Category Archives: Liberal

Toward the end of the 20th centurythe term liberal went from being a source of pride for mostDemocrats,whofondly recalledthe New Deal era and thepresidency of Franklin Roosevelt the most beloved president of the century to being a cause of embarrassment for many Democratic politicians, who were suddenly being beratedfor their liberalism.While the term liberal had been generally associated with FDR and his popular New Deal policies throughout the mid-20th century, it had come to mean something quite different as the century progressed.

This shift was partly due to the evolving social and moral values held by many Northern liberals and the subsequent cultural backlash that followed in much of the country. But liberal only turned into a snarl word after decades of right-wing rhetoric that painted Democratic politicians and liberal thinkers (i.e., college professors and journalists) as out-of-touch cultural elitists who knew nothing and cared little about real America.

Of course, the rights effort to turn liberal into a dirty word was aided by many of the so-called liberal politicians of the late 20th century, who, rather than pushing back against the rights rhetoric, hopelessly ran away from the label (just as one might expect of a spineless liberal elite).

And today, decades after becoming a pejorative that implies elitist snobbery, the term liberal is still used to great effect by the right. Indeed, Donald Trump seems to have perfected the liberal-bashing rhetoric that was introduced in the 1980s, and offensive portmanteaus like libtard have gained popularity in the Trump era. But its not only right-wingers who use liberal as a slur these days. In 2017, liberal is almost as much of an insult on the left as it is on the right a theme that was recently broached by writer Nikil Saval in anessayfor the the New York Times Magazine. Among leftists, Saval notes, the liberal is seen as a weak-minded, market-friendly centrist, wonky and technocratic and condescending to the working class pious about diversity but ready to abandon any belief at the slightest drop in poll numbers.

At first it may seem that conservatives and leftists are criticizing liberals for opposite reasons: Right-wingers think that liberals are far-left ideologues, while actual leftists think that liberals lack core beliefs and are practically conservative. But the two critiques arent completely divergent; as Saval explains:

When it comes to diagnosing liberalism, both left and right focus on this same set of debilitating traits: arrogance, hypocrisy, pusillanimity, the insulated superiority of what, in 1969, a New York mayoral candidate called the limousine liberal. In other words, the features they use to distinguish liberals arent policies so much as attitudes.

This isnt entirely fair to critics on the left, who tend to focus more on policy differences and believe that the Democratic Party is far too centrist and technocratic (or, as many leftists would put it, neoliberal). One of the greatest disputes, for example, has been over health care, where progressives advocate single-payer universal coverage while liberals offer a sheepish defense of the patchwork system enacted under Obamacare.

Still, Saval makes a valid point in that both leftists and right-wingers are highly critical of the condescending and superior tone that many liberals exude, and thus share some affinities in their critiques. This was evident during the 2016 election campaign, when leftists criticized liberals for what writer Emmet Rensin called the smug style in anessayfor Vox,which wonsome praise from conservatives.Since the election, leftists and conservatives have also seen eye to eye when it comes to denouncing liberals like Markos Moulitsas, the founder of liberal website Daily Kos, who gleefully cheeredwhen it was reported earlier this year that people in red states would be disproportionately hurt by Trumpcare.Be Happy for Coal Miners Losing Their Health Insurance, declared Moulitsas on his blog. Theyre Getting Exactly What They Voted For. In another instance, the liberal blogger earned bipartisan condemnation (so to speak) when hetweetedin response to the Trump administration denying North Carolina hurricane aid: Theres your reward for voting Republican, North Carolina.

Liberals like Moulitsas have almost become caricatures of the smug and unsympathetic liberal elite that right-wingers have long depicted; its as if liberals have gradually come to adopt the ridiculous qualities that Republicans have assigned to them over the years. Which brings us to an important point: Leftists havent suddenly jumped on the liberal-bashing bandwagon because its the hip thing to do in the age of Trump, but because many self-described liberals have become the obnoxious and out-of-touch liberal elite that conservatives have long claimed them to be, while simultaneously shifting toward the right on various economic issues. (To be fair, obviously the right doesnt see it this way.) Saval touches on this in his Times Magazine essay, observing that to call someone a liberal today is often to denounce him or her as having abandoned liberalism.

American liberalism was once associated with something far more robust, with immoderate presidents and spectacular waves of legislation, notes Saval. Todays liberals stand accused of forsaking the clarity and ambition of even that flawed legacy.

This is obviously where left- and right-wing critiques of liberalism part ways. Indeed, right-wingers tend to focus almost exclusively on cultural and social factors in their criticisms, for the very reason that their economic policies are even more favorable to the elite than the policies of the liberal elite they disparage, who at least pay lip service to addressing problems like inequality and inadequate health care.

Left-wingers, on the other hand, see the cultural elitism of liberals as themanifestationof a larger problem namely, the abandonment of class politics and radical thinking. To appreciate the difference between modern liberals and old-school liberals, one simply has to considerthe sharp contrast in tone. In hisfamousMadison Square Gardenspeech,for example, FDR boldly declared:

We know now that Government by organized money is just as dangerous as Government by organized mob. Never before in all our history have these forces been so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me and I welcome their hatred.

One would be hard-pressed to find any liberal today other than someone like Bernie Sanders, who isnteven considered a liberal in the contemporary sense gallantly welcoming the hatred of organized money (after all, most Democratic politicians depend on big donors from the financial sector to fund their campaigns).

In response to the left-wing calls for class politics, liberals have frequently argued that leftists have an unhealthy obsession with economic issues, and that they disregard social issues like LGBTQ rights or womens reproductive rights. Some liberals have even implied absurdly that left-wingers are closet cultural reactionaries. It was sometimes claimed during the 2016 primary campaign thatprogressives who favored Sanders didnt like Hillary Clinton because of her gender, rather than herpolitics. But this kind of deflection simply reinforces the leftist critique of liberals, who, as Saval puts it (in summarizing the lefts perspective), shroud an ambiguous, even reactionary agenda under a superficial commitment to social justice and moderate, incremental change.

At the end of the day, liberals and leftists agree on a lot more than they disagree, and thus one might look atthisinternalstrife as unhelpful and even destructive especially when Donald Trump is in the White House and Republicans control both houses of Congress. But left-wing critiques of liberalism have only grown more urgent and necessaryin the age ofTrump, as it is the failures of liberalism that led us here in the first place.

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Why we need the left-wing critique of liberalism: Because liberals got us where we are today - Salon

A Liberal senator has publicly confirmed he is drafting a bill to legalise same-sex marriage, declaring the "time is now" for the historic reform.

Dean Smith has spoken for the first time about the private members' bill he intends to bring before the Liberal party room in the coming months, saying the issue has become an embarrassment for the nation.

"The bill is important because it will allow the Liberal Party to revisit the issue of marriage once and for all before the next election," Senator Smith toldThe Sunday Times in Perth."I don't doubt the complexity same-sex-marriage presents for some Liberals, but I am not asking people to change their mind on the issue.Instead, we should allow everyone the right to vote according to their own conscience."

As revealed by Fairfax Media last month, Senator Smith is working on the bill in collaboration with lower house NSW MP Trent Zimmerman. They want to bring on a free vote as early as August, when Federal Parliament resumes after the winter break.

"This is not an academic or theoretical issue," Senator Smith said."This goes to the heart of how some Australians could be free to live their lives according to their own choices."

"This is not about gays and lesbians. It is about respecting our humanity and it extends to the friends and families of gay and lesbian Australians. The electorate is the best gauge of authenticity and my sense is that people are embarrassed that Australia has not resolved this issue.

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"Many do support the matter being put before the parliament and finally resolved. The time is now."

Senator Smith, who is gay, says his bill will includeexemptions for religious and other celebrants who did not want to participate in same-sex marriages.

He acknowledges that the Coalition's official policy is still to hold a plebiscite, even though it has no chance of getting through a hostile Senate.

"The coalition's position is clear a plebiscite so people should not underestimate the challenge of securing a free vote on the issue," he said.

"But there is a sensible way forward. As dry as it seems, the Senate's report into the government's own draft marriage bill released as part of its plebiscite proposal plan is the blueprint for the bill and the most likely pathway for success."

Mr Turnbull isa supporter of same-sex marriage but last month sought to ruleout a parliamentary free vote ahead of the next election.

"We do not support a bill relating to gay marriage being brought on until there was a vote of the Australian people. We will not support a vote in the Parliament until there has been a plebiscite. We are not going to change our policy," he said.

However, Mr Turnbull's stance does not necessarily prevent movement, if enough Coalition MPs are prepared to cross the floor to force a debate. If the bill did come on it would need the support of only a handful of Coalition MPs to pass into law.

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"The time is now": Liberal senator confirms same-sex marriage push - The Sydney Morning Herald

Roughly two decades ago, a former CEO of a multinational consumer goods company walked into the Mumbai office of a business magazine, met up with the senior editors and popped the question: Could I get some help to meet a common man? The CEO who had recently retired was on his way to becoming a full-time writer. To many of us wet-behind-the-ears sub-editors and reporters accustomed to taking the local train from the boondocks to get to work, the request of this palpably pro-market head honcho seemed amusing and drenched in irony.

Even more, considering that we had just moved from South Mumbais commercial haven, Nariman Point, to what was then still a landscape dotted with smoking chimneys of textile mills. The siren of the sprawling factory across the road blared a few times a day to indicate a change of shift and a sea of humanity waxing and waning through the giant gates. The busy street had ample street food and beverages to choose from: vada pav, dosa, sev kurmura (puffed rice, if you insist), cutting chai.

It would be difficult not to bump into a common man even if you tried. The good CEO may have eventually met his desired choice of humanity, with some help from the magazine staff. We never doubted his liberal streak he was volubly pro-reforms, pro-competition and there was little to suggest that he did not believe in an individuals freedom of choice. Its just that he evidently hadnt met individuals of hues and shades. Liberal elite and the inevitable left liberal that favourite oxymoron of the right wing and its avid chroniclers are sobriquets liberally hurled to describe anyone not conforming with the ruling dispensation. If youre not right, youre liberal. It isnt that easy.

#NotInMyName protests in Mumbai (above) and at Jantar Mantar, Delhi, on June 28

Liberalism Lite At the #NotInMyName protest last week in New Delhi, plenty of those who turned up would have qualified as champagne socialists, or the liberal elite. Pro-market for many would perhaps mean first stop Khan Market, and pluralism a Sunday chat with driver, security guard, nanny and maid. Their idea of liberalism would include customary references to either their exquisite cultivated tastes (lattedrinking, sushi-eating, as Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean was portrayed) or intellect (and its product), or degrees (and their effect) or all of the three and periodic railing against fascists and bigots over Chardonnay.

Thats not unwelcome in climes when human beings are being targeted for their caste, colour, creed and choice of food and dress. To be sure, the limousine liberals are needed like never before to make their presence felt at protest rallies. Its just that its time to drive that limousine out of metropolitan towers or, better still, leave it with the driver and step out into the great unknown. Small-town India and the small-town mindset are well and truly misnomers in todays India, with Bharat benefiting from economic reform and pro-market policies.

Thats taken care of the mindset problem, as well. For long, the small town syndrome not just in India was a phrase used to describe a narrow and parochial way of thinking. As the twain of urban and rural meets, thanks to migration from and development in the hinterland, you are as likely to encounter the small town mentality in a big city.

The Indian urban liberal is in many ways akin to the bunch Trevor Floyd, a theatre artist and contributor to HuffPost, recently described as Americas coastal liberal elite. In an opinion piece titled Dont Tell Me About Small Towns, Floyd writes: The coastal liberal elite and small town conservatives often view each other in monolothic ways.

The liberals think everyone from a small town is closed minded, conservative, and unambitious; the town folk think liberals are people who live elsewhere, who dont understand small town life, and who care too much about Beyonc, memes and global warming. He goes on to say that leaves liberals who are from small, rural towns, and those that still live there forgotten and unheard both on the opinion pages of the New York Times and the headlines of conservative sites like Breitbart and InfoWars.

Replace Beyonce with, well, Beyonce, and theres a familiar ring to that urban-small town dichotomy. A commonality between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Donald Trump is that they won the trust of the small-town non-elite. Uttar Pradesh was won despite the pain of demonetisation because a chunk of voters from Ghaziabad to Ghazipur was told it was good for them. Trump, despite all his obvious warts that were magnified on prime time, had non-city slickers believing in him because he empathised with their struggles.

Can the apparently pro-choice, feminist, pro-gay, tree-hugging Delhi liberal empathise with a distant not just physically working class? Is the Muslim in Muzaffarnagar less progressive than the Muslim in South Delhi? Shouldnt Tahir from Salempur in northeast Delhi who ferried a few to Jantar Mantar in his Uber taxi also have been a participant in #NotInMy-Name? Is the Dalit in JNU as excluded as her counterpart in Shabbirpur village? Ever wondered how many farmers in small-town India may be pro-market, proreform? And, yes, its tough fighting the prejudice of the faction in your social set thats agnostic to climate change, but what would it take to find mind space for Indias cross-dressers and transsexuals?

These may not be tough questions to answer if the #NotInMyName roadshow travels beyond urban outposts of sporadic activism. The idea of liberty at the end of the day is a state of mind. If the small-town mentality can be rid of, so can the culture of elite liberalism. What liberalism in the Indian context needs is a wider base beyond the cities, and deeper interpretation beyond selective causes. A good starting point will be Mehsana in the coming week.

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Why India needs its "liberal elite" to step out into the great wide open - Economic Times

As the afterglow of forming a new government in British Columbia begins to wear off, the provincial NDP still has a problem on its hands: who will be in the Speaker's chair the next time the legislature meets?

It's a dilemma, but not an insoluble one. All three parties have an interest right now infinding a solution short of an election; B.C. voters have made it clear in polls that they have no appetite for another election immediately. If an early election comes, the party deemed responsible may well suffer a penalty at the ballot box, much as we saw in the recent U.K. general election. The Liberals should do their part to avoid an immediate election by offering up one of their own for the job of Speaker.

Arguably, the Liberals have a greater need to appear co-operative now given the way the party lost power. Premier Christy Clark went against both precedent and her own previously stated intentions when she asked Lieutenant Governor Judith Guichon to dissolve the legislature. Had Clark's request been granted, the province would be gearing up for an unwelcome summer election right now.

The other two parties might try to exploit the resulting vulnerability. Suppose no NDP or Green MLA stands for Speaker, perhaps citing deference to the convention of Speaker impartiality in doing so. Should no Liberal volunteer to stand for the job either, the party risks appearing serially uncooperative and election-seeking, more interested in the pursuit of power for its own sake than in the good governance of the province.

Beyond such tactical considerations, the Liberals have more fundamental problems. Most notably, they are in an ideological no-man's land right now. Having campaigned on its centre-right platform, the party not so much pivoted as cartwheeled to an entirely different agenda in their recentthrone speech.

If there's one thing that can derail a party for a couple election cycles, it's throwing into question its fundamental identity. Not knowing what the party truly stands for, many voters will be unwilling to trust any promises it makes. Even some core supporters may decide to sit out an election or two if they come to feel sufficiently alienated.

NDP takes power in British Columbia1:42

Accordingly, the party could use some time to get its house back in order. The clearest way to turn the page would be to find a new leader.Questions about Clark's have been swirling since her party's defeat in the legislature. No definitive answers have yet emerged, though some party supporters have expressed frustrations with the way in which the post-electoral situation played out.

That leads us back to the Speaker question. So long as the party remains on a war footing, it will be effectively impossible to carry out a leadership or thorough policy review, let alone a new leadership campaign.

If some faction of the Liberal party concludes that such reviews are in order, it could buy time to carry them out by putting forward a nominee for Speaker. There are other ways to accomplish the same effect negotiating Liberal support for certain bills and motions on anad hocbasis for instance but none with the same simplicity, freedom and predictability for the Liberals in opposition.

Certainly, there is ample precedent for an opposition member serving as Speaker when the situation calls for it. Long-time Liberal MP Peter Milliken served as Speaker for two successive federal Conservative governments, from 2006 until his retirement in 2011. He received widespread acclaim for his role in steering the Commons through a number of difficult situations.

Some Liberals will resist the idea of giving an inch to the new Green-supported NDP government, preferring instead to oppose everything right up to the point of election. Such obstruction comes with costs, however.

First, the Liberals will lose the chance to appear conciliatory in the eyes of the electorate, potentially undermining the party's pledge in the throne speech and elsewhere to cooperate in light of the close election. Such opposition would require them to somewhat awkwardly vote against other ideas they just proposed in their throne speech as well, deepening their ideological quandary as a result.

Perhaps most importantly, so long as the situation remains uncertain in Victoria, the Liberals must remain disciplined and loyal to their leader. They will lose the chance to engage in either a frank discussion of policy or a leadership review.

Simply put, the Liberals face a choice: obstruct or reorganize. They cannot do both simultaneously.

If a Liberal did stand for Speaker, the party would gain a measure of leverage over the government with the ever-present threat of withdrawal. Solve the NDP's problem in the present, and gain the ability to create a new headache for them down the road one that could well trigger an election at a more convenient time for the Liberals, or force the NDP down the contentious and potentially costly road of Speaker partisanization.

Call it a win-win-win. Everyone stands to benefit in the short term from the stability provided by a Liberal Speaker including the Liberals themselves.

This column is part ofCBC'sOpinion section.For more information about this section, please read thiseditor'sblogandourFAQ.

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The BC Liberals should offer up one of their own for the job of Speaker - CBC.ca

AUSTIN During a week most Republican senators spent in the political equivalent of the witness protection program, Sen. Ted Cruz willingly stood trial before his constituents all across this sprawling state over his push to repeal much of the Affordable Care Act.

He debated a self-described dirty liberal progressive. He met a psychologist who told him that he and his colleagues were scaring the living daylights out of her. He encountered protesters in a border town, a conservative Dallas suburb and this liberal stronghold.

Some who attended his events took the opposite view that not shredding the law known as Obamacare would be the real misdeed. But Cruzs main offense, in the view of the most vocal and most frustrated attendees, has been to participate in GOP efforts to undo key parts of, and possibly repeal, the Affordable Care Act.

Cruz is grappling with a state that, much like the rest of the country, has been deeply divided and firmly gripped by the months-long GOP effort to fulfill its signature campaign promise. Virtually everywhere he traveled this week, no matter where the conversation started, it inevitably veered to health care. That may help explain why so many of his colleagues kept a low profile over the week-long Fourth of July recess.

But Cruz, who built a national reputation on strident conservatism and has fiercely criticized the ACA for years, seemed to relish debating health care with vocal liberal critics. In a red state where he holds little crossover appeal, Cruz sees his best path to a second term, which he will seek next year, in rallying his conservative base to turn out for him. Even as he alienates a growing number of voters concerned about the fate of the ACA, doing his part to push for a full or even partial repeal is one key way his allies believe he can make that happen.

Whether such legislation can pass, as Congress returns to work Monday for one more push on the issue before the August recess, is increasingly uncertain to both Cruz and Senate GOP leadership. I believe we can get to yes, said Cruz this week. I dont know if we will.

A willingness to engage with opponents

Cruz spent Thursday evening in a hotel ballroom here at a town hall hosted by Concerned Veterans for America, a group backed by the billionaire conservative Koch brothers. The organization held two events for Cruz over the past week, with one more coming Saturday, with the aim of offering a more controlled environment than typical town hall meetings.

To attend, people were required to register in advance. The groups policy director, Dan Caldwell, moderated the discussions, keeping them mostly focused on veterans issues and selecting a handful of audience questions submitted in advance.

The first half of Thursdays event here so closely resembled Wednesday nights version in suburban Dallas that Cruz even cracked the same joke about banishing bureaucrats to Iceland and received similarly limited laughter.

But the predictability ended when Gary Marsh and others jumped in without being called on by Caldwell and engaged Cruz in a tense back and forth over health care.

Can I please request that you refer to it as the Affordable Care Act, Marsh told Cruz at one point. Cruz declined, drawing some applause. The senator said he did not believe in deceptive speech prompting outraged laughter from his critics.

Cruz, dressed in a dark blazer, khaki pants and brown cowboy boots, then launched into a detailed defense of his opposition to Obamacare and the imperative to roll it back.

Caldwell tried to redirect the conversation to the questioner he had originally called on. But Cruz overruled him, allowing Marsh a chance to respond. Marsh, a 67-year-old retiree, said he knew he could not change Cruzs mind, but he hoped to sway others in the room.

Repealing Obamacare was the single biggest factor producing a Republican House, a Republican Senate and I think ultimately a Republican president, Cruz said. He said the central focus of Republicans now should be to lower premiums.

Marsh proudly called himself a dirty liberal progressive in a conversation with reporters after the event. John Walker, 69, walked over to confront him. The self-described conservative wasnt pleased.

You monopolized the meeting. Thats the problem I have with you and everybody else that does that, Walker told him. In an interview, Walker, who is retired and on Medicare, said he favors replacing Obamacare with something better that would make coverage affordable for his adult children, who cant afford premiums. He said he is not yet convinced the Senate GOP bill would accomplish that.

A similar flash of discord appeared Wednesday in McKinney, the Dallas suburb. After Cruz finished speaking, Buddy Luce was not happy with what he heard from the Texas Republican senator about overhauling Obamacare.

Im not impressed with a plan that takes away the 65-year-old attorney started explaining to a reporter. Before he could finish his thought, Ivette Lozano had rushed over to argue with him.

Im a family practitioner, she told him. Obamacare is putting me out of business.

Dont you think health care is a human right? he asked her.

No, I think its personal responsibility to take care of you, she responded.

If you dont think health care is a human right, then were just on a different wavelength, Luce retorted.

Obamacare is a manifest disaster

For 47 minutes, the McKinney town hall was free of controversy. As Cruz spoke to Caldwell about veterans matters, the audience listened quietly. But then came a query from a far corner of the hotel ballroom. And the mood quickly shifted.

You all on the Hill are scaring the living daylights out of us with the health-care nonsense that youre doing, said Misty Hook, who described herself as an overflow psychologist who works with veterans unable to obtain services through the Department of Veterans Affairs. She worried about the GOP push to allow insurers in some states to opt out of certain coverage requirements.

What are you going to do to help make sure that mental-health-care services are reimbursed at a proper rate so that we can continue to provide services for veterans? asked Hook, the urgency apparent in her voice.

Cruz, leaning forward in his armchair, offered an extended defense of the effort to undo key parts of Obamacare. He called it a manifest disaster, prompting some to shake their heads in disagreement.

You didnt answer her question about how mental health is going to be covered, one woman interjected.

Well, I am answering it right now, Cruz replied. But before he could continue, Luce abruptly jumped into the conversation from the other side of the room. He continued breaking in, eventually drawing a warning from the senator: Sir, Im happy to answer your questions, but Im not going to engage in a yelling back-and-forth.

Outside the event, a few dozen protesters held up signs emblazoned with such messages as GOP Care Treats the Rich Kills the Weak and Yea! ACA fix it dont nix it. Cruz had encountered similar protests when he visited McAllen on the U.S.-Mexico border earlier in the week.

After the event, Cruz called the health-care back-and-forth a good and productive exchange.

This is an issue that inspires passion and quite understandably. People care about their health care, said Cruz.

A push for a more aggressive rollback of the ACA

Many close observers believe Cruz is likely to vote yes on the final version of the bill, even though he does not support the initial version Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) released last month. Although many other Republican senators believe the first draft would go too far and push too many Americans off insurance rolls, Cruz is pressing for a more aggressive undoing of the ACAs regulations.

The Texans top priority is his amendment to let insurers sell plans that dont comply with ACA coverage requirements so long as they also offer plans that do. He is casting the amendment as a move to give consumers more, less expensive choices in purchasing insurance.

But critics including Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) worry that such an approach would dissolve the risk pool established by the ACA that brings together healthy and sick individuals and could result in higher costs for less healthy Americans.

The Cruz amendment has become a rallying cry among those on the right pushing for a more aggressive bill, with figures such as House Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) and a constellation of conservative activist groups endorsing it. It has also drawn support from White House legislative affairs director Marc Short.

McConnells plans to vote on the bill before July 4 fell apart amid GOP discord. Now as he works to change the bill and as a handful of key senators have faced a drumbeat of opposition to the proposal during the recess it remains as uncertain as ever whether he will ever have enough Republican support to pass.

[At parades and protests, GOP lawmakers get earful about health care]

[A town hall in Kansas shows Republican struggles with health-care bill]

Cruz, like President Trump, thinks that if they fall short, the Senate ought to vote on a narrower bill to repeal the law what he calls a clean repeal and focus on replacing it afterward. But McConnell has embraced a very different kind of backup plan: Working with Democrats on a more modest bill to stabilize insurance markets.

Broad disagreements over how to structure the nations health-care system are sharpening the contrasting way lawmakers such Cruz are viewed at home.

As she stood in line with her husband to talk to Cruz after the Wednesday town hall, Jennifer Beauford, 42, said she wants a full repeal and I dont want a replacement.

Health care is not constitutional right. Its a privilege, said Beauford, who identified as a conservative Cruz supporter.

Outside among the protesters stood Kerry Green, 46, a history teacher who wore a shirt printed with the Declaration of Independence. A self-identified Democrat, Green held up sign urging health care for the 21st Century rather than the 20th. She sharply criticized the GOP bill.

As for Cruz? He needs to go, she said.

Read more at PowerPost

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Why Ted Cruz faced off with a 'dirty' liberal and other health-care opponents this week - Washington Post

How to make enemies and alienate others.

On Thursday, the progressive left treated itself to an orgiastic display of self-destruction. In the name of opposing all that Donald Trump deigns to grace with his favor, American progressives found themselves attacking Bill Clintons brand of centrist politics, defendingwoefully misunderstoodcalls for jihad, and dismissing unqualified praise for the West as racially suspect.

Democrats lashed out at former Clinton Strategist Mark Penn on Thursday for recommending that the Democratic Party rediscover its respect for Christians and working-class Trump voters and embrace fiscal conservatism. The nearly unanimous response from the activist left was to dismiss this sage advice. The administration that he served in locked up more black, African-American men than those enslaved in 1850, said former Bernie Sanders campaign staffer Tezlyn Figar. Nostalgia for the 1990s may be politically potent, but it is also very un-woke.

When members of the left werent attacking one of the Democratic Partys most popular figures, they were defending the word jihad and its champion, Womens March organizer Linda Sarsour. In a speech to the Islamic Society of North America over the weekend, the Muslim liberal activist said it is her hope that Allah accepts from us that as a form of jihad.we stand up to those who oppress our communities. Sarsour defined the term as a word of truth in front of a tyrant ruler or leader, though any sentient being knows that her interpretation is subject to much debate in the Muslim world. She added that it is her hope that the Muslim community would be perpetually outraged and that their first priority should not be to assimilate or please any other people and authority.

Naturally, the story of a Muslim activist whos embraced by mainstream Democratic outfits while calling for a form of jihad against the president wasnt treated as the real story. The Republican reaction to the story was the story. Muslim activist Linda Sarsours reference to jihad draws conservative wrath, read the Washington Posts headline. Right-Wing Outlets Read Violence into Sarsours Anti-Trump Jihad, declared the Daily Beast. The people disagreeing with @lsarsour clearly dont understand what Jihad means, wrote Temple University professor Marc Lamont Hill, who was quoted favorably in Timemagazine. Of course, Sarsour was not inciting violence, but her liberal allies now appear committed to explaining why this is not a pipe.

Among Thursdays tiresome outrages, perhaps none was more destructive to the progressive lefts general allure than the liberal reaction to Donald Trumps speech in Poland. It was, perhaps, the most classically liberal and historically erudite speech that Donald Trump has ever made. It praised Western values, heritage, and achievement without qualification. For the left, however, adoration for the West undiluted by apologetics for racism, bigotry, and colonial subjugation is not just a display of ignorance. It might as well be an endorsement of those evils.

It wasnt just Trumps praise for Western achievement that was deemed a display of subtle racism, although it did not escape that censure from the lefts cultural arbiters. It was also his warnings about the threats facing the West: We must work together to confront forces, Trump said, that threaten over time to undermine these values and erase bonds of culture, faith, and tradition that make us who we are. Trump added: Do we have the desire and courage to preserve our civilization in the face of those who would subvert and destroy it?

Because this speech was drafted by anti-immigration activist Stephen Miller, among others, these lines certainly referred not just to threats from without, such as those presented by a revanchist Russia and Islamist radicalism, but also those within, such as the influx of refugees from the Muslim world into Europe. That paranoia can be toxic, and it merits skepticism. But praising the West, the Enlightenment to which it gave birth, and the standards of prosperity, tolerance, and civilization that typify it is not insidious in the slightest. To suggest otherwise is histrionic. Guess how the progressive left reacted to Trumps speech?

The West is not an ideological or economic term, wrote theAtlantics Peter Beinart. The West is a racial and religious term. The south and east only threaten the Wests survival if you see non-white, non-Christian immigrants as invaders, Beinart insisted. They only threaten the Wests survival if by West you mean white, Christian hegemony. This is true only if we accept Beinarts premise; that the West is only a racial and religious affiliation and not a set of political traditions. If we see the West as a champion of individual liberty, freedom of worship, reason and rationality, and republican governancenot to mention a bulwark against the forces of reaction, totalitarianism, and theocracyBeinarts definition is both narrow and incoherent.

That incoherence didnt stop the progressive left from joining him. President Donald Trump issued a battle cryfor family, for freedom, for country, and for God, wrote Vox.coms Sarah Wildman, in a speech that often resorted to rhetorical conceits typically used by the European and American alt-right. Imagine being a political writer in this moment and being utterly unable to identify clear white nationalist dog whistles, wrote CBS News political analyst and Slate correspondent Jamelle Bouie. [Y]ou dont have to have a deep familiarity with the tropes of white supremacy to see this s*** for what it clearly is.

Attacking centrist politics, criticizing those who react negatively to the liberal rejection of assimilation and endorsement of jihad, and declaring that praise for the West is a form of veiled racism; these are odd ways to go about making friends and allies. The progressive wing of the party appears determined to swell the ranks of their opposition, if only by defining their opposition in absurdly broad terms. If the progressive left was actively trying to alienate its potential supporters and marginalize itself, what would it do differently?

The mask falls off "anti-Zionism."

The 75,000 strong Mennonite Church-USA has joined a few other church organizations in voting to divest from companies profiting from the occupation. They seem rather proud of themselves for having chosen a third way.

What this means in the resolutions terms is that the Mennonites will admit complicity in anti-Semitism and also admit complicity in Israels activities in the West Bank. They will form committees to navel-gaze concerning the first problem and single out Israel for economic punishment to deal with the second.

Whats shocking about this resolution, which Church leaders boast is the work of two years of study, is that it treats anti-Semitism and Israels presence in the West Bank as equivalent crimes. The Mennonites will resolve to avoid both! Although the drafters of the resolution acknowledged that Palestinians have turned to violence, they have evidently done so only to achieve security and seek their freedom. In spite of the resolutions hand-wringing concerning anti-Semitism, there is not a word about Palestinian anti-Semitism and the role it has played in frustrating peace efforts in the region.

Nor are these peace efforts the subject of any reflection in the resolution. As far as the drafters are concerned, the Israelis marched into the West Bank in 1967who can say why?and have doggedly continued there, even though they could easily withdraw. The resolution recognizes that Israelis feel threatened but not that they actually are threatened. Indeed, that Israelis feel threatened is treated as evidence that security walls and other measures Israelis have taken for their security have been useless. It is hard to believe that intelligent and well-meaning people justify serious actions on so flimsy a basis, as if the ongoing need for security suggests that one ought to lay down ones arms. But the Mennonite Church takes no risk, so they can afford to be frivolous about serious matters.

Apart from singling out the Jewish state for singular punishment, the Mennonites are studiously neutral. Somehow in their years of study, they missed that the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement endorsed in 2015 an ongoing, youth-led Palestinian uprising whose weapon of choice at that time was the knife. There can be no excuse for not knowing this and therefore no excuse for simply noting, concerning BDS that there are vigorous critics of BDS who raise a range of concerns as well as groups who support BDS as a nonviolent alternative to violent liberation efforts.

Of course, some of those critics point out that BDS has at best cheered on anti-Semitism. But the Mennonites, though they are in bed with BDS-supporting Jewish Voice for Peace, see no need to get to the bottom of it. Their affectation of neutrality here means that they simply dont care about the consequences of working hand-in-glove with a movement that, while it claims to be nonviolent, is effectively the propaganda wing of the violent resistance.

The Mennonites also studiously avoid taking a position on whether a majority Jewish state should exist at all. On the matter of a two-state or one-state solutionthe latter of which means that Jews will be a minority everywhere in the worldthat should be left up to Israeli and Palestinian people. Sure, the end of the Jewish state in the Middle East would leave Jews defenseless in a region teeming with anti-Semitism, but not to worry. The Mennonites have already raised seed money and initiated plans for several conferences in the next biennium on topics including Mennonite involvement in the Holocaust and how we read scripture in light of the Holocaust. They will make up for their blithe indifference to the fate of Jews today by conferencing, and maybe even shedding a few golden tears, about the fate of Jews last century.

The resolution has called on Mennonites to cultivate relationships with Jewish representatives and bodies in the U.S. I will leave it to knowers of the Torah to say whether we are required to associate with a small group of morally obtuse, self-righteous preeners. But if it were left up to me, I would tell them to go to hell.

Is the Trump era a blip or a realignment?

Political media has a bias toward covering the powerful and, at the moment, Democrats are anything but powerful. The intramural debate over how Democrats should navigate the post-Obama environment is, however, far livelier than the presss utter indifference would suggest.

The partisan liberals engaged in deliberations over how the Democratic Party will evolve in the age of Trump have settled into two camps: those who think the party has to change and those who dont. This observation can only be made from the proper remove, it seems. Both the progressive wing and its triangulating centrists are dead certain that the other guy is in full control of the party they call home.

In the opinion pages of the New York Times, Democratic strategist Mark Penn and Manhattan Borough President Andrew Stein offer up a rallying cry for those in the change camp. They argue that the party must adapt to a political environment in which their voters are being poached by a GOP that is no longer a monolithically conservative party. The authors claim that this mission will only succeed if Democrats abandon the hardline progressivism that typified the party in the Obama years.

Their argument takes aim at identity liberalism and the leftist activists who dominate the caucus process. They contend that Democrats need to combat campus speech policing, shun free trade, demonstrate renewed respect for Christians, and embrace fiscal responsibility over profligacy. Only by resurrecting the spirit of the Democratic Leadership Council can Democrats wash the stink off their partys brand.

This salvo was aimed squarely at modern liberal orthodoxy, and progressivisms patriarchs recognize heresy when they see it. Papa needs a new contract! mocked MSNBC host Joy Reid. Rolling out Mark Penn to voice the last dying screeches of the Clintonite center-left is fitting, said The Young Turks correspondent Mark Tracey. Thank you, Mark Penn, for giving liberals [and] leftists something to unite over, wrote liberal author Jill Filipovic. That Dems should do none of this.

It is hardly surprising that progressives would resist a total repudiation of the progressive program. They believe themselves to be the perpetual opposition within a party that already thinks like Penn and Stein suggest it should. The current model and the current strategy of the Democratic Party is an absolute failure, declared Bernie Sanders. The irony of this coming from the Democratic Partys chief attractiona septuagenarian who pointedly refuses to call himself a Democratis under-appreciated.

Sanderss model appeals to what the New York Times dubbed the partys ascendant militant wing. That is not an agenda for the middle of the country but for the coasts and urban enclaves, which can theoretically overwhelm the GOPs suburban vote. That agenda can be summed up in one word: spending. Universal, state-funded health care; free college tuition; tax speculation on Wall Street; expand access to Social Security; cure diseases like HIV/AIDS; and climate justice toward a sustainable economy, whatever that means.

This tension between the partys two halves has been out in the open for months. It led to real and sustained conflict in battles ranging from the fight over the next chair of the Democratic National Committee to special election primaries. It was evident in the partys efforts to mimic the GOP, from former Governor Steve Beshears folksy response to Donald Trumps address to Congress to Democrats unprecedented and reflexive hostility toward even innocuous Trump appointments.

Following a dispiriting loss in Georgia, Democratic elected officials briefly resolved to do somethinganythingto demonstrate that their party was receptive to the electorates repeated votes of no confidence. That sentiment was short lived. The Democratic Partys approach to the Trump environment was perhaps best summarized by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committees latest attempt at a slogan: I mean, have you seen the other guys?

Americas two political parties have endured feast and famine before and emerged stronger for it. The Democrats present identity crisis isnt exactly unknown territory, but that should be cold comfort.

In October of 1982, the Democratic Party appeared hollow and its program stale. Of a sudden, wrote Daniel Patrick Moynihan in 1980, the GOP has become the party of ideas. That year, the GOP won the White House, 34 seats in the House, and 12 in the Senate. With a month to go before Reagans first midterm and despite a stalled economic recovery and mounting unemployment, Democrats were still anxious about their failure to meet the moment.

Were still the party of Tip ONeill and Jimmy Carter, said the depressed Democratic consultant Joe Rothstein. Washington Post editor Robert Kaiser observed that the Democratic Party, once the party of the little guy, had become captured by lawyers, corporatists, and activist minorities. Democrats rebounded some in November of that year, but they did not fully recover in Congress until Reagans second midterm election.

The early 1980s represented a period of political realignment, but that was only obvious in retrospect. And Democrats did eventually meet that moment, but it took a decade and the emergence of a Southern, centrist governor to do it.

Were the GOPs victories in the Obama years merely a reaction to his presidency, or has the earth shifted under Democratic feet? Democrats havent even asked the question. Perhaps they dont want to know the answer.

Only one Trump is the real Trump.

What is more revealing of a president? His extemporaneous and unguarded thoughts or his vetted, polished statements? Donald Trump, the man and his administration, must be taken whole. When it comes to Americas relationship with Russia, this is an administration devoted to sending dangerously mixed signals.

On Thursday, in a speech in Poland delivered ahead of the G20 summit, Trump cast himself as the latest in a line of American presidents who dedicated themselves to the defense of liberty. The president touted the Wests virtuous intellectual and political traditions, and he did so without any of the self-conscious apologetics that Western elites seem to think marks a man of intellect. We put faith and family, not government and bureaucracy, at the center of our lives, the president declared. He quoted Pope John Paul IIs 1979 address to the Polish people who, when laboring under the stifling Marxist secularism, observed that the people of America and Europe still cry out, We want God.

Not only did Trump defend the Western worlds intellectual heritage, he championed its right to defend itself against the chief threat to its interests in Europe: Russia. Trump demanded that Moscow put a halt to destabilizing activities in Ukraine and end its support for hostile regimes, including those in Iran and Syria. He explicitly stated his intention to honor the Atlantic Alliances mutual defense provisionssomething he has so far been reluctant to do. Moreover, Trump drew a parallel to the threats Russia poses to Europe todayand Poland specificallyand those they presented in the past under the former Soviet Union. The Soviets, he noted, tried to destroy this nation forever by shattering its will to survive.

The Trump administration has backed this rhetoric up with action. Earlier this week, Trump agreed to provide Warsaw with sophisticated anti-missile batteriesreaffirming a commitment made to Poland and the Czech Republic by George W. Bush. Contrary to the protestations of the Obama administration that put a halt to that agreement, the reversal of that commitment was seen both in Central Europe and Moscow as deference to the Russian claim that ABM technology was destabilizing. The Trump administration has also begun shipments of liquid natural gas to Poland, the first of which arrived last month. This reduces Europes compromising dependence on Russian energy imports.

These policies dovetail with the Trump administrations refusal to reduce the burden of Obama-era sanctions on Russia until Moscow withdraws its forces from the territory it occupies in Ukraine. If the Trump administration was expected to go soft on Russia, it has not lived up to its expectations.

This Donald Trump is, however, at war with another Donald Trumpthe Donald Trump who speaks from the heart and without a script. That Donald Trump is conspicuously deferential toward Moscow and well-versed on Russian interests. If President Trump is poised to defend the West against the threats it faces from traditional adversaries like those in the Kremlin, he will only say so when those words are the words on the teleprompter.

Before his speech on Thursday, Donald Trump was asked why he is so reluctant to call out Moscow for its efforts to intervene in the 2016 presidential election even though he believes those hacks of private American political institutions were Russian in origin. I think it was Russia, and it could have been other people in other countries, Trump said. He conceded that several of Americas intelligence agenciesthe FBI, CIA, the National Security Agency, and the Office of the Director of National Intelligenceconcluded that the Russian government orchestrated an influence campaign, including cyber espionage operations, designed to influence the course of American political events. And while he said the history of the run-up to the Iraq War ensured that everyone should be cautious about intelligence estimates, Trump proceeded to scold his predecessor for failing to respond forcefully to Russian meddling.

In Trumps view, Russia is responsible for an attack on American sovereignty, his predecessor choked when confronted with this assault, and he is prepared to ratify that choke as official American policy by declining to rectify what he regards as Obamas mistake. Good luck squaring that circular logic.

There is a charitable line of argument that suggests Trump is averse to attacking Russia for meddling in the 2016 election because it undermines his legitimacy as president. That line does not, however, explain why the president was so observant of Russian interests and disinclined to criticize Vladimir Putin over the course of the 2016 campaign.

In the summer of last year, Trump told the New York Timesthat he may not respond to an attack by Russia on a NATO ally in the Baltics, such as Estonia, because those countries arent paying their bills. Never mind that Estonia was one of only five NATO allies that did meet the alliances defense-spending requirements. Trump endorsed Russias military intervention in Syria as an operation aimed at terrorist elements like ISIS, even though Russia spent most of its energies attacking U.S. supported anti-Assad rebels and neutralizing British and American covert facilities.

When confronted by the fact that Putin presides over a regime in which journalists and opposition figures have a habit of dying violent deaths, Trump replied as a candidate: I think our country does plenty of killing. He reprised the line as the president. There are a lot of killers. Weve got a lot of killers, he told Fox News in February. What, you think our country is so innocent? As a candidate, Trump surrounded himself with figures with ties to pro-Putin elements in Moscow. That indiscretion has led to a series of congressional and Justice Department investigations into that campaign, which saps this administration of authority.

These two Donald Trumps are reconcilable, but only with the understanding that the real Donald Trump is the guy without a Teleprompter in front of him. Its only modestly reassuring that the administration he runs does not appear to share his persuasion. Trumps speechwriters and political appointees arent the president. When the crisis comes, it will be the true Donald Trump who determines the course of history.

From the July/August COMMENTARY symposium.

The following is an excerpt from COMMENTARYs symposium on the threat to free speech:

Speech is under threat on American campuses as never before. Censorship in various forms is on the rise. And this year, the threat to free speech on campus took an even darker turn, toward actual violence. The prospect of Milo Yiannopoulos speaking at Berkeley provoked riots that caused more than $100,000 worth of property damage on the campus. The prospect of Charles Murray speaking at Middlebury led to a riot that put a liberal professor in the hospital with a concussion. Ann Coulters speech at Berkeley was cancelled after the university determined that none of the appropriate venues could be protected from known security threats on the date in question.

The free-speech crisis on campus is caused, at least in part, by a more insidious campus pathology: the almost complete lack of intellectual diversity on elite university faculties. At Yale, for example, the number of registered Republicans in the economics department is zero; in the psychology department, there is one. Overall, there are 4,410 faculty members at Yale, and the total number of those who donated to a Republican candidate during the 2016 primaries was three.

So when todays students purport to feel unsafe at the mere prospect of a conservative speaker on campus, it may be easy to mock them as delicate snowflakes, but in one sense, their reaction is understandable: If students are shocked at the prospect of a Republican behind a university podium, perhaps it is because many of them have never before laid eyes on one.

To see the connection between free speech and intellectual diversity, consider the recent commencement speech of Harvard President Drew Gilpin Faust:

Universities must be places open to the kind of debate that can change ideas.Silencing ideas or basking in intellectual orthodoxy independent of facts and evidence impedes our access to new and better ideas, and it inhibits a full and considered rejection of bad ones....We must work to ensure that universities do not become bubbles isolated from the concerns and discourse of the society that surrounds them. Universities must model a commitment to the notion that truth cannot simply be claimed, but must be establishedestablished through reasoned argument, assessment, and even sometimes uncomfortable challenges that provide the foundation for truth.

Faust is exactly right. But, alas, her commencement audience might be forgiven a certain skepticism. After all, the number of registered Republicans in several departments at Harvarde.g., history and psychologyis exactly zero. In those departments, the professors themselves may be basking in intellectual orthodoxy without ever facing uncomfortable challenges. This may help explain why some students will do everything in their power to keep conservative speakers off campus: They notice that faculty hiring committees seem to do exactly the same thing.

In short, it is a promising sign that true liberal academics like Faust have started speaking eloquently about the crucial importance of civil, reasoned disagreement. But they will be more convincing on this point when they hire a few colleagues with whom they actually disagree.

Read the entire symposium on the threat to free speech in the July/August issue of COMMENTARY here.

See the article here:

Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz: The Threat to Free Speech - Commentary Magazine

Americans crossing the far western Canadian-American border pass by the Peace Arch. The inscriptions read: Children of a Common Mother, Brethren Dwelling Together in Unity, and, referring to the open gates in the arch, May These Gates Never Close. We have indeed lived in unity and our border has always been open, with the exception that we now must show our passports.

Even though the Canadians chose to stay with Mother England longer than we did, they still joined us in embracing the liberal political philosophy of the European Enlightenment. With his principles of the separation of powers and religious freedom, English philosopher John Locke was essential to our founding thinkers.

Thomas Jefferson drew on Locke when he declared that all human beings have inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but with one exception: he substituted Lockes property with happiness.

Even though only propertied males could vote, Jeffersons preference for happiness and the general welfare was significant for early Americas commitment to the common man. Unfortunately, Americas slaves and women had to wait for the promise inherent in the Declaration of Independence and classical liberalism.

The American and French Revolutions were fought for the promotion of liberal principles, which include inalienable rights, religious freedom, free markets, and free trade. Canadas ruling Liberal Party, as well as our own Democrats, also stand for equal opportunity, which does not mean the guarantee of equal outcomes.

With this principle liberal governments provide funds for public education and health care. The government will pay for your education, but it will not guarantee a job or income, except for a minimum wage.

Citizens who suffer unnecessary illness will not be able to exercise their basic freedoms and support their families. So liberal governments around the world have provided universal health care.

With its patchwork system of government and private insurance, the U.S. spends twice as much on health care while covering fewer people and suffering poorer health results. For example, Canadians in general live 2.5 years longer than Americans, and those suffering from cystic fibrosis survive on average 10 more years.

Canada has committed itself to liberal values more consistently than the U.S., and the results have been impressive. In terms of social and economic mobility Canada now ranks among some European countries in terms of getting ahead.

One study found that 50 percent of Americans will remain in the lowest 20th percentile, while only 20 percent of Canadians and Danes will remain at the bottom. The titles of recent essays sum it up: Poor at 20; Poor for Life and The American Dream has moved North.

The libertarian Cato Institute, an unabashed promoter of the American Way, has ranked the Canada sixth on its Human Freedom Index while the U.S. finds itself 23rd behind Poland.

In terms of economic freedom, the conservative Heritage Foundation ranks Canada 7th with the U.S. 17th. And Reporters Without Borders awards Canada 18th place for press freedom with the U.S. at a distant 41st.

The Economist has been the mouthpiece for English liberalism since 1842, and a recent article on Canada has a provocative title: The Last Liberals.

As the U.S. and Europe start to tighten immigration, Canada still maintains its liberal immigration policies. Newly elected Canadian Prime Justin Trudeau has personally greeted Syrian refugees at the airport offering them winter coats and food.

Canadians pay higher taxes. But they, just like the Europeans, get a very good return on their investment. And contrary to GOP ideology, higher taxes do not kill economic growth. In the last quarter Canadas economy grew 3.7 percent while the U. S. was at an anemic 1.4 percent.

A steady revenue stream allows Canada to run an annual deficit of 2.7 percent of GDP. Our annual deficit has now climbed to 3.5 percent of GDP, after Obama had brought it down from over 10 percent to 3.2 percent, so it is Trumps debt now.

Canadas proper balance of taxes and spending means Canadas total national debt is much lower than ours: 32.5 percent of GDP versus the U.S. at over 100 percent.

As most Canadians celebrate 150 years of progress, there are some who are not joining the party. Leah Gazan is a member of the Wood Mountain Lakota nation and the famous Sioux chief Sitting Bull is in her family lineage.

Her mother overcame a childhood of abuse in orphanages and convents and rose to become one of the first psychiatric nurses in Saskatchewan.

Gazan swears that, until the Canadian government stops violating fundamental indigenous human rights, I have nothing to celebrate.

Nick Gier of Moscow taught philosophy at the University of Idaho for 31 years. Read the full version at http://www.sandpointreader.com.

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Canada at 150: Celebrating its liberal values and achievements - Idaho State Journal

A freshman orientation retreat at Texas A&M University devolved into a debate over diversity after a student complained that there were too many white students in a group photo.

According to its mission statement, Fish Camp strives to welcome freshmen into the Aggie family by sharing the traditions and values of Texas A&M University and creating a universally accepting support system that allows them to build relationships and embody the Aggie spirit.

"I tweeted that because I am sick and tired of people judging each other based on the color of their skin."

Despite this welcoming message, some students feel that the camp is not diverse enough, and one student made those feelings known with a sneering post on social media.

[RELATED: College diversity council posts FAKE racist flyers]

LOOK AT ALL THIS DIVERSITY, Hispanic TAMU student Cynthia Mendiola sneeringly captioned atweet featuring group photos of this years Fish Camp participants, quickly garnering hundreds of likes and retweets and subsequently sparking a large online debate.

This organization is mainly white. What makes you think a minority would like to join when theres so many? Mendiola continued in another tweet, although thepictures featured white, black, Hispanic, and Asian-American students.

Andrea Argenal, a fellow Latina TAMU student who describes herself as the, loudest and proudest member of the Aggie Class of 2020, took exception to Mendiolas tweet.

It is this kind of bigotry that I hope to keep out of A&M, she wrote. She doesnt deserve to be an Aggie, we stand for our core values, not skin color.

Mendiola responded by attacking Argenals ethnicity, accusing her of being whitewashed because she is a Donald Trump supporter.

How are you an immigrant AND a minority (in both sex and ethnicity) and somehow STILL whitewashed?????? LMAOOOOO, Mendiola mocked. If yall think Im about to let a Trump supporting wannabe-white Latina make me feel bad about myself? Yall really thought.

The exchange soon attracted notice from other students, many of whom weighed in with their own criticisms of Argenal.

Lmfaooo why are some republicans such douches? one comment asked, while another speculated, bet money if you look at the demographic of her friends youll see a trend. Still another reply was even more succinct, saying simply, shut up white.

I tweeted that because I am sick and tired of people judging each other based on the color of their skin, Argenal told Campus Reform. I look white, but I was born and raised in Nicaragua, and up until this past year, lived almost on the border with Mexico.

Argenal remarked that her antagonists are being no better than the people they claim are excluding them by judging me on the color of my skin, pointing out that they almost immediately began calling me white as if...that was some kind of insult.

[RELATED: Students, donors fleeing Drexel over profs inflammatory tweets]

Others, however, came to Argenals defense, scolding Mendiola for attacking something that is trying to create a loving and supporting environment for freshmen no matter what they look like and pointing out that Fish Camp is far from an ethnically-monolithic group.

Yall can try again, one user taunted, attaching a group photo taken at Fish Camp. This is Camp Fish Frye proudly representing TAMU from all walks of life.

Texas A&M [students] are majority white, but it doesnt make it a racist school, another user proclaimed. Who are you to boldly state it as a racist school?

Mendiola initially refused to speak with Campus Reform for this story, but eventually offered a brief insight into her motivations.

All I was doing was pointing out the lack of diversity. PoC [people of color] are poorly represented in this organization, she explained. I know of people who have felt they were turned down because they were PoC.

Follow the author of this article on Twitter: @RobertMGunter

Read the rest here:

Hispanic student harassed for calling out liberal 'bigotry' - Campus Reform

Sloppy reporting is not new. There has always been corner-cutting in journalism.

There is a new genre of lazy reporting in the Trump era, however, that goes well beyond the sloppy, and straight into the aggressively ignorant.

A prime example of this sort of thing would be this week's news cycle claiming House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wisc., is responsible somehow for the Speaker's lobby's decades-old dress code.

This flat-out embarrassing narrative begins with a CBS News report titled, "Are sleeveless dresses appropriate attire'? Congress doesn't think so." The article itself is fun, and it goes over the details of the Speaker's lobby dress code, which requires that men wear jackets and ties and that women dress "appropriately," meaning no sleeveless dresses or open-toe shoes.

The dress code is loosely defined, and enforcement depends on who's doing the enforcing. The code is not new, it applies specifically to the Speaker's lobby and it has been this way for many, many, many years.

But Trump derangement syndrome is a hell of a thing, and certain people in the press saw the CBS report as an opportunity to accuse Paul Ryan of imposing his sexist will on female congressional reporters (or something like that).

Just look at these headlines:

Look at the opening paragraph of the Vogue story:

Not content with wanting to dictate what women can do with their own bodies, Republicans in Congress are now trying to dictate what women can wear. According to multiple female reporters in Washington, D.C., it seems sleeveless clothes are no longer considered "appropriate attire" for women working at the Capitol.

Are you kidding me?

Luckily, a good number of journalists who actually know what they're talking about weighed in to point out that, no, Paul Ryan didn't impose some weird new dress code on female congressional reporters.

Unsurprisingly, certain journalists are having a difficult time letting this particular news cycle go, and they are scrounging desperately for a new anti-GOP angle.

"Alright. No, the Speaker's Lobby dress code isn't new. But is it a good policy? Is it sexist? Does Paul Ryan have no power to change it?" asked the Huffington Post's Matt Fuller.

"This is the dumbest news cycle of the year, and Capitol Hill reporters who think they're ACTUALLY right are still ACTUALLY getting it wrong. It just amazes me that reporters believe SPEAKER Paul Ryan has no authority to change the dress code of the SPEAKER'S Lobby," he added.

Sure. That's the real takeaway from this one-hundred percent bungled news cycle. A bogus narrative based on aggressively bad journalism and the real story here is that Ryan hasn't updated that one thing no one cared about until this week.

Okay.

It was bad enough when reporters suggested the House Speaker's logo was based on Nazi-era iconography, but this dress code bit is just ridiculous.

More here:

The liberal reporting on sleeveless dresses in the Capitol is monumentally false and stupid - Washington Examiner

Liberal and conservative legal experts looking ahead to the next Supreme Court term are preoccupied with much different priorities, but both question whether the high court will decide the fight over President Trump's travel ban.

The issue of whether the travel ban litigation could become moot before the high court hears oral arguments is unresolved, but liberals also appear to be wondering who will be sitting on the high court next term. For liberals, rumors of Justice Anthony Kennedy's potential retirement and role on the high court still dominate their thinking about the future of the Supreme Court.

Erwin Chemerinsky, new dean of Berkeley Law at the University of California, said Thursday that the Supreme Court "is still the Anthony Kennedy court." Speaking at the National Constitution Center's review of the high court's most recent term, Chemerinsky noted that Kennedy "voted in the majority on 97 percent of all of the decisions," more often than any other justice.

"So for the lawyers who're here and watching, if you have a case before the Supreme Court, my advice to you is make your briefs a shameless attempt to pander to Justice Kennedy," Chemerinsky said. "If the clerk of the court will allow it, put Anthony Kennedy's picture on the front of your brief."

While Chemerinsky said he thinks Gorsuch may prove to be more conservative than the late Justice Antonin Scalia, whose seat Gorsuch filled in April, "if Justice Kennedy leaves the court, then we will have the most conservative court there's been since the mid-1930s."

Frederick Lawrence, Yale Law School professor who sat alongside Chemerinsky at the event, said the year has been characterized by "constitutional anxiety" for "constitutional lawyers, constitutional scholars and for citizens who care about the Constitution."

"I certainly will watch with my constitutional anxiety this October in the [travel ban] argument because I think ... there is so much vagueness in play in the joints here that when one finds oneself sort of hoping for mootness as the way out, it tells you the corners we're getting ourselves into," Lawrence said.

At the Heritage Foundation's review of the last term on Thursday, legal experts were similarly questioning whether the high court would resolve the travel ban dispute.

Will Consovoy, a former law clerk to Justice Clarence Thomas and a lawyer who argues before the Supreme Court, said "mootness is a real concern" in the travel ban case. He added that he thought the high court, more so than the lower courts that have reviewed the case, would look to say "can we create a durable rule here that's not going to devour the law, so to speak."

Trump's travel ban blocks nationals from six Muslim-majority countries from entering the U.S. for 90 days and refugees from all countries for 120 days.

Joseph Palmore, a former law clerk to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and co-chairman of the Appellate and Supreme Court Practice Group at Morrison Foerster, told the Heritage Foundation audience that the issue of mootness is clearly a top issue for the high court.

Asked whether the Supreme Court could hear the case even if it appears to be moot from the vantage point of those outside the justices' chambers, Palmore said that's a question that likely would lurk.

"The court might view it though as what's before us is this actual executive order and if it's moot then those issues could be fought another day, but I think ... there might be a competing urge to the extent that some justices are concerned with what they might see as the overbreadth of some of the court of appeals decisions," Palmore said. "Do they leave those in place because the Supreme Court case becomes moot or do those get vacated? There's a lot of complicated rules, what happens when a case becomes moot."

Palmore said he also is closely watching to see how Trump's campaign statements can be attributed as motivation to enact the travel ban if at all and whether the lower courts appropriately applied nationwide injunctions.

Palmore said the last pressing question is whether the dispute could return to the Supreme Court in the "next few weeks or even days" because of the disagreement over the scope of the injunction. The Supreme Court, in deciding to take the case, said that nationals from the six countries could visit the U.S. if they have "bona fide" relationships in the country.

The fight in the federal courts over the extent of the travel ban permitted by the Supreme Court began earlier this week.

Read the original here:

Liberal, conservative experts question if Supreme Court will hear Trump travel ban case - Washington Examiner