Category Archives: Republican

Democrats say they've made concessions to get Republicans on board with a revised carbon policy plan. Republicans say rural Oregon could still pay a stiff price.

SALEM One question has lingered in political circles in the days since Democratic legislators unveiled their latest plan to limit the states greenhouse gas emissions.

What do the Republicans think?

The GOP holds a shrinking share of seats in the Legislature, but still possesses just enough members to halt legislative business.

Senate Republicans made national headlines for tanking last years proposal by fleeing the state, a possibility that looms over the coming session, which begins Feb 3.

Hence the interest: are the slate of changes recently proposed by Democrats enough to get their colleagues on the other side of the aisle to stay in the building?

Sen. Herman Baertschiger, R-Grants Pass, who leads Republicans in the Senate, was rather opaque about those odds when taking questions from reporters on Wednesday.

Well, you know, it's a very fluid, dynamic situation, Baertschiger said. It's ever-changing. You know, I'm still having conversations, but nothing is off the table. And I would not want to speculate one way or the other at this point because it is such a dynamic situation.

On Monday, the interim Senate Environment and Natural Resources Committee heard three hours of testimony on the revamped proposal from invited guests, ranging from the chief operating officer of a truck stop company to a policy adviser at the Nature Conservancy. Lawmakers are in Salem this week for a series of interim meetings.

In what is depending on whom you ask either a breakdown in communication between the parties, or the rhetoric of political theater, Republicans convey concern that Democrats wont listen to them.

As long as we can sit down and collaborate and work on common goals, on issues, I am 100 percent behind doing that, said Sen. Lynn Findley, R-Vale, the newest member of the Senate and its environment committee. And that's (what) I believe that we should all be here for ... But if it's, My way or the highway, then that's a difficult decision to make.

Rep. David Brock Smith, a Port Orford Republican who served on the committee that considered last years proposal, said he was not involved in crafting the new legislative concept released last Friday.

Not being included in the new discussions was rather unfortunate, Brock Smith said in an interview, Because we might have been able to mitigate some of the issues that this bill has.

Republicans seem to want to focus on nudging Oregonians to sign on to cleaner energy sources.

We have to have a carrot, perhaps wrapped in chocolate icing, before you go with the stick, said Findley, who was sworn in as a senator just last week, jumping over from the House to fill the seat of a resigning lawmaker. And right now, we don't. So I think I think it's imperative that we do that.

Brock Smith said Wednesday he has gathered bipartisan support for a bill that would boost incentives for Portland-area residents to buy electric cars and hybrids.

The greenhouse gas proposals architects, Sen. Arnie Roblan, D-Coos Bay, and Sen. Michael Dembrow, D-Portland, said the new plan includes significant changes in response to Republican concerns from last year, like phasing in new regulations for transportation fuels.

Yet before fielding questions Wednesday, Baertschiger made a forlorn speech his cadence that of a priest resignedly lamenting the state of the world to his congregation.

We talk about the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer, said Baertschiger, We see that all the time. Well, I think this is kind of an example. Because the average working family just don't have the ability to deflect these costs. They're stuck. I think because of the polarization of this particular piece of legislation we can't seem to come to any agreement, we can't even move towards any agreement that maybe it's just time to let the voters make the decision.

Baertschiger said Republicans have discussed a direct referral to voters and indicated there could be some support among Republicans for that.

But the draft legislation contains an emergency clause, which means that the bill cant be referred to voters by lawmakers. Voters could still use the initiative process to force a public vote.

Dembrow said that making the legislation effective immediately after legislators approve it would allow the state to prepare for the programs launch in 2022, even if an initiative is set in motion.

Asked what specific policy ideas Republicans had tried to suggest but hadnt stuck, as he phrased it, Baertschiger said his colleague, Sen. Fred Girod, R-Stayton, had worked on quite a bit about, you know, electrification and some credits, tax credits and stuff with that. Incentives could help electric companies accommodate demand on the grid as transportation starts using more electricity, Baertschiger said.

You know, the problem with fossil fuels is when it comes to the natural resource sector is there's nothing out there in technology yet that replaces the brute horsepower we need to produce the natural resources, whether it's tractors or fishing boats or any of those kind of things, Baertschiger said. There's nothing really out there yet. And I think we ought to keep trying to incentivize new technology to be able to replace that. But those are things that are going to take a long time.

Dembrow said that Democrats have been making efforts to include Republicans, pointing to Girods involvement in early talks on the current proposal.

We have been listening to and to a certain extent working with other Republicans as well, Dembrow said. But I'm not going to go into detail on that. But I will say that their concerns and ideas are included in this bill and were the grounds for the changes that we made.

Brock Smith isnt convinced that rural Oregonians would be spared the effects of anticipated higher fuel costs in metro areas if the legislation passes.

The initial increase in cost of transportation fuels will still fall to rural Oregonians in the costs of goods and services, right? he said. An apple that someone buys, or an article of clothing that somebody buys in Brookings, is going to be more expensive because it costs more to bring it there from Portland. And so they're not mitigating any of those financial impacts.

Dembrow said the proposal prohibits fuel importers from passing the costs associated with complying with the new regulations to customers in areas of the state that arent subject to the regulations.

The proposal would regulate fuels beginning in the Portland metro area in 2022, and in 2025, extends to metro areas of the state and cities where at least 10 million gallons of fuel are imported.

Whether or not they can vote for the bill, is, that's up to them, said Dembrow of Republicans. They have to do what's right for their values and the way they perceive their constituency.

He said that while he cant speak for Republicans, he would expect them to try to affect what the bill looks like, and then vote against it if they still didnt support it.

I vote on a lot of things I wish I didn't have to vote on, Dembrow said. But if you have majority support, you have majority support. And, you know, I think people need to respect that. And let me just add, that given the changes that we've made in the bill, if Republicans don't show up, I'm not sure how much of it is about the program itself and how much of it is really about politics and ideology.

Reporter Claire Withycombe: cwithycombe@eomediagroup.com or 971-304-4148.

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As Democrats resurrect carbon bill, Republicans leave all options on the table including another walkout - malheurenterprise.com

Paul GazelkaPhoto: Screenshot/YouTube

Minnesota Senate Majority Leader Paul Gazelka spoke at length in an interview about the importance of keeping conversion therapy legal, arguing that people turn gay because of bad parenting or sexual abuse.

Gazelka appeared on the Truth & Liberty podcast, which is co-hosted by televangelist Andrew Wommack, who supported Ugandas Kill The Gays bill.

Related: Minnesota Republicans are fighting to keep ex-gay therapy legal

One of the interviewers read a question about how to fight conversion therapy bans. Last year, the Minnesota House passed a conversion therapy ban but the state senate shot it down.

Gazelka started his response by lying about the law, saying that it would ban both counselors and pastors from talking to young people about their sexual feelings of identity.

He said that if a minor went into a counselors or pastors office to talk about unwanted same-sex attraction, the law would tell the professionals dont offer any help, just, you know, wing it.

Thats not what the proposed conversion therapy ban in Minnesota said. It only applied to state-licensed mental health professionals (not pastors) and would only ban them from attempting to change a patients sexual orientation they can still offer real help for young people struggling to accept themselves.

Gazelka went on to say that homosexuality is a sin and that many people find total freedom from homosexuality through counseling.

He then told a story that someone told him about a lady that was lesbian.

According to Gazelka, the speaker said, Before you judge her, let me just tell you her backstory. He said she was chained to a toilet as a like 2-, 3-, 4-, 5-year-old girl and raped by her dad, for years and years. How do you think shes gonna feel? In other words, hes trying to get you to realize that theres a deeper backstory.

In a separate anecdote, Gazelka said that a gay man lobbied his office several times. The second time Gazelka talked to him, he asked, Were you raised by your mom and dad, or was it just your mom?

Because a lot of times, same-sex attraction- theres not a good connection to the biological parent of the same sex.

And he says Its funny to say that, you know, because my my mom and my grandma raised me. The point Im trying to make is we actually had a conversation that we could talk about the issues around the why and the what.

The theories that homosexuality is caused by a poor relationship with the parent of the same-sex or is a result of sexual abuse have already been debunked. But conversion therapy is based on the idea that LGBTQ people are profoundly broken by negative developmental experiences, a point of view that Gazelka apparently shares.

Gazelkas support for conversion therapy is more than political he sent one of his own children to it. His child Genna, who is non-binary, said that they were sent to conversion therapy as a teen when their parents thought they might be a lesbian.

The therapy was tantamount to what could be said of torture or sexual torture, they said.

They said that they were sent to Marcus Bachmanns clinic. Hes the husband of former Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-MN), and his clinic is known for conversion therapy.

Their parents also encouraged Genna to go to Janet Boynes Ministries, which helps people who are trapped in the sin of homosexuality and yearn to be set free.

Gazelka claims that he did not send his child to Bachmanns clinic for conversion therapy, but just for healing.

Minnesota Democrats have condemned Gazelkas comments.

The bigoted beliefs Gazelka expressed in this interview are exactly the attitudes that made it so difficult for me to come out and still make it hard for LGBT Minnesotans to simply be who we are, the party said in a statement. Paul Gazelka cannot claim to love the LGBT community while fueling the homophobia that causes our community to face heightened rates of depression and suicidal ideation.

The full interview is below. The part about conversion therapy starts at the 43:45 mark.

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Republican leader who sent their child to conversion therapy says child abuse makes people gay - LGBTQ Nation

It's the latest reminder of Trumps vice-like grip on the GOP and how any hint of opposition within the party has been extinguished. Even before a single contest has been held, the president has already gone a long way toward securing renomination: He will be the only candidate on the ballot in nine states that collectively account for nearly one-third of the delegates needed.

Walsh and Weld have complained bitterly that several states have scrapped their primaries, calling it undemocratic and part of a broader effort to rig the nominating contest in Trumps favor. Yet the challengers are missing out on opportunities to compete against the president, even in states where it's relatively easy to qualify.

Neither Walsh nor Weld will be running in Kentucky, where candidates are only required to pay $1,000 and fill out a statement of candidacy form. Walsh failed to get on the ballot in Louisiana, where it costs just $1,125. Weld wont be running in Oklahoma, where a presidential aspirant only needs to cut a $5,000 check.

The two are also MIA in some of the countrys most delegate-rich battlegrounds. While Walsh, a former congressman, didnt file in his home state of Illinois, Welds attempt to get on the Ohio ballot was rejected by election officials who said he didnt meet the states requirements.

The Walsh and Weld campaigns say theyve faced fierce resistance from pro-Trump state GOP organizations which are working to keep them from competing. They have been particularly frustrated by the Georgia and Minnesota Republican parties, which submitted only Trumps name for the primary ballot.

"It became very clear very early in the process of gaining access to individual state ballots and caucuses that the Trump-controlled state party organizations would not be helpful to challengers, said Weld spokesman Joe Hunter, adding that some states have rendered it virtually impossible for any candidate other than the incumbent to qualify.

Walsh campaign manager Lucy Caldwell called the opposition from the GOP apparatus unprecedented.

When it comes down to it, were talking about millions of Republican voters who are having their say disenfranchised, she said.

Yet Trump campaign officials say their challengers absence from key states simply reflects a lack of seriousness. While Walsh and Weld have generated loads of media attention, it hasnt translated to fundraising dollars or encouraging poll numbers.

President Trump is the Republican nominee. Anyone else was just pretending so they could appear on MSNBC or maybe get a book deal, said Trump campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh. They were never serious.

For presidential campaigns, ballot access is a complicated and often costly process one that typically benefits well-organized incumbents over upstart challengers. States are governed by different criteria from fees to petition signatures - which determine whether a candidate can get on the primary ballot.

While the Trump campaign has an entire team devoted to ensuring that hes eligible for each contest, Walsh and Weld have struggled to keep up.

Rick Wilson, who serves as an adviser to a conservative anti-Trump super PAC, described an effective ballot access operation as a threefold struggle that required a substantial amount of funding, legal expertise, and organization.

Unfortunately, neither man has the resources to do that, said Wilson, noting Walsh and Weld were facing barriers to entry across the country.

Trump aides have welcomed the news. While the presidents team has never been overly concerned about Walsh and Weld, they have worked diligently ensure that neither embarrasses Trump the way Pat Buchanan did to incumbent George H.W. Bush in 1992. Buchanans surprisingly strong performance in the New Hampshire primary that year raised questions about Bushs support from conservatives and his viability as a general election candidate. Bush would go on to lose reelection.

Trump campaign officials are also trying to prevent either challenger from staging a distracting protest at the Republican convention in August. Trump aides want the four-day convention to be a smooth-running infomercial for the presidents reelection devoid of the chaos and infighting that defined the partys 2016 confab.

The two challengers are picking their spots. Weld, a former Massachusetts governor, has been heavily focused on New Hampshire's first-in-the-nation primary on Feb. 11 and has opened a campaign office there. Walsh, meanwhile, elected not to file in deep-red states like Alabama and Arkansas because his campaign regarded it as overwhelmingly pro-Trump.

Walsh, Caldwell said, was running a guerrilla campaign focused on states where she argued he could gain traction.

Theres a huge disconnect between the Trump-installed party bosses and what every day Republican voters want, she added. So, were leaning into tactics to help those voters voices rise to the top.

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Never Trumpers flame out - POLITICO

Senate Republicans will vote unanimously in support of President TrumpDonald John TrumpNational Archives says it altered Trump signs, other messages in Women's March photo Dems plan marathon prep for Senate trial, wary of Trump trying to 'game' the process Democratic lawmaker dismisses GOP lawsuit threat: 'Take your letter and shove it' MORE on the great matter of articles of impeachment, following what will be a farcical show trial if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnellAddison (Mitch) Mitchell McConnellDems plan marathon prep for Senate trial, wary of Trump trying to 'game' the process Senate GOP mulls speeding up Trump impeachment trial Republicans will pay on Election Day for politicizing Trump's impeachment MORE (R-Ky.) gets his way. I propose Republicans have a patriotic duty to support and pass a censure resolution condemning Trumps repeated praise of foreign dictators, his repeated efforts to solicit foreign dictators to attack his Democratic opponents, and his pressure against a democratic ally under attack by Russia to fabricate political dirt against former Vice President Joe BidenJoe BidenSanders to headline Iowa event amid impeachment trial Hillicon Valley: Biden calls for revoking tech legal shield | DHS chief 'fully expects' Russia to try to interfere in 2020 | Smaller companies testify against Big Tech 'monopoly power' Hill.TV's Krystal Ball on Sanders-Warren feud: 'Don't play to the pundits, play to voters' MORE, the Democratic candidate he fears the most by far.

Let me be clear about one thing. The censure resolution I believe Senate Republicans have a patriotic duty to propose should not be a long list of grievances and wrongs, but should be strictly limited to the one question that undoubtedly poses an existential and extreme danger to the future of American and Western democracy.

If the result of a Senate impeachment trial legitimizes the presidents solicitation of foreign nations to attack and corrupt American democracy, Senate Republicans would be giving aid and comfort to the Russian attack against American democracy first in 2016 and now in 2020, and guarantee that these attacks from Russia and other hostile nations continue and escalate in 2020 and future elections.

If my call to patriotism from Senate Republicans is not sufficiently persuasive, I would warn that some of them, who are up for reelection in 2020, could be defeated. And other Republicans will almost certainly, at some point sooner or later, join Democrats as targets of attacks from hostile foreign powers themselves.

If any Republican is ever attacked by Russian intelligence, North Korean intelligence, Iranian intelligence or any other intelligence service of a hostile nation I would defend them just as aggressively as I defended Hillary ClintonHillary Diane Rodham ClintonSupreme Court agrees to hear 'faithless elector' cases Poll: Sanders holds 5-point lead over Buttigieg in New Hampshire Climate 'religion' is fueling Australia's wildfires MORE in 2016 and defend Joe Biden today.

Exhibit A for a GOP-supported censure resolution is Trumps despicable behavior in 2016 when he asked Russia are you listening?, and when his aides shared voter information with Russians using that information, which was obviously the intent of Trump associates who shared it, to attack American democracy in that election.

Exhibit B is Trump suggesting it would be good for China to dig up dirt against Biden or other Democratic opponents in 2020.

Exhibit C is Trump withholding military assistance to Ukraine, while Ukraine was under attack from Russia, in a transparent attempt to blackmail, bribe or extort Ukraine into attacking Biden. By doing this, Trump simultaneously aided the Russian attack against Ukraine and sought to corrupt American democracy, which President Volodymyr Zelensky wisely and courageously refused to do.

Exhibit D is Trump suggesting, repeatedly, that many who are defending America by investigating the Russian attack against America were guilty of treason, for which they could be put to death.

Exhibit E is Trumps repeated high praise of foreign dictators, which is unprecedented in the history of American presidents. Would President Reagan or any other president have bragged about exchanging love letters with the North Korean butcher Kim Jong UnKim Jong UnBrent Budowsky: The patriotic duty of Senate Republicans US ambassador: 'I was personally surprised' North Korea did not send 'Christmas gift' Overnight Defense: Foreign policy takes center stage at Democratic debate | House delivers impeachment articles to Senate | Dems vow to force new vote on Trump's border wall MORE, or said they believe Russian intelligence more than American intelligence, as Trump has done?

Exhibit F is when American intelligence reports that the story that Ukraine, not Russia, interfered in the American election was a lie spread by Russian intelligence. Any Republican who parrots Russian propaganda spread by Russian intelligence, while Russia is attacking America, should be ashamed and humiliated.

Exhibit G is the latest report that Russian intelligence has recently been hacking the Ukrainian company Burisma, suggesting the Russian crime against Hillary Clinton in 2016, designed to elect Trump, is being repeated in 2020, designed to reelect Trump, if the allegation is proven true.

I am NOT suggesting Senate Republicans have a patriotic duty to remove President Trump from office.

I am suggesting that Senate Republicans DO have a patriotic duty to condemn clearly, publicly and unequivocally the Russian attacks against American democracy and the presidents attempts to encourage or exploit them.

Budowsky was an aide to former Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Texas) and former Rep. Bill Alexander (D-Ark.), who was chief deputy majority whip of the House of Representatives. He holds an LLM in international financial law from the London School of Economics.

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Brent Budowsky: The patriotic duty of Senate Republicans | TheHill - The Hill

A pair of Republican lawmakers demanded answers from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court about why it selected former Obama administration lawyer David Kris to oversee reforms in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act process.

Reps. Jim Jordan of Ohio and Mark Meadows of North Carolina sent a letter Thursday to James Boasberg, the new presiding judge over the FISA court, asking him a series of questions about why picked Kris to serve as amicus curiae, a position that is supposed to provide impartial advice to the court.

"If the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court's goal is to hold the FBI accountable for its serious misconduct, Mr. Kris does not appear to be an objective or likely effective amicus curiae for several reasons. At minimum the selection of Mr. Kris creates a perception that he is too personally invested on the side of the FBI to ensure it effectuates meaningful reform," the congressmen wrote in the letter obtained by the Washington Examiner.

Kris, a former assistant attorney general with the Justice Departments national security division during the Obama administration, has on the Lawfare blog and elsewhere spoken out in support of the FBIs Trump-Russia investigation and criticized the House Intelligence Committee's 2018 memo on alleged FISA abuses. Last week, he was selected last week to oversee the implementation of reforms in response to a scathing Justice Department watchdog report on serious errors found in the FBI's efforts to wiretap Carter Page, an American foreign policy adviser who helped President Trump's 2016 campaign.

Kris filed a letter with the FISA court on Wednesday where he said the reforms proposed by the FBI in the wake of the Horowitz report were "insufficient" thus far, and that the bureau "must restore" a "culture of accuracy and completeness" in the FISA process.

Jordan and Meadows laid out three main objections to Kriss appointment by the court.

The first was Kris has frequently defended the FBIs existing electronic surveillance practices including when he boasted about the rigorous process or FISA warrants prior to the early 2018 release of then-House Intelligence Committee Chairmen Devin Nuness FISA memo laying out FISA abuses by the bureau and then when Kris claimed that the FBI misled the court was itself misleading once the Nunes memo was made public.

Mr. Kris was wrong, the congressmen said.

The second was the former Obama official seemingly prejudged the FBIs conduct with respect to Carter Page when hundreds of pages of heavily redacted FISA applications on Page were released in the summer of 2018, when Kris claimed the FISA applications and renewals and predicted its going to get worse, not better for Page.

But, the congressmen said, the inspector generals report and testimony confirmed that the FBI illegally surveilled Mr. Page.

And third, following the Horowitzs reports release, Kris seemed to minimize the FBIs actions when he said the FBIs misconduct wasnt political and attributed the missteps to sloppiness by the FBI.

However, inspector general Horowitz testified that the office of inspector generals review did not rule out political bias or intentional misconduct, Jordan and Meadows said.

With three FISA provisions expected to sunset in March, House Republicans say they intend to make a stand against Kris. House Intelligence Committee ranking member Devin Nunes said this week that Congress should consider abolishing the FISA court if "[the] Democratic Party gets to use these tools to attempt to remove presidents and target political operatives when they want to."

Jordan and Meadows emphasized their belief that the FISA court also has a heightened responsibly to protect the civil liberties of American citizens in proceedings where no defense lawyer is present.

The congressmen asked the spy court to tell them which candidates aside from Kris theyd considered and whether theyd taken Kriss writings and statements about Page, the Nunes memo, and the FBIs Trump-Russia actions into consideration when appointing him.

The duo also pressed the FISA court on whether it bore any responsibility for the FISA abuse against Page; when it first received evidence that the FBI was misleading the court and what it did in response; whether the court had conducted a review of the Page FISA filings prior to the Horowitz reports release; what disciplinary action the court was taking against FBI or DOJ lawyers who had misled them; whether the court was reviewing other FISA filings aside from the ones against Page; and what the court was doing to ensure FISA abuses dont occur in the future.

Jordan and Meadows set a deadline of Jan. 30 for the FISA court's responses.

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'Too personally invested': Republicans demand FISA court explain why Obama official picked to oversee reforms - Washington Examiner

As our focus now turns to the Senate impeachment trial of Donald J. Trump, we need Republican Senators who will act now, before the trial, to protect their ability to, as the oath requires, do impartial justice according to the Constitution and laws.

The Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell has stated that he is, coordinating with the White House counsel (to ensure that) there will be no difference between the presidents position and our position as to how to handle this [impeachment trial].

If there is a moment in U.S. history where the Constitution and what it represents to stable governance hangs by a thread, then this is that moment. Once McConnell sets the rules for the Senate trial in favor of Trump, the concept of three coequal branches of government will have been dealt a mortal wound as it is sacrificed in a show trial of obeisance to the preeminence of the presidency.

Any complaints by GOP senators about the trial after terms are set will be mere play acting.

We need senators of great courage to speak out now to put the Senate impeachment trial on the right constitutional track.

Republicans insist there was no evidence to impeach Trump. Will you dare risk censure by rallying other GOP senators to insist that White House witnesses, such as John Bolton and Mick Mulvaney, appear and White House documents be provided to allow senators to learn from primary witnesses and primary source documents what actually happened?

A Senate that suppresses evidence is no better than a see no evil, hear no evil kangaroo court with a prepared verdict.

Anything less than a real Senate trial will not convince most Americans. It will widen the rift that is tearing our country apart.

Democratic Rep. Steny Hoyer, stated during the recent House impeachment debate that,

In 1974, one congressman [Larry Hogan, Sr.,] took the brave and principled step of becoming the first Republican on the Judiciary Committee to support impeaching President Nixon. He said to his colleagues and to the country, 'It isnt easy for me to align myself against the president to whom I gave my enthusiastic support. ... But it is impossible for me to condone or ignore the long train of abuses to which he has subjected the presidency and the people of this country. The Constitution and my own oath of office, demand that I bear true faith and allegiance to the principles of law and justice upon which this nation was founded. And I cannot in good conscience turn away from the evidence of evil that is to me so clear and compelling.

Hoyer then asked this question: Who among us many years from now will receive such praise as a man or woman of courage? Who will regret not having earned it?

If the Mitt Romneys and Susan Collinses go along to get along and participate in a trial of appeasement to protect an aspiring American autocrat, Winston Churchills prophetic words on Englands appeasement of a dictator will stand as a prophecy of the fruits of our own appeasement:

This is only the first sip, the first foretaste of a bitter cup which will be proffered to us year after year unless, by a supreme recovery of moral health and martial vigor, we arise again and take our stand for freedom as in the olden time.

Eric Hubner, Volcano, Hawaii, received both bachelors and masters degrees from Brigham Young University, as well as a master of social work degree from the State University of New York. He is a retired mental health therapist and school social worker, who also worked in the addiction field and coordinated services for families at risk of child abuse and neglect.

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Eric Hubner: Republican senators should stand up to the appeasement of Trump - Salt Lake Tribune

Lindsay Mouw, 25, grew up here, her family well-known for the Ford dealership they have owned since the days of the Model T, and she shares their deep Christian roots. But her ideas about religion are different now, because of a topic few people in her community talk about climate change. Concern for the environment has challenged her political views and those of many other young evangelicals, a trend that could one day spell trouble for the Republican hold on this religious group.

Mouws evolution began in 2015 on a study-abroad trip to New Zealand, where she learned about the devastating effects of noise and plastic pollution on the ocean. From that point on, I remember being pretty committed to saying, Im not going to contribute to these problems anymore. This isnt going to be on me, she said.

It was for her, as for many of her peers, the beginnings of a wedge between them and their older evangelical counterparts. Other issues, including LGBT rights and immigration, have likewise caused an internal reckoning that breaks along generational lines. Many though not Mouw now call themselves ex-vangelicals.

The church has become unrelatable to the world today, she said.

This split also reminds that while a generational divide seems already sure to affect the Democratic Party in 2020 with both the oldest- and youngest-ever candidates in pursuit of the White House so too could it shift the picture in the GOP. White evangelicals are one of the largest, most loyal voting blocs of support for President Trump, and a crack in that support could foreshadow trouble for the Republican Party if perhaps not in this election season, then in time.

Theyre reading the Bible and theyre saying, Wait a minute, something is not jibing and we need to rethink this, said Randall Balmer, a religion professor at Dartmouth College who studies evangelicals.

About a quarter of all American adults identify as evangelical protestants, according to a 2014 poll by the Pew Research Center. One in six of those is between the ages of 18 and 29,

Mouw lives a life well outside the norm in Sioux Center, a community of 7,000 with a strong Dutch heritage. Having left the GOP, she is working to elect a Democrat from Iowa to the US Senate, someone who believes in working to address climate change.

Also, for the moment, she no longer attends church.

Mouw and other young evangelicals find themselves caught where two political statistics collide. White evangelical Protestants are the most skeptical of any religious group about climate change, a recent poll found. But the overwhelming majority of young people believe climate change is happening and is caused by humans, according to the same poll.

And so, these young evangelicals have found that they share more in common with their generation broadly than with their faith community. Young people believe that climate change will harm them directly in their lifetime, giving the issue a personal sense of urgency that does not exist for some older Americans. And young people are poised to play an especially influential role in this election, projected to vote in numbers greater than ever before.

Youre right to say that younger evangelicals are probably particularly more attuned to the issue and probably give it a higher priority than maybe some of our older members, said Galen Carey, vice president of the National Association of Evangelicals, a group that considers climate change a problem but does not lobby lawmakers on the issue. But were not giving up on our older members either. We want everyone to recognize what a concern it is.

Young people who care about climate change should push their elected officials to embrace both environmental issues and also antiabortion policies, he said.

But some of those young people, its unclear how many, have chosen to leave the evangelical church altogether. Others are turning to more progressive denominations. Then there are those, like Mouw, who have chosen to retain their evangelical identity even as they hope to redefine it.

I think we can reclaim it and say that this is what we stand for, and we can do good in the world, and we can be that light whereas most of society has written us off, she said.

For her, things began to change while she was attending Dordt University, a local college affiliated with the Christian Reformed Church. When she studied abroad in New Zealand, she encountered an approach to life utterly foreign to her. There, students composted, ate vegan and vegetarian food, rode bikes whenever possible, and grew their own food. This is some weird hippie stuff that Im not OK with, she thought at first. It seemed excessive.

Then her world turned.

In her marine ecology class in New Zealand, she heard from a marine biologist about the real effects of climate change on the environment.

Eventually I stopped pushing back. I was like, OK, this is pretty important, she said.

An introvert by nature, Mouw returned to Sioux Center energized and started an environmental club and initiatives on campus. This was in 2015 with the presidential election quickly approaching and Republican candidates starting to cycle through Sioux Center.

Mouw connected with the national group Young Evangelicals for Climate Action and soon they gave her a job asking every Republican who came to town for their views on climate change. She pushed through her fear of public speaking and started to seek out the microphone at rallies and town halls. Quickly she became frustrated and discouraged with their answers or lack thereof.

I really still believed at that point that Republicans could do this, she said.

Mouw tried speaking to her church pastor about climate change, but he told her the topic wasnt important enough to address in the 30 minutes he had each Sunday to preach to his congregation.

So she found other ways to apply herself. She journeyed to rural Minnesota, where she did environmental conservation work, and is now back in Iowa assisting the campaign of Democrat Michael Franken, who supports efforts to combat climate change.

I dont think it was really until two years ago that I abandoned the Republican Party, Mouw said, referring to the aftermath of Trumps election. I kind of gave up hope because you get to the point where youre just like, This is a losing battle.

This splitting away of younger evangelicals started in 2008 when Barack Obama ran for president, according to Balmer, the Dartmouth professor. Young conservative Christians had been raised to believe that abortion and same-sex marriage were the only salient moral issues to vote on, he said. But on college campuses, Balmer said, he began to hear from young people who cared about a broader spectrum of issues including climate change, hunger, poverty, and the Iraq War.

The 2016 election only exacerbated the generational divide, he said.

Its kind of a sad thing, in some ways, because this is something that they grew up with and they just cant, some of them, bring themselves to abandon it, he said. But they also kind of know instinctively that something is wrong, something is very, very wrong with this movement.

Young Evangelicals for Climate Action has sought to capture the energies and attention of these people hungry for change within their faith community.

More and more, we have younger evangelicals who are pretty disillusioned and disenfranchised with that traditional political alliance, said Ben Lowe, 35, who founded the group in 2012. Interest in climate change has only grown since then and the organization works to educate young people on Christian college campuses and in churches, as well as political leaders through legislative meetings and advocacy.

Mouws personal story and political work have attuned her to the views of older conservative Christians so now when she talks to them about climate change, she is prepared. One morning this fall, Mouw met some of her grandfathers friends, men in their 70s and 80s who gather every morning for coffee at the Dutch bakery downtown. The men agree that climate change is happening and they are concerned, but they do not think the government can be trusted to fix it.

Mouw listened quietly for the better part of an hour. When the conversation turned to her, she spoke without a hint of judgment.

I think we have the climate crisis because we are sinful, and we have failed to [care for the Earth] properly, she said, the men murmuring in agreement. She mentioned ways to curb global warming like energy-efficient home heating and alternative agricultural practices.

But then she continued, in her gentle but firm tone, with a second notion that is more controversial: I think its important for us as evangelicals who care about climate to really be involved in the political scene and make sure we are electing people who promote the sustainability of the earth.

The men werent sure what to say about that. One of them, Willis Alberda, a retired professor from Dordt University, asked Mouw if she makes that same provocative point when she meets with members of Congress. Mouw said she did.

Oh really? the 83-year-old asked with genuine curiosity. Some would agree with what you say?

Yes, she said.

Laura Krantz can be reached at laura.krantz@globe.com. Follow her on Twitter @laurakrantz.

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For evangelicals, climate change causes a split between young and old that could hurt Republicans - The Boston Globe

The blowback experienced by the magazine Christianity Today after last weeks editorial calling for the ouster of President Donald Trump is but one example of a damaging phenomenon in and around the Republican Party.

The Grand Old Party has, in rapid order, effectively become a subsidiary of the Trump Organization.

All presidents, by default, become their party leader. But there is usually room for some dissent. There is no such room in Trumps cult of personality.

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY used to favor free trade. Not under Trump. The Republican Party used to be concerned with deficits. Not under Trump. The Republican Party used to be suspicious of all things coming from the Kremlin or Pyongyang. Not under Trump.

The rapidity of the party U-turn on these issues and others is startling. So too has been the effective surrender of party figures whose established positions differ from Trumps.

Trump has either forced his intraparty critics out (see former senators Jeff Flake and Bob Corker) or forced them to embrace him (see Sen. Lindsey Graham). Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan, one of the most conservative members of the House, said during the summer that Trump had, in his view, committed an impeachable offense; within days, Amash was forced out of the Republican Party. Amash, who voted with the Democrats to impeach Trump, hopes to retain his seat as an independent candidate.

AMASH, AT LEAST, has not surrendered. Most establishment Republicans have. As noted this week by FiveThirtyEights Perry Bacon Jr., 26 House Republicans decided not to run again in 2018; another 24 have made the same decision as of the start of the week. Trump certainly isnt the only reason for two consecutive waves of retirements, but its no coincidence. Those Republicans still resistant to Trumps cult of personality are, increasingly, out of office and out of the arena.

The decision by the Republican Party of Minnesota to allow just one name on the states primary ballot is another case in point. There is no chance that allowing Joe Walsh or William Weld on the primary ballot would keep Trump from winning the primary, but party leaders reject the notion that there can be any alternative to the Dear Leader.

There are those connected to the evangelical wing of the Republican Party notably Rick Perry and Nikki Haley who describe Trump as chosen by God for the presidency. Christianity Todays editor who, like Flake and Corker, is about to abandon the arena and retire begs to differ and warns that the embrace of such a flawed figure damages Christian witness. We fear the same applies to conservative policy thinkers and politicians.

Free Press, Mankato, Minnesota

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ANOTHER OPINION: Trump completes takeover of Republican Party - Goshen News

So far this year, 22 Republicans in the U.S. House have announced that they will not run for reelection next November. This represents the most retirements for either party in a non-election year this decade, according to an analysis by CBS News.

By comparison, six House Democrats have announced their retirements this year.

From potentially competitive 2020 reelections, to a growing dread of life in the minority, here are some of the factors that play into this year's Republican exodus.

After a year of court battles over partisan gerrymandering, a panel of North Carolina judges have approved a new set of congressional maps that are much less Republican-friendly.

Three House Republicans from North Carolina have since announced their retirements: George Holding, Mark Walker and Trump ally Mark Meadows.

Meadows' seat is likely to remain in Republican hands. Holding and Walker, however, both received new districts that included Democratic strongholds like Raleigh, or counties that Hillary Clinton carried like Guilford and Forsyth.

"I should add, candidly, that, yes, the newly redrawn congressional districts were part of the reason I have decided not to seek reelection," Holding said in his retirement statement.

Other Republican retirees in usually red suburban seats had their own wake-up call in 2018.

Texas Representative Pete Olson won his Houston-Fort Bend area district by 7 points in 2008. Every election since, he's won by nearly 20 points. That is until 2018, when he won by less than five points against Democrat Sri Preston Kulkarni.

Of the six Texas GOP members that aren't running in 2020, three of them won by 5 points or less in 2018: Olson, Will Hurd, and Kenny Marchant. Democratic groups were quick to call the pattern a "Texodus" and are looking to pick up these three open seats that were competitive in 2018.

"We're doing a heckuva lot more offense than we were expecting to do," said Robby Mook, president of the House Majority PAC, a group dedicated to helping House Democrats keep their control. "We just have opportunities on the table that I don't think anybody anticipated."

Mook said the retirement of Peter King, a Republican congressman from New York's Long Island suburbs, has created another potential pickup for Democrats.

"King is a perfect example of someone who was pretty comfortable in his seat, but now that he's gone, that is a battleground seat," Mook said.

Former Congressman Tom Davis, a Virginia Republican who retired in 2008, said an increase in partisanship has made life harder for swing-district representatives.

"I sat in a Democratic district, but I never had a really rough race. Nowadays they spend four or $5 million just polarizing things," said Davis, who retired in 2008. "If you're in a swing seat, you're going to be challenged."

Since President Trump took control of the Republican Party, 106 House Republicans have either been defeated in elections or retired. This year's casualty list includes members who have criticized the president before, including Hurd.

"There's no such thing as voting with him when you agree with him and voting against him when you don't. You get primaried," Mook said. "The Republican Party's gone so all in with [Mr. Trump] that there's no there's no such thing as halfway anymore."

This presents a problem for Republicans who represent GOP-leaning suburban seats where Mr. Trump is unpopular.

"[Mr. Trump is] redefining the electoral landscape and I don't think Republicans can do much to change that," Davis said.

But to Ron Bonjean, a former spokesperson for House and Senate Republican Leaders, this year's retirements say more about life in the minority for House Republicans than about Mr. Trump.

"[It] has nothing to do with President Trump. It has every indication of being a very partisan atmosphere where little can get done," he said. "Being in the minority isn't any fun when you've been a majority and you know what it's like to drive the car. And now you're in the passenger seat, you can't make any decisions about where it's going."

Before the 116th Congress, Representative Bill Flores of Texas has only known life in the majority. He began his career in 2012, right after Democrat Nancy Pelosi ended her first stint as House Speaker.

Now Flores has had to deal with life in the minority.

"You don't control the legislative flow at all," he said. "You just have to be a little bit more agile on your feet than you are in the majority, to be able to put building blocks into what hopefully will become bipartisan legislation down the road."

Flores announced in September he would forego reelection in 2020.

Term limits, either self-imposed or due to House GOP rules, has also been a pattern amongst retirees. Ted Yoho of Florida said his retirement makes good on a promise to only serve four terms. Both Rob Bishop of Utah and Mike Conaway of Texas reached the limit of three terms in committee leadership when they decided to retire.

In response, House Republicans, as well as President Trump, floated the idea of easing the definitions of term limits to only count chairmanship titles, and not the ranking member status minority lawmakers get.

"House Republicans should allow Chairs of Committees to remain for longer than 6 years," Trump tweeted. "It forces great people, and real leaders, to leave after serving. The Dems have unlimited terms. While that has its own problems, it is a better way to go. Fewer people, in the end, will leave!"

The NRCC and outside Republican groups are banking on impeachment to cause vulnerable Democrats in Trump-won districts to lose their seats. To them, their path runs straight through those 31 districts, including newly-minted Republican Jeff Van Drew's New Jersey seat.

Republicans need to flip 19 seats red to gain back the majority, but also have to defend all 197 of their currently-held seats, including in all the districts with retiring members.

"I don't think there's confidence that they can win back the House anytime soon, and for good reason," Mook said.

"It's precisely because of open seats that I think they're really in a jam, because those open seats are giving Democrats a chance to help offset any losses. It's a vicious cycle," Mook added.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee had already targeted Hurd's, Marchant's and Olson's Texas districts before their retirement announcements. Rob Woodall of Georgia's 7th district is also retiring, and he had one of the tightest 2018 victory margins, winning by just 0.2%.

Flores and Bonjean point to the earlier filing deadlines as a reason for the earlier retirement announcements, in an effort to give enough time to recruit viable candidates.

"You eventually get new blood in the system through recruitments," Bonjean said. "So the key here is for Republicans to recruit candidates in these districts wherever of retirement to make sure that we have good people going back to Capitol Hill."

A total of 12 candidates, including former Texas representative and former National Republican Congressional Committee chairman Pete Sessions, are running in Flores' 17th district. Immediately after deciding he'd retire, Flores held "candidate workshops" to recruit candidates ahead of the December primary filing deadline.

Davis, who voted to impeach President Bill Clinton in 1998, said vulnerable House Democrats will have to wait and see how this month's impeachment vote plays out in their districts next November.

"I think as you find out from Van Drew, you're more at risk if your buck your party, but these are no win votes for these members no matter what they did," he said.

In the end, Davis believes the dynamics of the 2020 presidential race could determine how the 2020 House races turn out.

"We're in a cycle now where you have less ticket splitting than anytime in history. So [Republicans] are going to rise or fall with how the president does," he said.

"But we don't know, things can change very rapidly, and if the Democrats nominate a [Bernie] Sanders, it can all turn around pretty quickly."

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Republicans are leaving the House at a record pace. Why? - CBS News

Wisconsin's Democratic legislative leaders say the first year of Gov. Tony Evers' administration has been defined by Republicans seeking to stop him from getting wins.

The result, Rep. Gordon Hintz and Sen. Jennifer Shilling said in separate year-end interviews, has been a lack of commitment to move forward on bigger issues as the state navigates the ramifications of split control after a decade of one-party rule in the Legislature and East Wing.

Republicans were very strategic from day one of trying to minimize the governor and successes and wins for him, said Shilling, who credited Evers for being the adult in the room while slamming GOP leaders for what the La Crosse Democrat called legislative absenteeism.

Assembly Minority Leader Gordon Hintz, D-Oshkosh

Hintz, D-Oshkosh, stopped short of labeling the current arrangement gridlock, saying that to reach that point, you at least have to make an attempt to find resolution.

I feel like it's been less gridlock and more there's kind of the Mitch McConnell style intentional strategy to starve the process, to try to make the governor look unsuccessful and to really play politics from the beginning, he said. So it's a little different than gridlock, but I guess some would say that's the result.

Both seemed resigned that the remainder of the session which could include floor periods in January, February and potentially March would include much of the same.

But Hintz expressed optimism that there could be more productive work ahead, saying while the political environment is tough, there are always opportunities and there's no shortage of issues.

Shilling highlighted her desire for the Senate to act on the remainder of Evers Cabinet secretary nominees in January and February. Currently, around half have yet to be taken up by the full chamber, though they can continue serving in their capacities indefinitely without a confirmation vote.

Technically (the nominees) serve at the pleasure of the governor, but this Republican Legislature has inserted itself so that the Cabinet secretaries appear to serve at the pleasure of Senate Republicans and thats not how this place was designed to operate with respect to the role of the executive branch, she said.

Looking ahead to the 2020 legislative races, when all the Assembly seats and half the Senate ones will be up for election, the pair said they were encouraged by their candidate recruitment efforts so far.

Hintz noted that in 2018, Democrats sought quality and quantity, with the result being that many challengers appeared across the state, with some in miserable seats that the party hadnt competed in recently. This time, Hintz said he hasnt yet been discouraged because I think theres so much uncertainty at the top of the ticket.

He added that without any statewide races on the ballot next November, Democrats have an opportunity to put the Legislature up for referendum.

Weve got to hold Republicans accountable for the decisions they've made and the decisions they've refused to make, he said. I'm encouraged by the candidates that we have so far in important races (meaning those that) we either came close to or the numbers indicate will be competitive.

Asked how messages that the maps are rigged have impacted candidate recruitment efforts, Shilling said she tells would-be contenders that if theyre waiting until after redistricting to run: I cant wait that long. If youre interested in doing this, weve got to do it now.

Early next year, she said, Senate Democrats would roll out the seats theyre targeting, but throughout the cycle she said the party needs to make sure that we build on the momentum of having the DNC in Milwaukee and having a crisscrossing of Democratic candidates in Wisconsin.

I wouldn't want to be Republican running next year, she said. I think just their brand is very different than what it even was four years ago and the weight of a Trump being around your neck is a heavy one.

When Senate Majority Leader Scott Fitzgerald, a congressional candidate in the Milwaukee-area 5th CD, almost assuredly leaving the chamber after the fall cycle to head to Congress in 2021, both Shilling and Hintz declined to say who'd they'd prefer to work with as his successor.

Fitzgerald is so far the only Republican contender for the seat, which is being vacated by longtime U.S. Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner.

Shilling noted Fitzgerald in his time as leader has "had the ability to thread the needle" in working with the Senate GOP caucus, which she said has "certainly moved to the hard right" in recent years.

"It's a difficult caucus to manage and we'll see who can put together a coalition to get there," she said.

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Wisconsin Democrats say Republicans have made thwarting Gov. Tony Evers their priority - Madison.com