the inherited social and economic policy regime; scornful of compromise; unpersuaded by conventional understanding of facts, evidence and science; and dismissive of the legitimacy of its political opposition.

They wrote that in a 2012 book called Its Even Worse Than It Looks. Ten years later, its even worse than that.

Its important to be clear on that, not to blame the GOP but because James Baldwin was right. You cannot fix what you will not face. And what America needs to face is the simple, chilling fact that the Republican Party is a clear and present danger.

Confronting that does not make you a partisan.

It makes you a patriot.

Leonard Pitts Jr. is a columnist for the Miami Herald. Readers may email him at [emailprotected].

Invalid username/password.

Please check your email to confirm and complete your registration.

Use the form below to reset your password. When you've submitted your account email, we will send an email with a reset code.

Previous

Read the original here:

Leonard Pitts Jr.: The Republican Party is a clear and present danger - Lewiston Sun Journal

In one of the final acts in a 24-year political career, the Republican chief justice of the Ohio supreme court is defying her party and refusing to let them distort electoral districts to their advantage, a move that has some fellow Republicans calling for her impeachment.

Get the latest updates on voting rights in the Guardians Fight to vote newsletter

Since January, Chief Justice Maureen OConnor has served as the decisive vote on three separate occasions blocking Ohio Republicans from enacting proposed state legislative maps. She also sided with Democrats to block an initial GOP proposal for congressional districts before going into effect in January. Those decisions have prompted chatter among Republicans about impeaching OConnor, 70, who will leave the court after nearly two decades at the end of this year because she has reached the mandatory retirement age for judges in Ohio.

OConnor has a long independent streak. A decade ago, she joined a dissent when the supreme court upheld the state legislative districts drawn by Republicans. I broke away from the mould in some peoples minds, she would later say of that decision. Party affiliation should not and people have to understand it should not have anything to do with how a judge does their job.

In 2018, she joined with the lone Democrat on the court to dissent from a ruling upholding the forced closure of the last abortion clinic in Toledo. She has backed criminal justice and bail reform, as other Ohio Republicans are pushing to make it harder for someone to be released on bond. She has called for less partisan influence in the way judges are elected in the state. In 2020, just before the presidential election, she blasted the state Republican party for accusing a local judge of colluding with Democrats, saying the attack was disgraceful and deceitful.

Shes no shrinking violet. Shes got sharp elbows, said Paul Pfeifer, a Republican who served on the supreme court with OConnor from when she joined in 2003 until he retired in 2017. No amount of public criticism is going to change her mind if she feels that shes right in the position shes taking.

William ONeill, a Democrat who served with OConnor on the court from 2013 to 2019, said she was the justice he wound up voting with the most. They were the only two members of the court who dissented in 2018 in the Toledo abortion clinic case.

She can be swayed to reasonable arguments, he said. Her legacy is already carved in stone. The stand she is taking is consistent with her entire career.

Shes also one of the most successful politicians in the history of Ohio, said David Pepper, a former chair of the Ohio Democratic party. Shes been elected five times statewide, none of which have been close. The then Ohio governor, Robert Taft, picked the former prosecutor to be his running mate in 1998 to add law enforcement experience to the ticket. Once she was elected lieutenant governor, she oversaw the states department of public safety, taking on a leading role after the 9/11 attacks. She would travel overseas with troops being deployed from Ohio, even though that doesnt typically fall within the responsibilities of her role.

She took the initiative to do that and I would say it was above and beyond what she would have to do in her role, Taft said in an interview. She was part of our team but she was also her own person. She was an independent thinker.

She was elected to the court in 2002, and became chief justice in 2010.

Now, OConnor and the court are not backing down in their refusal to let Republicans in the state get away with one of the most brazen efforts to gerrymander electoral districts to their benefit.

A new provision in the Ohio constitution requires partisan makeup of the states 132 legislative districts roughly reflect the partisan breakdown of statewide elections over the last decade, which is 54% Republican and 46% Democrat. The three plans Republicans have passed so far, and a fourth one currently pending before the court, however, would enable Republicans to win a veto-proof majority in the legislature in a favorable year for the party.

The constitutional violations of the maps that the Ohio redistricting commission continues to pass are obvious, said Jen Miller, the executive director of the Ohio chapter of the League of Women Voters, which is involved in suits challenging the plans.

Republicans have forged a sneaky attempt to enact their maps. The initial plan the court struck down in January would have given them control of 64.4% of districts. They then submitted a new plan to the court that nominally had the required 54-46 split, but several of the districts were barely majority Democratic essentially toss-ups meaning Republicans could still win them in a favorable election. After the court rejected that plan, Republicans came back with a third plan that slightly increased the Democratic majority in those districts, which was again rejected by the court. Last month, Republicans submitted a fourth plan that took the same approach.

Its a pure power play, said Paul Beck, a retired political science professor at the Ohio State University. Its almost like theyre saying we have the power to do this and so were gonna do it.

OConnor has bluntly called out the way Ohio Republicans are abusing the redistricting process. The first time the court struck down the legislative maps, back in January, she went out of her way to write a concurring opinion urging Ohio voters to strip lawmakers of their redistricting power entirely.

Having now seen first-hand that the current Ohio Redistricting Commission comprised of statewide elected officials and partisan legislators is seemingly unwilling to put aside partisan concerns as directed by the peoples vote, Ohioans may opt to pursue further constitutional amendment to replace the current commission with a truly independent, nonpartisan commission that more effectively distances the redistricting process from partisan politics, she wrote.

The standoff has left Ohio at a chaotic impasse. Unlike supreme courts in other states, like Virginia that have stepped in to draw maps, the Ohio supreme court is prohibited from making its own plan. Early voting began on 5 April without state legislative districts on the ballot. Last month, a coalition of civic action groups challenged the maps to request that the redistricting commission be held in contempt for failing to comply with the courts orders.

The hard line from OConnor and three other Democrats on the supreme court, where Republicans have a 4-3 majority, is extremely consequential. This is the first redistricting cycle the partisan fairness requirements are in effect (voters approved them overwhelmingly through a ballot measure in 2015). By refusing to accept the Republican maps, OConnor and the court are setting a precedent that signals how aggressively the justices are going to police partisan gerrymandering.

The consequence of caving would be a disaster. This has gone from a battle over democracy in Ohio to a battle over democracy and the rule of law in Ohio, said Pepper, the former Democratic party chair. No other citizens who violate the law four times get rewarded for it.

After the court blocked Republican maps for the third time, Republicans in the statehouse began openly weighing her impeachment, according to the Columbus Dispatch. Its time to impeach Maureen OConnor now, Scott Wiggam, a GOP state Representative, tweeted. I dont understand what the woman wants, state representative Sara Carruthers told the Dispatch. Ohios secretary of state, Frank LaRose, a Republican who sits on the panel that draws districts, said recently he would not stand in the way of an impeachment effort, saying she has not upheld her oath of office.

Ohios governor, Mike DeWine, a Republican who also sits on the redistricting panel, has been more outspoken against impeachment. I dont think we want to go down that pathway because we disagree with a decision by a court, because we disagree with a decision by an individual judge or justice, he said in March.

Though its unclear if the impeachment effort will move forward, many doubted it would succeed.

Both ONeill and Pfeifer, the former justices who served with OConnor said they were confident the impeachment efforts would not affect her work. What in the world is she supposed to have done that violated her oath of office?, ONeill said.

It will have the opposite effect of what theyre seeking.

Here is the original post:

The Republican judge blocking her party from rigging electoral districts - The Guardian

I recently became active with local politics to help shape the future I hope to see in Maine, which would be less divided than it is now, and more civil, as it was when I was raising my kids.

Of the many people Ive met, I was drawn to commit my time to the campaign of Barbara Bagshaw, who is running in the Republican primary June 14 for the Maine House of Representatives in District 106 in Windham.

I began working with Barbara for her commitment to issues that are important to all Mainers: the economy, education and protecting all individual rights. I have since come to believe in Barbara, after witnessing her positive energy at work, and her dedication to hearing peoples concerns and discussing ideas.

In hard times like these, we need representatives, like Barbara, who are honored to serve We the People of Maine.

Kristen DayWindham

Invalid username/password.

Please check your email to confirm and complete your registration.

Use the form below to reset your password. When you've submitted your account email, we will send an email with a reset code.

Continued here:

Letter to the editor: Support positive, dedicated Bagshaw in Republican House 106 primary - Press Herald

The 2022 midterm elections are shaping up to be among the most deeply gender-divided elections in American history. A new poll by NBC News, measuring voters preferences ahead of the November elections, shows that the gap in women and mens voting patterns has deepened considerably over the past 12 years, with Republicans holding an 18-point advantage among men, and Democrats holding a 15-point advantage among women. That 33-point gender gap is up from a 16-point divide in the 2010 midterms.

Despite the large degree of analytical attention that has focused on the voting habits of suburban white women, it seems that its men who are changing their voting habits most dramatically. The NBC News polling shows that men with college degrees have moved dramatically to the right, lurching towards Republicans by 26 points since just 2018. Men on the whole have moved towards Republicans by 20 points.

The Republican partys exploding support among men comes as the organs of rightwing media and many Republican politicians have embraced a vitriolic language of gender grievance. For months now, the conservative media has been hammering a message of gender and sexual disorder, seeking to stoke the fears, bigotry and resentment of its audience against the social and legal gains that have been made by women and LGBT groups over the past decades. This message has been enthusiastically taken up by Republican politicians, and issues of sexual anxiety have come to preoccupy every level of American government, from local school board meetings to the recent confirmation hearings of a new supreme court justice.

It is hard to define the exact moment when mens gender grievance came to preoccupy the Republican party. With Republicans long commitment to anti-choice and anti-trans bills over the past few years, the issue has had longstanding resonance among the base. But a shift seemed to occur last September, when Pete Buttigieg, the secretary of transportation, announced that he would be taking parental leave after he and his husband adopted a pair of newborn twins. Tucker Carlson, the Fox News broadcaster who serves as a weathervane for so much conservative grievance politics, attacked Buttigieg on his show. Paternity leave, they call it. Trying to figure out how to breastfeed. No word on how that went.

Carlsons comments were layered with bigotry against gay men, against mothers, against trans people. But the message was clear: caring for children was feminine and unbecoming of someone who aspired to the masculine authority of a cabinet position. Buttigieg had failed the conservative gender test not once, but twice: first, he was too feminine by virtue of being a gay man. Then, he was too feminine by virtue of being an involved, caregiving parent. The dig was homophobic but also sexist: the only way Carlson could say that Buttigieg was too womanly for power is if women arent appropriate holders of power in the first place.

Carlsons attack marked a return to open, avowed homophobic hatred on the Republican right, a stance that had gone dramatically out of fashion, and implicitly out of social acceptability, since the supreme courts 2015 decision in Obergefell v Hodges, the case that recognized the right of same-sex couples to marry nationwide. Republicans had made a strategic retreat from open homophobia, reasoning that the cultural and generational tides were turning toward acceptance of gay couples. With the success of Carlsons attack the homophobic mockery of Buttigieg was enthusiastically embraced by Carlsons viewers it seems the tide had turned again. In the months since, homophobia has been unleashed as a reliable way for rightwing figures to rally their base. Gay bashing is back.

Merging with the elaborate fictions of the QAnon conspiracy theory, which claims that the United States is run by a group of elite, secretive and possibly cannibalistic pedophiles, the renewed homophobic enthusiasm on the right has now manifested in a mass hysteria over so-called groomers. This all-purpose smear is now applied to any liberal (or insufficiently conservative) adult, from politicians to school principals, and alleges that any tolerance for gay rights, or indeed any belief in gender equality, is evidence of a pedophilic interest in children.

The alarm over so-called groomers has led to restrictive, homophobic interventions in public schooling, from a slew of new book bans around the country, to Floridas dont say gay bill banning classroom discussion of homosexuality, to a Texas school districts firing of an out lesbian teacher and banning of a high school Gay-Straight Alliance club.

That there is no evidence for this hateful lie that liberals are pedophiles has not stopped ordinary conservatives from embracing it. In Connecticut, a rightwing online group posted the name and home address of a public school superintendent whom they labeled a groomer due to the alleged presence of a transgender student in one of the schools she oversaw. The forum called for the school officials execution.

Nor is there any level of ambition or pretended dignity that seems able to deter elected Republicans from indulging in the smear. At the recent supreme court confirmation hearings of Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson, Republican senators Josh Hawley, Lindsey Graham, Tom Cotton and Ted Cruz all pressed Jackson on her sentencing history as a federal judge, suggesting she was soft on men convicted of possessing child abuse images. All four of the men are believed to have presidential ambitions. Apparently, they feel that stoking the sexual and gender anxieties of the American electorate is a smart move for their careers.

The Republican partys emphasis on gender grievance, and its attendant surge in male support, comes on the eve of the biggest setback for gender equality in half a century: the probable end of Roe v Wade. The supreme court is almost universally expected to overturn the abortion rights precedent this summer; many states, considering the decision already effectively nullified, have rushed to outlaw and criminalize abortion within their borders even before the verdict comes down. The bans that are swiftly moving through Republican-controlled state legislatures typically carry no exemption for rape and incest, and their cruelty is justified in viciously misogynistic terms. When Democrats in the Florida state senate tried to add an exception for rape victims to the 15-week ban that Governor Ron DeSantis signed into law on Thursday, their Republican colleagues shut them down.

I fear for the men who are going to be accused of a rape so that the woman could have an abortion, Kelli Stargel, one of the bills sponsors, argued during floor debate. A woman is going to say she was raped so she could have the abortion.

Her remark was a lie grounded in misogynist myths and, like the groomer smear, has no basis in reality. But it seems that Republicans, and their growing base of male voters, are ready to believe it.

Original post:

Republicans are dusting off a tried and true election strategy: hatemongering - The Guardian

5 things to know about Elon Musk

Here are five things to know about Elon Musk.

Staff Video, USA TODAY

Billionaire Tesla CEO Elon Musk offered to buy Twitter in a deal valuing the social media company at $43 billion.

Twitter needs to be transformed as a private company, Musk said in a filing Thursday with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Twitter has extraordinary potential. I will unlock it.

Musk is one of Twitters power users with more than 80 million followers on the social media platform. Hes also been one of the companys biggest critics.

In a letter accompanying his offer, Musk a self-described free speech absolutist, hinted he would return Twitter to its roots as the free speech wing of the free speech party.

I invested in Twitter as I believe in its potential to be the platform for free speech around the globe, and I believe free speech is a societal imperative for a functioning democracy, he wrote.

Twittersaid its board of directors would review the proposal.

Twitter under Elon Musk: What Twitter would look like if Tesla and SpaceX billionaire CEO was running it

Twitter offer: Elon Musk offers to buy Twitter for $41.3 billion, saying company 'needs to be transformed'

Elon Musk won't join Twitter board: Tesla CEO remains platform's largest shareholder

Musk,Twitters largest shareholder, launched a takeover bid for the social media company Thursday, offering to buy it for $54.20 a share and take it private.

But hours after he made the $43 billion takeover offer, Musk said he was not sure he would be able to buy Twitter after all. Musk made the comments at the TED2022 conference in Vancouver.

Asked if there is a Plan B if his offer is rejected, Musk said there is but declined to elaborate.

A regulatory filing on April 4 revealed that Musk bought a 9.2% stake in Twitter. The following day, Twitter said Musk would join its board of directors. He later turned down that offer.

Musks offer is a 54% premium over the day he began investing in Twitter in January and would value the company at about $43 billion. He said Thursday's offer ishis best and final offer.

Jessica Guynn

'I'm going to leave': Twitter users react to Elon Musk offering to buy the platform

Fact check: Fake Twitter employee tweet about Elon Musk spreads online

The Wall Street Journal reported Thursday that Twitter'sboard of directorsis considering a "poison pill" that would prevent Musk fromincreasing his stake beyond 15% "or so."

With the board considering roadblocks to Musk's offer, he was asked on Twitter if theboard rejects his takeover, would that beacting in direct opposition to the financial interests of their shareholders?

"It would be utterly indefensible not to put this offer to a shareholder vote," Musk replied. "They own the company, not the board of directors."

Later Musk tweeted: "If the current Twitter board takes actions contrary to shareholder interests, they would be breaching their fiduciary duty. The liability they would thereby assume would be titanic in scale."

He alsotweeted a yes or no poll: "Taking Twitter private at $54.20 should be up to shareholders, not the board."

Jessica Guynn

Leave it to fellow straight-shooting billionaire Mark Cuban to sum up his thoughts on Musks quest to buy Twitter.

The tech entrepreneur, the owner of the NBAs Dallas Mavericks and co-star of TVs Shark Tank, went on a multi-hour Twitter rant/opine about Musk just moments after the Tesla CEO announced he filed with the Securities Exchange Commission to buy the underperforming (according to financial analysts) but influential social network.

Cuban believes that Musk, Twitters largest shareholder, is opening a Pandoras Box, tweeting that every major tech company including Google and Facebook, is on the phone with their antitrust lawyers asking if they could buy Twitter and get it approved.

And Twitter is on the phone with their lawyers asking which can be their white knight, Cuban tweeted. Gonna be interesting.

Cuban also said a potential Twitter sale wont be limited to tech types as filthy-rich foreign investors may also be interested in the global and cultural cache Twitter provides.

But he also thinks that Twitter will do everything possible not to sell the company and that the company will try to get a friendly investor they prefer to come in and buy Elon's shares and get him out.

Cuban concludes that Musk is f------with the SEC, as Musks filing increases Twitters share price, His shares get sold. Profit SEC like WTF just happened.

Stay tuned.

Terry Collins

Saudi Arabian investor Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, one of the major shareholders in Twitter, rejected billionaire Musks bid to take over the social media company.

I don't believe that the proposed offer by @elonmusk ($54.20) comes close to the intrinsic value of @Twitter given its growth prospects, he tweeted. Being one of the largest & long-term shareholders of Twitter, @Kingdom_KHC & I reject this offer.

Musk replied on Twitter and pinned the tweet.

Interesting. Just two questions, if I may," he wrote. "How much of Twitter does the Kingdom own, directly & indirectly? What are the Kingdoms views on journalistic freedom of speech?

Jessica Guynn

So, with all of the melodrama surrounding Elon Musks pursuit of Twitter, just how much stock of the social media platform does the Tesla CEO own?

Musk's9.2%stake in Twitter comes out to about 73.5 million shares, according to Wedbush Securities analyst Dan Ives.

Twitters largest shareholder, Muskshook up the tech industry on Thursday byoffering to buy it for $54.20 a share and take it private. That estimate comes out to about $43 billion, far higher than Twitter's current market value of about $34 billion.

After a spike for most of the day, Twitter shares closed down at 1.68%but as high as 4% during market after hours on Thursday. Meanwhile, Teslas stock dove more than 3.6%followingMusks announcement.

Twitter was expected to hold an all-hands meeting Thursday where Musk will surely be the main topic of discussion.

Terry Collins

Musk on Thursday made his first public statement at the TED2022 conference in Vancouver, Canada since disclosing his takeover offer for Twitter.

On why he wants to buy Twitter: Its very important for there to be an inclusive arena for free speech. Twitter has become the de facto town square so its just really important that people have the reality and the perception that they are able to speak freely within the bounds of the law.

On why Twitter matters: Its important to the function of democracy. Its important for the function of the United States of us as a free country and many other countries and to actually help freedom in the world more broadly than the US. So I think the civilizational risk is decreased the more we can increase the trust of Twitter as a public platform.

On how Musk defines free speech: A good sign whether there is free speech is: Is someone you don't like allowed to say something you don't like? If that is the case, then we have free speech."

On why his takeover attempt is not about the money: "My strong intuitive sense is that having a public platform that is maximally trusted and broadly inclusive is extremely important to the future of civilization. I don't care about the economics at all."

On how he would make tough moderation calls: "If it's a gray area, I would say let the tweet exist.

On making Twitter more transparent: In my view, Twitter should match the laws of the country and really there is an obligation to do that. Going beyond that, and having it be unclear whos making what changes to where, having tweets mysteriously be promoted and demoted with no insight into what's going on, having a black box algorithm promote some things and not other things, I think this can be quite dangerous.

On whether Twitter should ban users: I do think we want to be very reluctant to delete things, and just be very cautious with permanent bans. Timeouts, I think, are better than permanent bans."

On a top priority if he buys Twitter: Eliminating the spam and scam bots and the bot armies that are on Twitter. They make the product much worse. If I had a doge coin for every crypto scam I saw, I would have 100 billion doge coins.

On whether he will be able to buy Twitter: I am not sure I will actually be able to acquire it.

Jessica Guynn

Hours after Elon Musks bombshell tweet saying he wants to take over Twitter, CEO Parag Agrawal tried to ease his employees' concerns apparently without much luck, according to multiple reports.

I dont believe we are being held hostage,Agrawal told employees during an emergency all-hands meeting Thursday, according to the New York Times.

The newspaperalso reported that many Twitter workers believed the nearly 30-minute question and answer session lacked substance.Agrawal was legally not allowed to provide details.

The Twitter chief encouraged employees to look beyond the chaos surrounding the social network.

This provides all of us with this moment where we feel distracted, where we feel a loss of control. I am personally going to spend my time focusing on things I can control, and I believe it will matter, Agrawal said.

Agrawal, who took over as CEO for Jack Dorsey in November, didnt say when Twitters board would have an answer to Musks $43 billion offer or which way the board was leaning, frustrating many employees seeking more details during the Q&A, the Verge reported.

Agrawal said the board would follow a rigorous process, the tech news site also reported.

During the Q&A, one Twitter employee asked how the company decidedto offerMusk a board seat, according toReuters.

"Are we just going to start inviting any and all billionaires to the board?" Reuters reported. Agrawal said the company will act in the best interest of shareholders.

"I have a strong point of view that people who are critical of our service, their voice is something that we must emphasize so that we can learn and get better," he said.

A Twitter spokesman declined to comment about Thursday's meeting.

Terry Collins

What are Elon Musks politics? No one really knows. But conservatives have claimed him as one of their own.

The billionaire Tesla CEO has sided with critics of mainstream social media who accuse Facebook, Twitter and Google of anti-conservative bias.

Conservative commentator Dinesh DSouza began lobbying Musk to buy Twitter in January. He even floated the idea of Musk taking over Twitter and then censoring liberals to teach them a lesson on the imperative of free speech.

When D'Souza again urged Musk to buy a major social media platform to dramatically shift the political and cultural landscape, Musk replied: interesting ideas.

Soon Musk was buying up shares of Twitter and being egged on by other conservative figures.

On news that Musk had made a bid for Twitter, conservative commentator Brent Bozell, founder and president of the Media Research Center, tweeted Thursday: Free at last. Free at last. Conservatives may be free at last!

Jessica Guynn

See the article here:

Is Elon Musk a Republican? Musk's free speech stand on Twitter wins over conservatives - USA TODAY

(WHTM) The primary election is just around the corner and, to prepare, Franklin & Marshall College conducted a poll to see how Pennsylvania voters feel about the state and economy, discussing sexual orientation in school, repealing property taxes, teaching critical race theory, and the upcoming election.

Between March 30 and April 10, a sample of 785 registered voters took a survey asking about this wide range of topics. Overall, the poll found that only about one in four (29%) of the voters believe the state is headed in the right direction.

Similar to the March 2022 poll results, voters in the April 2022 poll were mostly frustrated and dissatisfied with President Joe Bidens performance so far, which could play a role in their voting behaviors. As of mid-April, 44% of the voters surveyed said they would support a Republican candidate for Congress and 39% said they would vote for a Democrat.

In the race for Pennsylvanias open United States Senate seat, John Fettermans advantage in the Democratic primary increased. Fetterman now leads Conor Lamb 41% to 17%. One in four voters remains undecided about their preference and nearly half of the voters said they could change their mind before May 17.

In the Republican primary field, there is no clear front-runner at the moment with Mehmet Oz sitting at 16% and Dave McCormick coming in with 15%. More than two in five voters say they are not sure who they will vote for, and 66% of those who have chosen a candidate say they could still change their minds.

According to the release, the data gathering for the poll was nearly finished when former President Donald Trump announced his endorsement of Mehmet Oz. Oz was leading among voters who identified with the Trump faction of the party, while a majority still remained undecided.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis recently signed the Parental Rights in Education law, or as opponents referred to it, the Dont Say Gay law.

The laws central language reads: Classroom instruction by school personnel or third parties on sexual orientation or gender identity may not occur in kindergarten through grade 3 or in a manner that is not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate for students in accordance with state standards.

The Ohio State House introduced a bill similar to Floridas law last week. The Franklin & Marshall poll asked voters about passing a similar law in Pennsylvania, and there was a sharp divide in the results. About one in three strongly supported it (35%), while two in five strongly opposed it (42%).

Critical race theory is another highly debated topic. It is curriculum that focuses on and teaches students about the causes and symptoms of systematic racism.

Nearly 50% of voters strongly opposed a law being considered by Florida lawmakers at the time of the poll that gives parents the right to sue public schools if they believe a school is teaching about critical race theory, while nearly 30% strongly supported it.

Additionally, nearly three in four (70%) of the voters favor teaching students in public schools about the history of race and racism in the United States.

As described by Franklin and Marshall: The survey findings presented in this release are based on the results of interviews conducted March 30 April 10, 2022. The interviews were conducted at the Center for Opinion Research at Franklin & Marshall. The data included in this release represent the responses of 785 registered Pennsylvania voters, including 356 Democrats, 317 Republicans, and 112 independents. The sample of voters was obtained from Marketing Systems Group. All sampled respondents were notified by mail about the survey. Interviews were completed over the phone and online depending on each respondents preference. Survey results were weighted (age, gender, education, geography, and party registration) using an iterative weighting algorithm to reflect the known distribution of those characteristics. Estimates for age, geography, and party registration are based on active voters within the PA Department of States voter registration data. Gender and education is estimated using data from the November 2018 CPS Voter Registration Supplement.

The sample error for this survey is +/- 4.2 percentage points when the design effects from weighting are considered. In addition to sampling error, this poll is also subject to other sources of non-sampling error. Generally speaking, two sources of error concern researchers most. Non-response bias is created when selected participants either choose not to participate in the survey or are unavailable for interviewing. Response errors are the product of the question and answer process. Surveys that rely on self-reported behaviors and attitudes are susceptible to biases related to the way respondents process and respond to survey questions.

See more here:

Nearly half of voters say they will vote for Republican Congress candidate: Franklin & Marshall poll - ABC27

WASHINGTON Novembers elections could be determined by voters response to spiking food and fuel prices, a scenario that could spell disaster for President Joe Bidens party both in Florida and across the nation.

Inflation has been a persistent headache for Biden since last year, and three months into his second year in office its only gotten worse.

No president has ever won on high inflation. It could be the most difficult political challenge a president ever faces because there is no simple policy solution, said Alex Conant, a Washington-based strategist who has advised Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Florida, among other prominent Republicans.

The Consumer Price Index rose by 8.5 percent from March 2021 to March 2022 nationwide, a 40-year high.

The Tampa metro area saw an even bigger spike of 10.2 percent during the same period, according to the data released Tuesday by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. South Florida saw prices jump 9.8 percent during the 12 months beginning February of 2021.

Gov. Ron DeSantis, a Republican, highlighted the data Tuesday during an event at Miami Dade College, pointing to federal spending as the driver.

You go back to last year, and they said inflation wasnt a worry, even though a lot of us were saying that this was going to be a problem, he said. When youre printing trillions and trillions of dollars, the idea that you can just do that infinitum without there being any consequences was completely foolhardy.

Republicans have repeatedly referred to Bidenflation. The White House has pointed to Russias invasion of Ukraine as the cause and has leaned on the phrase Putins price hike to deflect political blame for increased costs, especially for fuel. Energy prices increased by 32 percent nationally over the last 12 months, while food costs increased by 8.8 percent.

The war in Ukraine has certainly contributed, but its one of several factors driving inflation, said William Christiansen, chairperson of the Department of Finance at Florida State Universitys College of Business. The resurgence of COVID-19 in China could cause even more disruption for the global supply chain, he said.

Domestically, consumers have a lot of cash to spend both because of their own steps to save during the pandemic and government stimulus, which has heated up demand, Christiansen said. But paychecks are unlikely to keep pace with price increases.

Wages and salaries have gone up pretty nicely this past year, but are still overwhelmed by the inflation numbers. So their real incomes have dropped, Christiansen said.

U.S. policymakers have limited influence on the issue because of the international nature of the problem, but that may not save them from getting blamed at the ballot box.

And since they control the White House and both chambers of Congress, Democrats are likely to face the brunt of voters anger.

Subscribe to our free Buzz newsletter

Political editor Emily L. Mahoney will send you a rundown on local, state and national politics coverage every Thursday.

Want more of our free, weekly newslettersinyourinbox? Letsgetstarted.

Its like the football coach that gets blamed for all of the losses. We know that at FSU, unfortunately, Christiansen said. This could be an unfavorable time for Democrats, no question.

Biden sought to address price concerns Tuesday during a speech in Iowa and will likely have to do so many more times between now and November.

Ive called on Congress to move immediately to lower the cost of families utility bills, prescription drug bills and more, while lowering the deficit to reduce inflationary pressures. And thats what weve done weve lowered the deficit by $300 billion so far, Biden said in Iowa.

He also pointed to Russian President Vladimir Putin as the culprit behind these pressures. Your family budget, your ability to fill up your tank none of it should hinge on whether a dictator declares war and commits genocide half a world away, Biden said.

Hours before the speech, Jesse Lee, a senior adviser for communications to Bidens National Economic Council, on Twitter accused Sen. Rick Scott, R-Florida, of being fully in lockstep with Putin in blaming Biden for Putins Price Hike after the Florida senator attacked Biden over the report.

Lee later said that Scott REALLY doesnt like it when you point out that Putin is bragging about causing global inflation, and Scott is celebrating it as a political goldmine, referencing a comment Scott made to The Wall Street Journal in 2021 about the potential political benefits for the GOP.

Scott, the chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, objected to the characterization and criticized Bidens administration for deflecting blame for inflation, which started months before the invasion of Ukraine.

Instead of owning the crisis it created, the Biden administration wildly claimed that anyone blaming the president is in lockstep with Putin. Its an embarrassing example of how out of touch Bidens administration is with reality, Scott said in a statement Wednesday.

The back-and-forth between Scott and the White House highlights the challenge that Bidens party will have in addressing inflation as campaign season heats up, with control of both the House and Senate on the line. The sitting presidents party typically loses seats in midterm elections.

Broward County Commissioner Jared Moskowitz, a Democrat running to succeed retiring Democratic Rep. Ted Deutch, said his party needs to provide voters with a solution.

There is no question that gas, food, and rent costs are squeezing Americans in ways we havent seen in 40 years. Congress has to work together to address these kitchen-table issues to provide people with relief. Democrats may have not caused this issue but we have a responsibility to fix it, Moskowitz told the Herald in a statement.

Moskowitz is running in a Democratic-leaning district. The issue could be more difficult for Democrats to navigate in competitive districts or statewide races where its likely to be the top Republican attack.

Conant, the GOP strategist, said this will be the No. 1 issue for voters and candidates will have to show voters that they understand their pain. It could be particularly resonant with seniors living on fixed incomes from their retirement savings, a key constituency in Florida.

This is a layup for Republicans because voters are inclined to blame the president when things arent going well, Conant said.

Itll be a key issue in the U.S. Senate race between incumbent Republican Rubio and his likely Democratic opponent, Rep. Val Demings, who represents the Orlando area.

People are paying more for everything and Congresswoman Val Demings has supported every Biden policy which caused this. The last thing Florida needs right now is someone in the Senate like her who will support every insane left wing idea that will make an already bad crisis even worse, Rubio told the Herald in a statement.

Demings campaign, on the other hand, contended that the congresswoman was the one working to shield Floridians wallets by supporting legislation to lower prescription drug costs and backing the bipartisan infrastructure law that will pay for port improvements to help the supply chain in the long term.

Growing up as the daughter of a maid and a janitor, Chief Demings knows exactly how important a dollar is to so many families, and shes always been a champion for making the American Dream accessible and affordable to all, said Demings campaign spokesman Christian Slater. While Chief Demings was fighting to lower costs and invest in working families, Marco Rubio was putting his partisan political agenda and wealthy donors ahead of easing the economic burden on middle class families.

Times/Herald Tallahassee bureau reporter Ana Ceballos contributed reporting.

Read the rest here:

Inflation creating a layup for Republicans in Florida as pressure on Biden increases - Tampa Bay Times

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY EMILY SCHERER / GETTY IMAGES

Welcome to Political Outliers, a column that explores groups of Americans who are often portrayed as all voting the same way. In todays climate, its easy to focus on how a group identifies politically, but thats never the full story. Blocs of voters are rarely uniform in their beliefs, which is why this column will dive into undercovered parts of the electorate, showing how diverse and atypical most voters are.

Think you might fit the bill? Fill out this form and we might get in touch.

Jonathan M. remembers seeing the signs clearly: One for the Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez-backed Greg Casar and another, near it, for Rep. Lloyd Doggett, a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who was running for a neighboring district.

Yard placards for both progressive Democratic politicians, he said, were littered throughout his neighborhood in Austin, Texas in the lead-up to the states primary elections in March. On the one hand, this shouldnt be surprising: Austin likened to a blueberry in a bowl of tomato soup at least once by former Texas Gov. Rick Perry is known for its deep blue hue. But as a Republican, Jonathan M., who preferred to only use his first name and last initial out of privacy concerns, didnt plan to vote for either candidate.

In fact, the self-described classical conservative told me that he voted in the Republican primary in last months elections. But voters like Jonathan M. are somewhat of a rare breed in Austin. According to countywide voting records, only about 6 percent of registered voters in Travis County, where Austin primarily sits, voted in the states Republican primary, compared to almost 13 percent who cast a ballot in the Democratic one. (Turnout was low, however, like in most primaries.)

But its not just raw voting numbers that have helped Jonathan M. feel like an outlier: He said it took a drive down a major highway or perusal online to find even a handful of ads for Republican candidates. And even then, only marquee races, like the one for governor, were heavily advertised.

This primary cycle, I didnt see any Republican signs in my area, but in 2020 I saw a lot of signs for Rep. Chip Roy, he said, referencing the Austin-area Republican who once worked for Sen. Ted Cruz and has since become a conservative firebrand in the U.S. House. For big races, I feel like theres a lot more campaigning by Republicans here, but theres almost nothing happening for local races and, as a result, I feel like a lot of Democrats run unopposed.

Some of this is to be expected given just how much the U.S. sorts itself along geographic lines, with Democrats preferring to live in cities versus Republicans, who increasingly opt to call smaller towns or rural areas home. But this ideological sorting has still created a situation where many Republicans who live in the suburbs and bluer cities feel like outliers in their communities much like Democrats living in Trump country. Some of the voters we spoke with would tease their ideological preferences (through having a GOP candidates bumper sticker on their car, for instance), but most have kept their political opinions to themselves. Several expressed having trouble finding friends with similar values who live close to them, and many felt like their party had largely given up on campaigning in their area of town.

That said, there was one bright spot that helped many of the five Republicans and independent voters who have previously supported Republican candidates I spoke with feel more upbeat: the upcoming midterm elections. Expecting their party to likely flip the U.S. House, and maybe pick up a few seats in the U.S. Senate, was a way for them to reconcile their political identity even if representation wasnt going to change where they lived.

I am more excited about the national results than the local races, Charlie C., a 28-year-old self-proclaimed staunch conservative from St. Anthony, Minnesota, who only wanted to be identified by his first name and last initial, told me. I am hoping that this years results are reminiscent of the Tea Party red wave from 2014.

Its been some time, though, since Republicans like Charlie C. likely felt this way as counties including the one he currently lives in have steadily gotten bluer. In fact, thats been the case with practically all urban-suburban counties in the U.S.: From 2000 to 2020, urban-suburban counties have moved nearly 17 points toward Democrats, among them are Hennepin County and Ramsey County (where St. Anthony resides), according to a FiveThirtyEight analysis of county-level election data since 2000 categorized using our Urbanization Index.

Not all suburban counties have swung so dramatically toward Democrats. For instance, mostly suburban counties have moved from about 50-50 in 2000 to just a 10-point Democratic edge in 2020. But suburban and urban areas have, on average, moved toward Democrats. Whats more, they comprise a large share of the nations voting power: In 2020, urban-suburban or mostly suburban counties made up almost 52 percent of the total vote.

I have yet to place a vote for a single political candidate at the state or national level such that my vote helped them gain office, Charlie C. admitted. I am a conservative who wonders if [Texas Sen. Ted] Cruz is far enough to the right in a district that elected [Rep.] Ilhan Omar.

Part of the issue for voters like Charlie C. is that Democrats have expanded their foothold in the suburban areas of the U.S. particularly during former President Donald Trumps tenure. According to Pew, suburbanites backed Trump narrowly over Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton by 2 points in 2016. But in 2018, Democrats took back control of the House thanks, in part, to the significant inroads they made in Americas suburbs and, by 2020, President Biden won suburban voters over Trump by 11 percentage points.

Jan Nijman, the director of the Urban Studies Institute at Georgia State University, told me part of the swing toward Democrats can be attributed to the changing demographics of the suburbs, including an increase in the number of college-educated and nonwhite voters living there. Weve seen most of our population growth in the U.S. in areas wed think of as suburban. And just that simple fact means theres now more diversity in those places, Nijman said. Another consequence of the suburbs becoming more economically and racially diverse, particularly in the last two decades, is that [theyve] become the most dynamic places in the electoral landscape, Nijman said.

It wasnt always like this, though. In fact, suburbs were once the desired destination for those looking to flee more diverse, urban areas especially for more conservative white voters. In the 1950s and 60s, Nijman told me, suburbia was understood as a place that was quite homogeneous and predictable, meaning that the people attracted to suburbs at the time were solidly middle-class and Republican-leaning. Thats changed over the last 20 or so years, however, as the suburbs have become more welcoming for people of color and immigrants both of whom tend to be more liberal politically. As a result, on average, the suburbs now lean toward Democrats, leaving some Republicans who live in these areas feeling neglected by the GOP. Its possible that the GOP may make some inroads in 2022, particularly in counties classified as mostly suburban, but those areas have still overwhelmingly moved toward Democrats since 2000.

I definitely feel abandoned by the state party and like theyve kind of given up on Atlanta, said Michael A., a 25-year-old who preferred to only use his first name and last initial out of privacy concerns. For the past few years or so, theyve stopped talking about issues that matter in the metro area like how high our taxes are or how the cost of living has gone up dramatically. Theyre really focused on the rural areas more now, which I understand, but there are still a lot of Republican voters in my area who feel unheard.

That said, even though their communities are moving left, some Republicans I spoke with said theyre moving further right. A handful of my interviewees pointed to the protests for racial justice in the summer of 2020 following the murder of George Floyd as a turning point. Democratic calls at the time to radically shift police policy, including a reduction in police budgets, turned off many Republicans I spoke with.

If I wasnt conservative before 2020, I wouldve been a hardcore one after that summer, said Chris Germiller, a 28-year-old from Rockville, Maryland. For many reasons, that was the worst time of my life due to the constant onslaught of everyone I knew pretending they were a criminologist and prescribing insane policy solutions toward policing. That summer pushed me, emotionally, more to the right.

Part of Germillers frustration likely stems from the fact that, on average, suburban and urban residents hold more liberal views on issues of racism and racial justice than rural Americans. According to a 2018 Pew survey, 69 percent of urban residents and 60 percent of suburban ones (compared to 47 percent of rural dwellers) said they believed that white Americans benefit from certain privileges that Black Americans dont have. And while many of the Republicans I spoke with said they believe racism still plays a prominent role in todays society, they didnt think reducing or eliminating law enforcement was the answer.

Ideas like defund the police are just crazy to me. Why would you defund the police? said Liliana S., a 49-year-old Denver, Colorado resident who was born in Venezuela and preferred to only use her first name and last initial out of privacy concerns. I come from a country where police are not funded and not respected. The result is you get a bunch of mafia and drug lords and common thieves running the country.

Of course, some of the shift to the left on policing is overstated and its possible that, while these Republicans are outliers in some of their views toward policing, they might have more in common with their liberal neighbors than they realize. For example, prominent leaders in the Democratic Party, including Biden, have emphatically dismissed calls to defund the police. Moreover, polls suggest that voters regardless of where they live dont want to cut funding to police departments. According to a June 2020 Morning Consult survey, less than half of suburban dwellers (43 percent) supported redirecting police funds to communities, while 28 percent were in favor of defund the police. A September poll from Pew also showed a significant decline in overall support for cutting police funding.

Still, defund the police has become a motivating issue for Republican voters. This is, in part, because GOP lawmakers have capitalized on the movement and successfully tied it to unsubstantiated fears regarding an increase in violent crime regardless of whether thats actually happening. In addition, several cities took steps in 2020 to change policing that Republicans said rubbed them the wrong way.

Jonathan M., for example, said he was disappointed when Austins City Council voted that year to slash part of the citys police budget, which it was later forced to refund amid pressure from the states Republican governor. For a while, though, he claimed that he heard numerous stories from neighbors who were robbed or burglarized, but who were still hesitant to call the police for assistance. Some people are against calling the cops because they think it will result in escalation of the issue, he said. I disagree, of course, but knowing how my neighbors feel about these things makes me more reserved, and I try to keep a distance from those conversations.

This has exacerbated a belief among people I spoke with that Democrats (and, in turn, their respective cities) have moved even further to the left, specifically on issues related to race and public safety. And many of the Republicans I talked to say they no longer feel like they can have constructive conversations with their neighbors and coworkers about policies they disagree on a sentiment that Democrats living in rural areas of the U.S. felt, too.

Its tough to grow a friend circle. Admittedly, Im a bit of an introvert to begin with, but even at work, its tough to talk about anything other than shop because this is a left-leaning area, Charlie C., the conservative voter in Minnesota, said.

But even though Republicans like Charlie C. might feel like outsiders now, there are signs that 2022 will likely be a good year for Republicans nationally. And because some of the areas my interviewees lived in arent as blue as some rural areas are red, its possible these Republicans will even see some political changes in their areas, especially those in more suburban or exurban areas.

You know, even if the Republican Party isnt going to win Fulton County anytime soon, there are hundreds of thousands of Republican voters in urban areas and if you get them excited, theyre going to put you over the finish line, said Michael A., who noted that hes seen a handful of bumper stickers for Republican Gov. Brian Kemp in recent weeks.

Indeed, 2022 offers prime pick-up opportunities for Republicans: According to our generic ballot average, which tracks which party people plan to vote for in the upcoming congressional election Republicans currently lead Democrats by about 2 percentage points. Moreover, since much of the previous suburban shift toward Democrats in 2018 and 2020 appears to have been driven by disdain for Trump, its not clear whether these gains will hold without him on the ballot. This is evident in polling from Reuters/Ipsos which has found that Biden is struggling to hold suburban voters since coming into office last year: Only 44 percent said they approve of his job as president as of last week down nearly 7 points since around this time last year.

Polling from Harvard CAPS-Harris Poll released in January tells a similar story. It found that 57 percent of suburban respondents were more likely to vote for a Republican candidate in the midterms, versus 43 percent who said theyd be more likely to vote for a Democratic one. Whats also working in the GOPs favor is that the party so far has capitalized on an enticing pitch to rile up voters: highlighting culture war issues and broad disapproval with the Biden administration. On top of that, Glenn Youngkins win in Virginia last year suggests that its possible for certain Republicans to win competitive states including parts of the suburbs with the right roadmap.

That means Republicans in blue cities and suburbs might have reason to be optimistic for November, especially since 2022 will likely serve as a test of sorts for how durable suburban gains have been and whether well see a lurch back to the right. Of course, that wont change the makeup of some very urban areas that have voted solidly Democratic for the last two decades or so, but it does mean that some of these Republicans might not be the outliers that they think they are.

Charlie C. put it plainly: Its less that the GOP has abandoned [my] area, and more that they are out-gunned. They dont have the ability to mobilize in every district, he said. I realize I am in enemy territory. Im just hoping to be able to minimize some of the damage.

Geoffrey Skelley contributed research.

Read the original:

Why Republicans In Blue Cities Are Increasingly Outliers - FiveThirtyEight

A poster of Emmanuel Macron deteriorates after the results of the first round of the presidential election on April 11, 2022 in Lyon. (Robert Deyrail / Gamma-Rapho via Getty Images)

Thank you for signing up forThe Nations weekly newsletter.

Noisy-le-Sec, FranceFatima, 44, works in sales. She doesnt follow politics much and didnt vote in the first round of Frances presidential election, but she knows theres an important choice to make on April 24. President Emmanuel Macron is facing reelection against far-right challenger Marine Le Penand its a much tighter race than in 2017, when he trounced her by 32 percentage points. Current polls show him leading by just about six points.

Its going to be hard, she told me. As a Muslim, well be forced to choose Macron out of a fear for the future instead of support for the person.

Le Pen has called for an outright ban on wearing the Islamic veil in publicpenalizing the way Fatima is dressed right nowbut Fatima said she isnt sure yet whether shell vote at all. None of them keep their word, thats just how it is, she told me. We just follow, and we suffer the consequences.

A 20-minute ride east on the commuter rail line from central Paris, Noisy-le-Sec is exactly the sort of place that Macron hopes to carry in large numbers in the second round. Like much of the mostly working-class dpartement of Seine-Saint-Denis, its home to a large population of immigrants and recent descendants of people born abroad. Turnout tends to be low and political disaffection runs deep, but when the citys 40,000 residents do vote, they lean leftward. Noisy-le-Sec overwhelmingly backed left populist Jean-Luc Mlenchon in the first-roundand in the runoff the last time around, voters heavily supported Macron over Le Pen, doing their part to uphold the so-called Republican front that also beat back the far right in 2002.

This time, though, Macrons coalition is looking a lot flimsier.

Of course, a big factor is that a large shareof Frances radicalized conservative electorate plan to vote for Le Pen. (Polls show a vast majority of first-round ric Zemmour supporters, and many Valrie Pcresse supporters will shift their support to the RN candidate.)

And yet, opinion surveys also show a bloc of disillusioned and left-leaning voters withholding support for the incumbent, struggling to find the motivation to show up: people like Fatima alienated by politics in general; those harmed by Macrons economic reforms and angered by his conservative turn on social policy; civil servants and public sector workers with simmering resentments over funding and the state of their workplaces; and those with sympathies for the Yellow Vest movement, protests that began in 2018 over a proposed hike in the fuel tax that evolved into mass protests decrying the rising cost-of-living and broader sense of neglect faced by residents of rural and peripheral France. Current Issue

Subscribe today and Save up to $129.

Largely ignored by Macron over the course of his five-year term, its these voters who could shape the outcome of the election.

Marie Laure Mallgol, 36, works in tech in La Dfense, the central business district of the French capital, but she lives in Montreuil, a large city bordering Paris to the east. Like a majority of voters there, she cast a first-round ballot for Mlenchon, and while she voted for Macron in the runoff last time, she vowed not to do it againjust like her brother and her parents.

Its out of the question to vote for Macron again after the five years weve seen, said Mallgol, whose parents immigrated to France from Haiti. Its up to white people to stand up and say no to fascism, but its not up to us to go and vote.

When I asked about her anger toward Macron, she rolled off a laundry list of issues: the continued presence in government of Grald Darmanin, the interior minister who once teased Marine Le Pen about going soft on Islamism in a nationally televised debate; the French states treatment of migrants in Calais; the passage of a law designed to crack down on Muslim separatism; a national security law that sought to penalize the filming of police officers before the measure was struck down by Frances Constitutional Court; members and allies of the government who have railed against wokisme and portrayed anti-racist rhetoric as an import from the United States. Hes going to win, I hope hell win, she said. All the semi-normal white people in this country will go and vote for him, but itll be close.

The only thing that would maybe make me go vote for Macron, Mallgol continued, is if he recognized in front of everyone whats happened and says, Its my fault, I put Le Pen at the center, but hell never do this.

Macrons economic reforms also have left-leaning voters feeling bitter. Like many in her age group, Romy voted for Mlenchon in the first round. The 26-year-old works in sales, earning 1,400 to 1,500 ($1,525 to $1,634) a month after taxes and Social Security contributions, and lives in the suburb of Lognes, 40 minutes east of Paris on the commuter train. She voted Macron in the last runoff but doesnt plan on doing so again. Instead, shes planning to cast a blank ballota protest vote meant to show her opposition to both options. I think its bad to vote for a president through spite, she said. I believe in none of his ideas and almost nothing in his program or what hes done over the last five years.

She said Macrons economic policies favor people who already have a lotin particular, his move to transform the wealth tax, which used to apply to people with at least 1.3 million in assets, into a more limited levy on real estate. I have pretty high taxes for what I earn, and today my purchasing power is basically zero, Romy said.

She disagrees with Macrons recent proposal to hike the retirement age from 62 to 65widely seen as a way of consolidating support from right-wing voters ahead of the election, though he has since floated the possibility of reconsidering the measure. Ive been working since I was 16, and now I have to wait until Im 65 [to retire]?

Romy said the presidents reforms aimed at tightening access to unemployment benefits affected her mother, who was working a temporary job at a restaurant when the Covid lockdowns upended the sector. After the phase-in of the new rules, which gradually took effect in late 2021, her mom lost her rights to unemployment benefits.

Romys mother is an immigrant from Portugal and said neither of them would ever vote for the far rightbut that the differences between Le Pen and Macron have blurred. For me, on social issues, theyre about the same.

She told me that she might vote for Macron if the polls show Le Pen within striking distance, but that either way, the debate is far removed from things that matter. [My friends and I] care about the environment, she said. Politics today seem outdated and almost kind of infantile, its he said that, she said that. In the meantime, the planet is burning.

Another important source of anti-Macron sentiment is the public sector workforce. From health care and transportation to education and welfare, French public services play a fundamental role in many residents lives. While the country has largely avoided the type of direct privatizations that transformed the UK from the 1980s onward, French governments of various political stripes have progressively sought to keep funding in check in addition to introducing management techniques that come from the private sector. These pressures have intensified over the last several years, and its left many employed by the state feeling resentful toward the cabinet members and executive decision-makers who manage their work lives.

That includes people like Gabriel Lattanzio, a 37-year-old English teacher at a public high school in Les Lilas, a short bus ride from Noisy-le-Sec. He said he would never vote Le Penhis first political experience was organizing high school classmates to protest Marine Le Pens father after he made it to the second round of the 2002 election, and he voted for Mlenchon in the first round this year. He also backed Macron in the 2017 runoff, but hes not sure what hell do next Sunday. MORE FROM Cole Stangler

Over the last few years, he said his job has gotten harder and harder. Covid has been an unforeseen challenge; his school has grappled with gang violence; and hes been forced to take on new responsibilitiesall without significant pay hikes and under an education minister who he said fails to recognize teachers hard work: Our hierarchys authoritarianism and the repeated declarations describing teachers as incapable or lazy carry a lot of weight, as does [the fact that] high schools have been transformed by a lack of funding.

Lattanzio speaks English fluently, has studied in the United States, and keeps an eye on American politics. He told me comparisons to Bernie Sanders supporters sucking it up and voting against Donald Trump fail to appreciate the nature of Macronboth in terms of his economic program and conservative social policies. Hes no Biden, Lattanzio said. Hes like Thatcher. And its hard to vote for Thatcher.

Claire, 28, a resident of Nantes, feels similarly. She passed a competitive exam to become a civil servant and just completed her two-year posting in the overseas territory of French Polynesia, but more recently decided to take a communications job in the private sector, in part because the pay and working conditions are more attractive. She voted for Macron in the 2017 runoff, but plans to cast a blank ballot this time.

For me, its like choosing between the plague and cholera, she said. Over the last five years, Macron has governed without any recognition of the context in which he came to power. Hes just shat all over us. It hurts to see whats happened to public services.

Still, Claire said she could be swayed if Macron announced a significant policy shift to the leftor if last-minute anxieties take hold. Maybe Ill change my mind out of fear of Le Pens [National Rally] party, but for now, Ive decided to vote blank.

Hostility runs especially deep among those with sympathies for the Yellow Vest movementlike Annie and Acha. They both live in Perpignan, a Mediterranean city with a fair share of socioeconomic problems that the National Rally party captured in the 2020 municipal elections.

Acha, who used to work in watchmaking but now gets by on workers compensation after a hand injury, said shes voting for Le Pen. Angered by the repression of the Yellow Vests and the rollout of a nationwide health pass to fight Covid, she wanted Mlenchon to make the run-off but now just wants to kick out the current president. Besides, she said shes been pleased by the new mayor of Perpignan, Le Pens former partner who has a leading role in the party, Louis Aliot.

She wont be good, but shell be better than Macron, Aicha told me before referring to a few of Macrons more celebrated turns of phrase. Macron has been vulgar, telling us we just need to cross the street [to find work], and saying he wants to piss off the unvaccinated, its insulting.

Her friend Annie also loathes Macron but cant vote for Le Pen on principle: I wont vote for Marine Le Pen, because Im an anti-fascist, and we all know that behind Le Pen, theres fascism.

Despite all the hesitation, there are other left-wing voters for whom the choice on April 24 isnt complicated.

Lyes, a 51-year-old civil servant and payroll manager in Noisy-le-Sec who voted for Mlenchon, said theres no doubt what hell do next. Im going to bitterly vote for Macron, he told me on a busy avenue named for socialist Jean Jaurs, in front of a bakery selling baguettes and an array of sweets usually eaten around Ramadan. Im voting against Le Pen.

After arriving in France at age 2, Lyes said he feels more French than Algerian, but that Le Pen in power would be dangerous for foreigners. As many French legal experts and human rights groups have noted, Le Pen has called for a bevy of measures that are harsher than whats in place today: cutting off access to critical welfare programs for millions of non-French nationals; enhancing the legal basis for police to use deadly force; ending family reunification policies and birthright citizenship; imposing a legally dubious referendum that would override human rights protections by enshrining the principle of national preference into the Constitution.

When asked about other left-wing voters unsure about their vote, Lyes shook his head. No, no, thats silly.

See more here:

He Just Shat All over Us: Why Macrons Republican Front Is Fraying - The Nation