Category Archives: NATO

Narva:You couldn't imagine a more perfect symbol of the tension between Russia and the West.

An icy river runs swiftly under grey skies. At a bend, two louring stone fortresses glare at each other from opposing cliffs, one flying the Russian flag, the other Estonian.

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Fairfax's Nick Miller visits the Estonian city Narva. Some are wondering if Narva will be the next place that Russia will try to claim

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Fairfax's Nick Miller visits the Estonian city Narva. Some are wondering if Narva will be the next place that Russia will try to claim

It's very Game of Thrones-ish.

The symbolism is a little undercut, though, by rugged-up shoppers trotting over the bridge between them: Russians in search of the European wines that have been cruelly marked up in their own shops, Estonians exploiting the cheap-as-chips rouble to load up on 10 times the ciggies, vodka and petrol that their euros could afford.

Checkpoint Charlie this is not.

With the help of a translator (everyone in these parts speaks Russian), I chat to some of those entering Estonian Narva from Russian Ivangorod.

A chap in black cap and jeans carries full shopping bags. He complains there were a "lot of jobs" in Soviet times. "Everything was very nice," says Nikolai. He repaired buses.

The Baltic states are "inept and stupid", he says. If something went wrong and there was war or conflict, "at least half the local population would go against NATO".

By this stage I suspect he's pulling my leg. No, he's serious. But he's no warmonger.

"My relatives and friends are sure that Russia and Estonia should be friends," he says. "If one neighbour is taking the knife, the other takes the axe. No. We should not escalate. And not provoke."

A woman in a white coat, with striking red dyed hair, comes through next. She is is a proud, patriotic Estonian, she says.

"If NATO or Trump decided to fall back it would be very bad," she says. "The Russian population here is affected by the Russian media, they are watching Russian TV channels. That's why this subject is very big around here."

If you want to annoy a Narvan you need just three words: "Is Narva next?" Next as in: Crimea, eastern Ukraine, Narva.

They're sick of it. They're sick of the sanctions hurting local businesses (Narva is much closer to St Petersburg than Estonia's capital Tallinn, so the town depended heavily on trade across the border). They're sick of being side-eyed after crossing the river to visit a family grave or a sightseeing trip to Nevsky Prospekt.

They're sick of journalists making them the new Cold War flashpoint.

But since at least Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, military strategists can think of no place more likely to catch an acquisitive Kremlin's eye.

And with US President Donald Trump sending mixed messages about his commitment to NATO, and his defence secretary speaking pointedly in Brussels about "moderating" military support for Europe should countries not contribute more to the alliance, the prospect of Russian tanks rumbling across the bridge is not unimaginable.

General Sir Richard Barrons paints a picture of a dysfunctional NATO caught strategically on the hop.

Sir Richard served in the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq during his 36 years in the British army, finishing his career as commander of Joint Forces from 2013 to 2016.

Hepicks Narva as an example of where things could go wrong ("most wars start for bad reasons," he says).

"Russia feels seriously aggrieved with the way it's been treated since the end of the Cold War, genuinely sees the enlargement of NATO as a threat genuinely believes people like me would like to stimulate a colour revolution in Moscow," he says.

He points to the array of precision conventional ballistic missiles in the Kaliningrad enclave, which mean Russia "dominates the air space over the Baltics".

"There are very sophisticated Russian armed forces within easy reach of Narva. Imagine a moment where we're falling out with Russia, it might be over Syria or Ukraine or Crimea. Well, it's very easy just to send ground forces into Narva and you know You've locked down the airspace. You've basically broken Article 5 [the NATO defence pact]and say 'come on if you're hard enough'.

"At which point the NATO alliance, which have no plan for this and have no resources ready to deal with it would have to mobilise at leisure and fight their way back into the Baltic sphere."

On Putin's resolve, he quotes Richard Nixon's autobiography:"Communist leaders believe in Lenin's precept: Probe with bayonets. If you encounter mush, proceed; if you encounter steel, withdraw."

He also paints another scenario more likely and more insidious.

Russians are the "market leaders"in hybrid warfare, he says, combining social media, cyber attacks, propaganda and bought influence to weaken their opponents.

"All Russian needs to do [in the Baltics]is promote weakness and instability. Hybrid warfare is very good at weakening alliances, weakening national capacity. And you also know that you could do very small things to breach article 5 and you would bluff the alliance."

Since 2014, NATO has been refocusing on its weakness in eastern Europe, after a generation in which it retooled to fight in the deserts of the Middle East.

There are regular NATO exercises in the Baltics. Just earlier this year, UK armed forces took part in celebrations for Estonia's Independence Day, ahead of a deployment of 800 troops.

In early March, on a trip to Finland, Estonian President Kersti Kaljulaid insisted that NATO was not preparing for war.

"In recent months, many people have got the impression that there is something out of the ordinary going on in the Baltic area," she said. "[NATO]is creating the deterrent that it believes is necessary in the current situation.

"For some reason, the notion has spread worldwide that now we may be preparing for something darker. This is absolutely not the case."

Many Narvans were not impressed at all by the military display by the British. They wonder, why would you want to provoke the Russians? Why not just be friends?

I meet the mayor of Narva, Tarmo Tammiste, in his office he's a lovely man, generous, welcoming, and proud of his city despite its problems.

Narva, once a beautiful baroque city, was bombed flat in 1944. Under the Soviets it was rebuilt by labourers from across the USSR: Ukrainians, White Russians.

Now 97 per centof the population speak mostly Russian and most of the schools teach a large portion of classes in Russian.

From the outside, it would seem they are the perfect population for hybrid warfare of the same model used in Crimea or the Donbas in Ukraine.

But though they call themselves Russians, that doesn't mean they want to be Russian citizens, says Tammiste. Quite the opposite, in fact.

"They are not Russian Russians, they are Russians in Estonia," he says. "They are proud that they are living here in Estonia."

On cross-border trips,Narvans see first-hand how they're doing much better than their neighbours. The European Union has poured millions into their town, funding a huge refit of the water and sewage systems, building riverside paths and schools.

"I have relatives back in Russia and there's a clear difference you see when you go there," says vice-mayor Vyacheslav Konovalov. "Living in Estonia alongside Estonians, you tend to absorb all the good things about life here. Not throwing trash as you go. Tidying up. Which is still a problem back there."

Pensioners get more pension in Estonia, he says. Some even save money to send to families across the border.

To Narva, Ivangorod is their neighbour, not their enemy. There is a Christmas tradition where the Russian and Estonian versions of Santa Claus meet in the middle of the bridge, then swap cities and distribute lollies to dancing children.

Every year the mayor of each town gives a box full of presents to the first child born in the other town.

The main challenge for Narva is not geopolitical, Tammiste says. It's economic. The population is shrinking and when tensions grew between Russia and Estonia it hurt business. The tourism industry was cut by almost half. Most business investment had come from across the border, and this was slashed by sanctions, mistrust and the plummeting rouble.

"Some [Russian]companies were even ordered to stop developing businesses," says Konovalov. "All those good things we marketed and put as our selling points, they were all evaporated because of the geopolitical stance. You wouldn't risk your money putting businesses here at this time when everybody talks about 'is Narva next, when is the day?'

"We saw the Russians taking the risks and investing money into the region and creating jobs and creating opportunities for young people to stay. So of course we are losing because of these tensions."

In the suburban fringes of Narva, club owner Vladimir Cherdakov sits proudly in his dining room and offers me a pancake. The place is not exactly jumping during the lunch hour I see a bare handful of customers.

Born in Narva, Cherdakov is what you'd definitely call a local character. An amateur musician (he presses a copy of his latest CD into my hands), he runs a bunch of businesses around town.

He deplores the effect that sanctions against Russia have had on his town and his business.

"Two years ago I opened this place as a restaurant, but I had to turn it around as a nightclub and a general club to hang out, because people in this town don't any more have enough money to buy in big parties or buy good food from the restaurants," he says through an interpreter. "They stay home and they make their own food. So the economic level in the city just dropped in two years.

"Every time I see on TV the government decided to cut social benefit, or close a kindergarten or school to cut the budget for some social institution, I see that and I think 'this is happening because of the tensions, because of the sanctions'."

He scoffs at the idea of a military threat from Russia.

"I don't believe Putin would attack Estonia, never. That's impossible."

And as for hybrid warfare he says that if, like in Ukraine, nationalists started oppressing Russian-speaking people, insisting they stopped speaking Russian or attacked them, then "something would go really wrong".

"But unless something like that happens, no, local people would never go fight the government or NATO forces, never."

That said, he has no time for NATO.

"Historically, Narva was always a reason for war. A war zone. I don't think it's good for one side to bring in troops and build military bases and bring guns, because the other side will do the same and I don't want to be in the middle of it. There might be a chance that someone will make a bang and it will unleash the hell."

On my last morning in Narva, I'm taken for a hazardous walk along the border itself, on the river bank.

For me, my biggest concern is staying upright on the ice. For Estonian border guard senior specialist Kalmer Janno, his main concern seems to be to convey how unconcerned he is by the fact that he's patrolling the frontline against a supposed enemy.

"We don't talk about politics. We are professional border guards, we do professional tasks, and both sides understand we have to co-operate," he says, prosaically.

Hisand his Russian counterpart's biggest concernis the river itself. There's good fishing in there. But the water is fast and cold, and every fishing boat must have a licence and keep in contact with the local border station.

Their other main concern is endlessly creative smugglers. Once they found a clandestine pipeline running along the bottom of the river, piping cheap vodka from Russia into the EU.

He talks to mehappily, and a little boringly, about an initiative for cross-departmental co-operation, so police, the border guards, customs and the river rescue squads are all linked together.

Most of his job is simply patrolling on foot, on bicycles, in cars, boats, even hovercraft.

"It's fun," he says of working on one of the more politically fraught borders in the world. "I like to be a person who can help and support our government, to help the people."

He shows me a black and white pole, stuck in the river mud to mark the border line.Then we walk, carefully, back to the patrol car and he gives me a gift pack of balloons, colouring-in pencils, and some ice picks should I ever fall through a hole in a frozen lake.

Here's hoping I never have to use them.

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Does Trump's NATO frostiness point to a new Cold War? - The Sydney Morning Herald

As an international organisation, NATO is characterised by diversity. People from different backgrounds and cultures, work styles and ways of thinking work here. This is reflected in the Alliances internship programme, which offers opportunities in a variety of fields, including communications, finance, human resources, international relations, IT, law and political science. The 15th cycle of the programme opened on 13 March 2017 and applications will be accepted until 18 April 2017.

What are the benefits of a NATO internship? We asked some recent interns for their thoughts.

Michaela had completed a Masters in International Security and in European Union External Relations and Diplomacy Studies, when she took up her NATO internship with the Protection of Civilians Section in the Operations Division.

Working at NATO Headquarters has been enriching for a young professional in terms of understanding the internal functioning of the Alliance, she says. Building on previous skills and expertise, there is a possibility to be well integrated into policy processes, participation in external events and missions as well as in terms of interaction with other relevant actors in specific fields such as the EU, the UN, the ICRC and relevant NGOs.

The experience also allowed Michaela to make new contacts.

Working at NATO has been an excellent opportunity to expand my network of professional contacts and friends, she tells us.

Describing his internship as the best experience I ever had, Giuseppe tells us, I had the opportunity to apply my professional skills and engineering background to [working on] the new NATO Headquarters, working with a qualified team, with tasks that were getting me directly inside the action of the project a real and professional internship.

As an intern in the Public Diplomacy Division, Lea was able to put her background in journalism to good use.

During the internship I could experience public diplomacy in all its facets, whether it was a press conference, the production of media content or face-to-face engagement with important stakeholders, Lea explains.

The internship provided me with a deeper understanding of the complex political challenges and possible communication measures to face them, she adds.

Dilara worked in the Emerging Security Challenges Division. It was the most unique and rewarding professional experience I have ever had. As a cyber defence policy intern, I had the distinct pleasure of having worked with team members who made me realise, every single day, that my efforts contributed directly to the Alliances enhanced cyber defence policy initiatives that will lead NATO to engage in implementing the cyber-related decisions taken in Warsaw.

The range of possible thematic orientations is broad: graduate students of aeronautics, engineering, graphic design, journalism, law enforcement, library science, or translation, might also find a unique opportunity to gain international experience in the field of peace and security. Knowledge of Russian or Arabic is especially welcome.

Although some interns stay on at NATO after the internship to complete ongoing assignments or to take up full-time employment, many move on to other international organisations. Whatever their long-term ambitions, NATO interns gain invaluable experience as they strive to achieve them.

To apply or learn more, visit the NATO Internship Programme page.

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NATO launches call for interns for 2018 - NATO HQ (press release)

Stars and Stripes

Senators McCain, Paul feud over NATO expansion Stars and Stripes STUTTGART, Germany Montenegro's bid to join NATO is on hold after U.S. Sen. Rand Paul blocked the ratification of a treaty to advance the country's membership, causing fellow Sen. John McCain to accuse the Republican of working for Vladimir Putin.. Why Paul is right on NATO and McCain is wrongThe Hill (blog) No Thanks: US 'Would Be at War' if Ukraine, Georgia Joined NATO - Rand PaulSputnik International Republicans Working for Putin? John McCain Claims Rand Paul Is Russian Tool over NATO Spending DebateNewsweek Business Insider -Balkan Insight -Washington Examiner all 108 news articles »

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Senators McCain, Paul feud over NATO expansion - Stars and Stripes

JUDY WOODRUFF: But first: German Chancellor Angela Merkel has her first meeting with President Trump tomorrow at the White House. Mrs. Merkel is seeking reelection later this year.

Tops on the agenda for the two leaders: the NATO response to a resurgent Russia and the stability of the European Union after Brexit.

I sat down with Germanys ambassador to the U.S., Peter Wittig, and I asked him about the importance of this high-stakes meeting.

PETER WITTIG, German Ambassador to the United States: Well, it is an important visit for her. And its her first personal encounter with a new president. They have spoken on the phone a couple of times.

But personal relationships are important. And for us, Judy, the U.S. has been almost the most important international and foreign policy partner over decades. The U.S. has helped us to build a thriving democracy after the Second World War. It has helped us to unify Germany.

So, thats a very strong tradition, a strong basis on which the chancellor will build on and establish constructive and forward-looking relations with this new president in the U.S.

JUDY WOODRUFF: Well excuse me.

We know NATO is a subject that has come up repeatedly during Mr. Trumps campaign for president. Hes been critical of NATO. Hes said that the U.S. pays far more into NATO than it should. Hes leaned on other NATO members to pay more.

How much more is the chancellor willing to say Germany will pay, and by when?

PETER WITTIG: NATO is the bedrock of our common security.

It was kind of reinvigorated after Russian invaded Ukraine and fueled the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. And it is on a new mission against a newly assertive Russia and facing challenges in the south of the NATO territory, in the Middle East, for instance.

But there is this discussion on fairer burden-sharing. Were ready for this discussion. Its an important discussion. Germany is committed to do more for the defense, to increase our defense spending incrementally.

Last year, for instance, we raised our defense budget by 9 percent. And we want to go forward on this path in an incremental way. Yes, Europe, and also Germany have to be more active in defense.

JUDY WOODRUFF: You mentioned a more aggressive Russia.

We know President Trump has spoken about the suggestion that he would take a more conciliatory approach to Russia. If thats what this president does, what will Chancellor Merkels response be?

PETER WITTIG: She has a lot of experience in dealing with Russia.

She has spoken so many times with President Putin over the last years. I think we are pursuing a double-track approach, strong dialogue, keeping the channels of communication open, but, at the same time, being very resolute about our defense, keeping in mind our security interests, especially in the eastern part of Europe and beyond.

So, I think we would welcome a new chapter of the American and Russian leader in their relationships, but on the basis of a very clear idea where our strategic interests and our security interests are.

JUDY WOODRUFF: You expect that to come up?

PETER WITTIG: I could assume that they will be talking about Russia and the Ukraine conflict, about many other things, Judy.

JUDY WOODRUFF: We spoke about NATO.

The president has also been critical of the European Union. He was one of the first to argue that Great Britain should leave the E.U., so-called Brexit.

What is Chancellor Merkels plan to change his mind on the E.U.?

PETER WITTIG: Europe is our home. Its our neighborhood. We are strong supporters of a strong and resilient European Union.

We deplore Brexit. We respect the vote of the people. We want to have close relations with the U.K. even after they left the European Union. But we will do everything to keep the European Union as a strong and resilient economic and political union.

And let me add this. I think it is also in the strategic interests of the United States to have a strong and resilient Europe, European Union, in the face of the challenges from the east and from the south of our continent in Europe.

JUDY WOODRUFF: And one can presume those are arguments the chancellor is going to make to the president?

PETER WITTIG: I assume so.

(LAUGHTER)

JUDY WOODRUFF: Finally, I have to ask you about some of the comments President Trump made about the chancellor herself last year with regard to her refugee policy.

He called it, among other things, a sad shame and a disgrace. He went so far to say last year and Im quoting he said: The German people are going to end up overthrowing this woman. I dont know what the hell she is thinking, he wrote.

Does she believe she has President Trumps respect?

PETER WITTIG: You know, the situation two years ago, when the refugee crisis emerged, was totally extraordinary.

It was the biggest, largest movement of people since the Second World War. And it was an extraordinary humanitarian crisis at our borders. Now the situation is different. The numbers are dramatically down.

The refugees that came in are properly registered and vetted. So, we have gone back to an orderly and regular process. So, the situation has changed since that time.

JUDY WOODRUFF: And what about the comments that the president made about her and her policy? Can she just does she think he has his respect?

PETER WITTIG: The chancellor, I think, is interested to build a strong, constructive, forward-looking relationship with President Trump.

And she has said many times she will not go back to the campaign, but will want to engage with him in a constructive manner. And I think thats what we want to see tomorrow.

JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, we will be watching tomorrows visit.

Germanys Ambassador to the United States Peter Wittig, thank you very much.

PETER WITTIG: Thank you, Judy.

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What to expect from Trump-Merkel meeting on Russia, NATO - PBS NewsHour

Dutch scientists and experts offered their insights on new ways to address emerging security challenges during a Science for Peace and Security Programme (SPS) Information Day held in The Hague on 15 March 2017. Fruitful cooperation between the Netherlands and NATOs SPS Programme has already led to exploring common solutions to security challenges in the areas of cyber defence, terrorism, extremism and unexploded ordnance.

Organised in cooperation with the Permanent Representation of the Netherlands to NATO and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, the SPS Information Day provided an opportunity for partners to build networks with Dutch scientists.

The Netherlands is developing state-of-the-art scientific applications addressing the security challenges that NATO Allies and their partners all face. At the same time, there is a lot that we can learn from our partners; its a two-way-street. Today we are trying to bring scientists and partners together to develop new ideas, said Mr Michel Rentenaar, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Netherlands to NATO.

Current and past SPS grantees from the Netherlands were also able to speak about their past projects and experience with the SPS Programme. Dutch scientists and 60 participants from NATO partner nations, including experts from Serbia, attended the event.

Under the NATO SPS umbrella, the Netherlands is cooperating with partner countries in clearing unexploded ordnance and countering terrorism. Given the current security environment, engaging partner nations is more important than ever to address emerging security challenges. The flexibility of the SPS Programme makes it possible to adapt to the changing strategic context of the Alliance. SPS activities are therefore strongly aligned with NATOs political, strategic and partnership priorities, said Ambassador Sorin Ducaru, NATO Assistant Secretary General for Emerging Security Challenges.

In Egypt, due to a legacy of conflict lasting over 70 years, large areas in the country are contaminated with landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW). This issue poses a serious security challenge for local populations and hinders economic development and investment. Within the SPS Programme, Egypt and the Netherlands are making efforts to enhance ERW detection and access capability within the country.

The SPS Programme also supports the partnership between Montenegro and the Netherlands to increase and improve the capacity for clearance of unexploded ordnance in Montenegro. Through limiting the availability of explosive materials from unexploded ordnance, the threat of terrorist attacks in the region is reduced. This project was successfully live-tested as part of the NATO consequence-management field exercise organised by the Euro-Atlantic Disaster Response Coordination Centre in Montenegro in November 2016. Other SPS activities with the Netherlands have provided policy recommendations on the development of counter-terrorism strategies.

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NATO is stepping up scientific cooperation with the Netherlands - NATO HQ (press release)

WHITE HOUSE

When U.S. President Donald Trump and German Chancellor Angela Merkel sit down for a get to know you session at the White House Friday, the entire future of the Transatlantic relationship will be hanging in the balance.

The leaders of two of the worlds most powerful economies have seemed to be on a collision course since candidate Trump accused Merkel of ruining Europe with liberal immigration policies, spoke ill of NATO, and hinted at a trade war.

Merkel, for her part, scolded Trump for imposing a travel ban on immigrants from six mostly Muslim countries, and reminded him that any close U.S./Germany cooperation must be based on values of democracy, freedom, respect for the rule of law and human dignity, regardless of origin, skin color, religion, gender, sexual orientation or political belief.

NATO

A minefield of explosive issues await. But on many of the key points, from NATO to the European Union, experts say the seeds of cooperation have already been sown.

Daniel Hamilton, director of the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, says its important to note that while Trump often says one thing, his administration actually is doing something else.

FILE - Germany Security ConferenceU.S. Vice President Mike Pence, left, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel meet for bilateral talks on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference in Munich, Germany, Feb. 18, 2017.

When it comes to official statements, his vice president [Pence] went to Germany and Brussels and said reassuring things about NATO. Secretary [of Defense] Mattis echoed all that. Those have all been mainstream traditional U.S. foreign policy statements about the alliance, he said.

Analysts note, too, that Merkels Germany and other NATO allies have responded positively to President Trumps call for Europe to take a greater share of the collective defense burden. He [Trump] has blown hot and cold on NATO, Hamilton explains. They need to step up on their financial commitment, but the president has been a bit mistaken in saying the Europeans have lagged in the fight against terrorism.

FILE - A German army soldier walks past Marder infantry fighting vehicles at the railway station in Sestokai, Lithuania, Feb. 24, 2017.

Still, Hamilton warns of troubled waters on the economic front of the U.S./EU relationship. Trumps stated preference for bilateral pacts with trading partners flies in the face of the European Unions position that it is the sole representative of its 28 member countries.

As a candidate, Trump suggested he would renounce multilateral deals such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) with Europe, which had been championed by Merkel and former president Barack Obama.

In a hint at a possible compromise, a senior administration official told reporters last week that T-TIP could be considered a one-on-one trade deal, given how the EU structure interconnects European economies.

Trade

Another hot potato will be the so-called "border adjustment tax," which is meant to encourage companies to make goods in the United States. Trump sees the tax as boosting his job creation agenda. Europeans see it as a challenge to the global trading system at a time when Trumps policies are pushing the United States toward protectionism.

The Germans are worried, said Stephen Szabo, executive director of the Transatlantic Academy and a fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, Trumps trade negotiator [Peter] Navarro has been singling out Germany as the biggest U.S. trade problem, bigger even than China. Navarro heads the newly formed White House National Trade Council.

Szabo says Merkel will make the point that German firms are big investors in the U.S., creating more than 600,000 American jobs in American-German companies. So shes going to explain that if you go after us, youre going to be hurting jobs in the U.S.

Volkswagen cars are lifted inside a delivery tower of the company in Wolfsburg, Germany, March 14, 2017.

SAISs Daniel Hamilton says Merkel will try to use her considerable negotiating skills to provide a fuller understanding of European perspectives to a president famous for his book "The Art of the Deal." Her style is not to confront; shes very pragmatic, she downplays the drama, he told VOA. Shell come with a number of key agenda points, part of it is to help the president understand some of the dynamics affecting Europe and Germanys role.

Hamilton sees the White House meetings as a prelude to further negotiations when Trump makes his first presidential visit to Europe in May to attend both a NATO summit in Brussels followed by a G7 summit on the Italian island of Sicily. That will be the next big step," he said.

Continued here:
Trump, Merkel to Face-Off on EU, NATO - Voice of America

The heated campaign for the April 16 Turkish referendum, which President Recep Tayyip Erdoganhopes will deliver him powers verging on the dictatorial, has created a diplomatic crisis between Turkey and some of its keyNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization allies. Relations with the Netherlands are all but broken off, Germany is struggling to remain civil under a barrage of Erdogan insults, and Denmark is siding with its north European neighbors.

Add to this Turkey's differences with the U.S. and theperennial tension between Turkey and Greece, and it's no longer clear how much of a NATO member Erdogan's country really is.Despite its considerable military strength, Turkey's participation in alliance activities isn't extensive, and its interests don't necessarily align with those of NATO.

A lot of northern Europe's resistance to pro-Erdogan campaign rallies on their soil has to do with domestic politics. Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte faces a strong nationalist, anti-immigration challenge in an election on Wednesday; keeping out Turkish ministers who want to agitate the diaspora in Dutch cities helps him score political points. German Chancellor Angela Merkel's popularity suffered from her perceived softness on immigration; she could do without raucous Turkish rallies in Germany prior to her September vote. Merkel hasn't acted as harshly as Rutte, but she's let municipalities cancel the rallies on any pretext they can find. In Denmark, no major election is coming, but the government has asked Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim to postpone a visit:It wouldn't look good to welcome him after Erdoganlikened the German and Dutch governments to Nazis.

Erdogan himself is playing both to his domestic audience -- his backers like his feisty willingness to take on all comers -- and to the European diaspora, which often feels that local governments aren't doing enough to prevent its treatment as second-class citizens.

That doesn't mean, however, that once all the elections and referendums are over, a bitter aftertaste won't remain. U.S.-Turkish relations haven't quite recovered since Erdogan unleashed similarly strong rhetoric against the U.S. last year, accusing it of being behind the failed plot to remove him,and Secretary of State John Kerrycame closeto threatening Turkey with the loss of its NATO membership. That membership, though, doesn't appear to be particularly meaningful at present.

In Syria, the world's biggest war theater today, Turkey acts as an independent player and sometime rival to the U.S. That became evident last year, when Turkey and Russia became co-brokers of a ceasefire and a peace process that excluded the U.S. This year, the U.S. and Russia found themselves unlikely situational allies against Turkey near the Syrian town ofManbij, preventing a Turkish push against Kurdish forces called terrorists by Erdogan's government but considered useful allies against the Islamic State by both America and Russia. There's no sign of a U.S.-Turkish joint strategy, and any U.S. move to help the Kurds will be seen as a betrayal in the charged post-coup atmosphere of Ankara.

Cyprus is another tension point within NATO. Turkey is refusing to withdraw its troops from occupied Northern Cyprus and thus hindering the latest talks on unifying the island. This worsens a historically rocky relationship with Greece, which has led to something of an arms race between the two NATO members.

All in all, Turkey appears to have more disputes than friendships withits NATO allies. Andits engagement with the alliance itself, which it joined in 1952, isn't particularly strong.

According to the just-released NATOannual reportfor 2016, Turkey only took part in fourof the 18 key NATO exercises held last year.Despite having thefourth-strongestmilitary in the bloc (after the U.S., France and the U.K. but ahead of Germany) and the second-highest number of military personnel (after the U.S.), its involvement in NATO's deployments is small, amounting to just 4 percent of the personnel in the mission to train the Afghan security forces, and 7 percent of the Kosovo force.

Besides, despite repeated calls on NATO members to abide by a commitment to spend 2 percent of economic output on defense, which have only grown louder since Donald Trump won the U.S. presidential election, Turkey has been moving in the opposite direction. Its military spending exceeded 2 percent of gross domestic product in 2009 but has been slipping since, just as other NATO members have increased their outlays:

Erdogan's post-coup purges have hurt Turkey's status within NATO.Some Turkish officers attached to the NATO headquarters in Brussels even asked for asylum, and others were abruptly dismissed from the military. Alliance ties were weakened, and that's what some radicals within Erdogan's AK party want. Earlier this year, Samil Tayyar, an AK legislator,calledNATO a "terror organization" that "threatens Turkey." He accused the alliance and its members of being behind all Turkish coups since 1960 and called for Turkey to leave it.

Erdogan himself has never suggested going that far. His brinkmanship is designed to retain the benefits of formal NATO membership without taking on too many commitments. The U.S. and its top European allies tolerate that because a Turkish departure would, in effect, put the Black Sea and the Balkans officially in play as parts of the world where Russia and Turkey can openly vie for influence. The West would also lose a key Middle Eastern foothold.

In reality, however, Erdogan is nobody's long-term ally. He's a populist, mostly interested in consolidating domestic power for the long term, and his country's strategic importance to everyone -- Europeans, Americans, Russians, Arabs -- gives him a sense of impunity. Turkey is only bound by treaties so long as they don't force Erdogan to do anything he doesn'tlike. And the referendum, if Erdogan wins it, will only strengthen that position.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story: Leonid Bershidsky at lbershidsky@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Mark Gilbert at magilbert@bloomberg.net

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Turkey's Troubled NATO Status - Bloomberg

U.S. President Donald Trump and German Chancellor Angela Merkel will meet in Washington on March 14, with the future of NATO and the conflict in Ukraine among the key topics.

White House officials said Trump will also seek Merkel's views on Russian President Vladimir Putin during their first face-to-face meeting at the White House.

Merkel had a strong relationship with Trump's predecessor, Barack Obama, who called the German chancellor his "closest international partner."

Trump, on the other hand, once accused Merkel of "ruining Germany" by allowing in a large number of refugees, assailed Germany on trade issues, and called Democratic rival Hillary Clinton "America's Angela Merkel."

White House press secretary Sean Spicer did not address those issues, saying only there was "a lot of excitement on both sides of the ocean for this trip.

White House officials said Trump would press Germany on the need for NATO members to increase their defense spending -- something Germany has generally resisted.

They are also expected to discuss a common strategy on Ukraine.

The United States and other Western powers have imposed economic sanctions on Russia after its illegal annexation of Ukraine's Crimea Peninsula and for its support of separatists in eastern Ukraine.

Trump has expressed desires for better relations with Putin, something that has caused U.S. allies to question his commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, along with his support for NATO.

White House officials said the U.S. leader wanted to hear Merkel's views on her interactions with Putin.

For her part, Merkel said on March 11 that she was coming to Washington not only as the German chancellor but as a representative of the European Union.

"I will, of course, point out that for us, our country and our membership in the European Union are two sides of the same coin," Merkel said in Brussels before her departure.

A Merkel spokeswoman said the meeting would be an opportunity for "an exchange of bilateral and international topics, and transatlantic ties, as we have always stressed, are very important."

Juergen Hardt, the German government's coordinator for transatlantic relations, told the dpa news agency that the building of trust would be Merkels main goal for the visit.

"Most important is that she succeeds in making clear that differences of opinion can be spoken on the basis of partnership, but not out of confrontation," he said.

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Trump, Merkel To Discuss NATO, Ukraine, Putin During Washington Meeting - RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty

BRUSSELS A war of words between Turkey and the Netherlands escalated over the weekend, sparking a diplomatic crisis between the two North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies ahead of critical polls in both countries.

The feud between Turkey and the Netherlands, which had been brewing for days, boiled over Saturday night, when Dutch authorities deported a Turkish minister from Rotterdam as she attempted to hold an unauthorized political rally.

Turkish reaction was swift: Government officials accused officials in the Netherlands of being fascists and Nazis. They said the Dutch ambassador to Turkey, who is currently abroad on leave, wasnt welcome back for a while, and threatened diplomatic, political and economic retaliation unless the Netherlands apologized for the incident.

Turkey is a partner. We are interested in normalizing relations but we cant be bullied, Dutch Prime Minister Mark Ruttes spokesman, Tim Versnel, said in an interview. The Netherlands would never meet Turkeys demand for an official apology, he added. The spat with Turkey, on which European countries depend to curb refugee flows from the Syrian war, comes ahead of Wednesdays Dutch elections and elections in France and Germany. In all three countries, nationalist politicians have been benefiting from anti-immigrant sentiment.

An expanded version of this report appears on WSJ.com.

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Tensions rise between NATO allies Turkey, Netherlands - MarketWatch

2017-03-12As NATO nations rework their defense strategies to deal with evolving threats, clearly the question is investment in relevant capabilities.

This means that although a % criterion for investment is certainly part of the equation, it is not the only criterion.

For NATO nations clearly it is the effective contribution to that nations own defense and to doing so in such a way that interoperability with other nations is enhanced both for the self defense of the nation and enhancements in overall coalition capabilities for defending against 21st century threats.

Thus, Article III investments become especially important going forward for the alliance.

Article III of the NATO treaty reads: In order more effectively to achieve the objectives of this Treaty, the Parties, separately and jointly, by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack.

In an interview last month with the Norwegian Deputy Minister of Defense in his Oslo office, Mr. ystein B, emphasized the articles importance:

Article III is the obligation to have a strong national defense and to be able to be a net contributor to security.

There is no free ride in NATO, weve all got to do our part to be able to defend each other.

It is also about relevant and effective burden sharing, namely finding ways to enhance the capability of NATO nations to operate in the extended battlespace and to share data in enhanced distributed operations with evolving C2 innovations.

The point is that there can plainly be bad investments or investments not relevant to 21st century defense, and these criteria apply to all of the NATO nations, including the United States.

There can be clearly new ways to shape burden sharing which can provide for more effective ways to augment relevant defense capabilities.

One example has been the European Transport Command, which is finding ways to share capabilities across the lift and tanking fleet to provide for enhanced support to member states.

http://www.sldinfo.com/the-european-air-transport-command-supports-red-flag-2017/

Another example might be the North Atlantic NATO members finding a way to add Triton capabilities to their force.

Two of these states are buying the P-8, namely the UK and Norway, but perhaps Canada, Norway and the UK could buy a small fleet of Triton platforms to complement their Maritime Patrol Aircraft, and to share the data and to find ways as well to shape innovative C2 methods.

Another example is provided by a recent exercise conducted in Arctic waters.

According to an article published by the Norwegian Ministry of Defence on February 26, 2017, thisexample is detailed.

During Exercise Northern Sun 17 the NATO Submarine Rescue System has been tested in Arctic waters for the first time.

This is also the first time we have flown the equipment between Prestwick and Bogen, says Commander Ian Duncan, project manager for the submarine rescue system.

350 tonnes of material has been transported from its location in Faslane, Scotland by road to Prestwick airport and flown to Evenes with the help of 7 C-17, 2 Antonov 124 and 2 A300M aircrafts. From here it was fitted to the Norwegian coast guard vessel KV Sortland, from where the equipment is being operated during the exercise.

We have two sets of rescue systems.

One of them is an intervention system that includes a Remotely Operated Vehicle. This can survey the submarine and use its arms to cut through ropes and other items blocking the submarine hatches.

The other part of the rescue system include a submarine rescue vehicle that is attached to the submarine through the escape hatch so that the survivors can climb on board as well as a set of hyperbaric chambers for treating the rescuees if needed, says Duncan.

NATO Submarine Rescue System has the capacity to rescue up to 150 personnel from a disabled submarine 600 meters under the surface.

During the exercise the participating Norwegian submarine will dive down to about 100-150 meters below the surface.

During the exercise we are testing the submarine rescue vehicle system and the hyperbaric pressure system.

Divers and medical teams from Norway, France and the UK are participating.

The goal is to demonstrate that the system works in Arctic waters.

For the personnel on the Norwegian coast guard ship it is common to operate in Arctic waters, but the personnel operating the rescue system and the equipment itself are not used to the low temperatures, Duncan says.

Every year two exercises are carried out in each of the three countries to test out the procedures.

The submarine rescue exercise Northern Sun is a very important arena for training to ensure the safety of the Norwegian submarine crews. Under normal circumstances where we have submarines present in Northern Norway, it is natural that the rescue system is tested in the same area and under the same circumstances in which the submarines operates, says Christian Berg-Jensen, who is working with submarine operations at the Norwegian Joint Headquarters.

Our expectations for the exercise are that we get to train the rescue personnel, test the vessels and train the organisation and the concept in new surroundings and conditions, making sure that operating the rescue system under winter conditions in Northern Norway becomes the least possible challenge the day it really matters, says Berg-Jensen.

The NATO Submarine Rescue System is owned by Norway, France and Great Britain.

The three countries share the costs and manage the system together.

It is the only submarine system in the world owned by many nations.

The rescue capacities can be scrambled on a short notice anywhere in the world.

Within 72 hours the first person is to be rescued from the disabled submarine.

40 divers and 24 medical personnel from all the three countries work with the rescue system.

While other submarine rescue systems can only be used on one specific ship, the NATO Submarine Rescue System can be attached to a large number of vessels.

Having a credible rescue concept for perished submarines is vital for both the Norwegian Armed Forces as a whole and the personnel serving on the boat.

NATO Submarine Rescue System is a very important capability for our ability to ensure the safety of the crews on Norwegian submarines in that it provides a significantly improved chance of survival if an accident should occur, says Berg-Jensen.

https://forsvaret.no/en/newsroom/news-stories/northern-sun

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Burden Sharing in NATO: Innovations in Shaping a Way Ahead - Second Line of Defense