Category Archives: Government Oppression

Garcia is a retired real estate developer/builder/designer, a novelist, painter and a filmmaker. He lives in Bankers Hill.

On Dec. 15, 1961, I became a Cuban American. That unforgettable day began when my parents drove me to the airport in Havana, Cuba, where I was born, and at age 13, I boarded a Pan American airline flight to Miami by myself. It was a short 90-mile trip, but a very painful one, leaving everything I knew and loved behind with no assurances that I would ever again see my family, my friends or my country.

After we landed in Miami and stepped out of the airplane, a Catholic priest asked all the children if they had arrived alone. There were three boys and one girl around my age. We were easy to spot by the redness of our eyes.

I first heard the term Operation Peter Pan when the priest walked us to the immigration office. Officials there quickly reviewed and accepted our entry using our visas, which I later learned had been facilitated by a joint effort between the Catholic Charities organization and the U.S. government, and I believe led by the CIA.

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After the Catholic priest dropped off the girl at a girls camp, he drove on to a boys camp a few miles out of Miami run by Catholic Charities. There we were welcomed by many other Cuban boys curious to see who had arrived that day from Cuba. We were given additional clothes since we had basically arrived with just the clothes we wore, were assigned sleeping places, and learned from the other boys as the long days and especially long nights wore on.

Until I was able to be settled with relatives in Miami, my stay at the camp was difficult, as it was for all of us. The expression Theres strength in numbers did not apply in this case. It seemed the opposite in that the sadness and uncertainty was pervasive.

Between 1960 and 1962, 14,000 Cuban children came out of Cuba to the United States as part of Operation Peter Pan. Cuban parents were willing to part with their children and risk permanent separation because of the fear that the Cuban communist government was initiating programs to separate children from their families, including sending them to the Soviet Union like had happened during the civil war in Spain, resulting in never hearing again from their children.

In retrospect, Im one of the luckier ones because I was reunited with my parents and baby brother when they were able to come to the U.S. a year later. Many of the other kids at the camp had no family in the U.S. to take them and instead ended up dispersed throughout the country to various Catholic Charities facilities. Some never saw their parents again.

The very unlucky ones were and are the millions of Cubans who over the past 60 years have been oppressed and controlled by the Cuban government in the name of a long ago revolution. That oppression has denied Cubans the human rights to choose how to live and pursue their potential and instead suffer from the despair of seeing day after day, year after year, decade after decade their dreams and aspirations slipping away.

The Cuban government is always quick to point out the high rate of literacy in the country, but then keeps employment opportunities low for the sake of controlling the economy to remain in power in perpetuity. Its cruel for the Cuban government to educate people while at the same time purposely deny them the ability to use that education to achieve their potential.

The level of despair is now to a point that everyday Cubans are willing to risk everything they have left to demand change. Change so that jobs are created so that they can make a decent living. Change so that theres sufficient food production so that they can feed themselves without having to stand in line for hours every day for their food that is rationed by the government. Change so that there are medicines available for when they get sick.

And change to have the most basic freedom of all the freedom for Cubans to express themselves, including expressing their frustration and unhappiness about how their government, that falsely goes around the world claiming to be for the people, denies them the freedom to hope and demand a better future.

Im very proud to be a Cuban American, and I am for the first time since leaving Cuba very hopeful that Cubans will in the near future have the same opportunities in Cuba that the United States has given me since my arrival on Dec. 15, 1961.

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Opinion: Operation Peter Pan brought 14,000 Cuban children to the U.S. I was one of them. - The San Diego Union-Tribune

The White House meeting between President Biden and Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi was primarily framed around the future of U.S. military forces in Iraq, but in addition to the destabilizing threats of ISIS and Iran-aligned militias, Iraq is also struggling with a deep economic crisis and need for significant political reforms. Ranj Alaaldin details Kadhimis efforts to address Iraqs interconnected crises and how the U.S. is still critical to Iraqs future.

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TRANSCRIPT

PITA: This week, Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi of Iraq visited the White House for an official announcement and additional talks on the end of the U.S. combat mission in Iraq. To discuss this shift in the U.S. military mission, what it means for Iraq, and the future of U.S.-Iraq relations is Ranj Alaaldin, visiting fellow at the Brookings Doha Center, and a nonresident fellow with the Center for Middle East Policy here at Brookings. Ranj, thanks for talking to us today.

ALAALDIN: Thanks very much, great to be with you.

PITA: This meeting between Prime Minister Kadhimi and President Biden was billed as announcing the quote-unquote end of the U.S. combat mission, but a lot of the details are still up in the air. What do we know so far about whats actually been decided and whats still an open question?

ALAALDIN: Thanks very much, Adrianna. I think you hit the nail on the head there. Theres still a number of details that have to become clearer and I do believe over time they will. Of course, the U.S. has been in a non-combat capacity in Iraq for some time now, if not a number of years. A similar announcement was also made under the Trump administration, and the key announcement during Prime Minister Kadhimis visit to the White House was that the U.S. will fully, and I emphasize the word fully here, transition to a training, advising, assisting, and intelligence-sharing role, with combat forces out of the country by the end of the year.

Ultimately, I think this is, by design, this actual statement, and it stems in large part because of the political pressure Prime Minister Kadhimi is under in Iraq on the on the domestic front. U.S.-Iraq relations became increasingly eroded, reached their lowest ebb since the 1990s, I would argue, under the previous administration in the U.S. At one point, former President Trump even threatened to impose sanctions on Iraq in response to repeated attacks on U.S. targets in Iraq by Iraqi proxy groups that answer to Iran. And so with this current administration, the Iraqis are hoping for a more delicate, more moderate approach to the country, and understanding that the security climate in Iraq is tied heavily to the domestic political dynamics in Iraq. And within that equation, the Iraqis would argue, or the Iraqi government would argue, is the status, the presence of U.S. forces.

Now all this becomes rather complicated because Iraq has a very heavy dependency on the U.S. for the campaign to defeat ISIS. Thats, I guess, in a way, the essence of the relationship itself. U.S.-Iraq relations are particularly important because of the continued threat that ISIS presents. Iraq is of course the arena where ISIS established and declared its so-called caliphate in 2014. It has technically been defeated. It no longer controls territory like it did before and hasnt done since around 2017, but the group has proven to be rather resilient. Its ramped up its attacks in recent months and recent weeks, including a very deadly attack in the capital Baghdad last week.

I would say, away from the glare of the international media, its expanding its reign of terror in other parts of the country, in the north, in the Arab Sunni heartlands, especially where its expanding the scope and scale of attacks. That includes things like assassinations, kidnappings, coercing or extorting local communities. And really establishing the infrastructure that would or could potentially at some point, give it an opening, an opportunity to control territory like it did. So thats why the U.S. is so important to Iraqs efforts to prevent that from happening.

Now, what comes into the picture is this scenario which came into play under the Trump administration, where the assassination of Qasem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the head of a major Iran-aligned proxy group, Kataib Hezbollah, set into motion the, lets say, intensified demand for the withdrawal of U.S. forces in the country. Although there was a nonbinding vote in the Iraqi parliament, passed predominantly, if not entirely, by groups that are either very loyal to Iran or that because of their constituencies and support bases had no choice but to support that vote, that set into motion the political momentum domestically.

And with Prime Minister Kadhimi, you effectively have a prime minister who in many regards is a transitional prime minister. He came into office because the previous government in Iraq, the previous prime minister, was effectively forced out by a very ferocious protest movement which has demanded greater rights, human rights, demanded accountability in the country, reforms, an end to corruption, and a better standard of living overall. Now that was met with an onslaught by Iran-aligned militias who, to this day, havent really answered for the crimes that were committed during that that period, where you had around 600-plus Iraqi civilians killed, thousands were wounded.

And the legacy of that continues today where youve got near-daily human rights atrocities being committed by Iran-aligned militias, kidnappings, and so forth, which also, at the same time itself, is very political. Because what it does is, it undermines Prime Minister Kadhimi, it discredits him and ultimately creates the kind of environment that is very conducive to an ISIS resurgence because its creating grievances, polarization that is very helpful to the organization, but at the same time, is also very conducive to the objectives and interests of Iran-aligned militias.

Ultimately the trip to Washington is, like I say, was designed to try and get, lets say, some breathing space from the Americans; an effort to ensure that the U.S. doesnt really retaliate to continued rocket attacks, drone attacks by Iran-aligned militias on U.S. targets in the country in a manner which perhaps would be similar to the confrontational stance that the Trump administration took. So, something proportional from the U.S. side, a response that doesnt plunge the country into yet another conflict, and which at the same time, can help de-escalate tensions in the region. Because Prime Minister Kadhimi is certainly carving out a role for himself with the support of other political actors in Iraq, whether its the president or whether its his allies in Erbil, trying to carve out a role where Iraq can play the role of a bridge-builder of sorts in the region, where Iraq effectively becomes a conduit through which to de-escalate tensions between Iran and its rivals but also Iran and the U.S.

Now that there are a lot of moving pieces here, and it does ultimately come back to this question of whether the announcement from President Biden and Prime Minister Kadhimi in Washington will be enough to convince Iran and its allies to, I would say, either end their rocket attacks on U.S. bases, U.S. targets in Iraq, on U.S.-aligned actors, like-minded Kurdistan regional government, or at least to reduce the number of these attacks, to reduce and limit the scope and scale of these attacks, and thats something I think will become apparent over the coming days and weeks, most certainly.

PITA: Thanks, Ranj. As youve alluded to here, between the question of the resurgence of ISIS, ongoing tensions with Iran and their presence, while there is a lot of strong opinion for the U.S. withdrawal, thats not universal in Iraq. Kadhimi is also dealing with a lot of his own political dynamics, being not standardly a politician. So Im wondering if you can give us sort of a little background about him and what hes dealing with in the country, trying to manage all these difference of opinions, and violence and issues, all these tensions that hes trying to balance?

ALAALDIN: So if you ask Iraqi observers, the wider Iraqi population, although theres a number of crises that the country is currently hit with I would say, interconnected crises whether thats the threat from militia groups tied to Iran, whether its ISIS, wider geopolitical crises and tumult, or U.S.-Iran tensions, most of them will actually point towards the economic crisis in the country, and thats I would say, near existential crisis for Iraq.

And Prime Minister Kadhimi came into office with two objectives really, with two expectations being in place: the first is to hold early elections, and the hope is that the elections will enable some political reforms and bring into office, bring into state institutions moderate actors who do want to push Iraq towards recovery, who do want to install, implement a culture of accountability; and secondly, to address the economic crisis in the country.

Now, the economic crisis, in particular, has been devastating and could become an existential crisis as a result of the decline in oil prices, because of the pandemic. 70% of the Iraqi budget goes towards paying civil servants and the Iraqi state can simply no longer afford that public sector payroll. So, its got a population of more than 30 million, expected to reach around 50 million in a decade, with around 60% of Iraqis under 24, and alongside that, 700,000 required jobs every year. And this is a country, bear in mind, that lacks infrastructure, sustainable governance, and most certainly lacks a private sector that can meet the demands and needs of its population. So that crisis, although it doesnt receive as much attention, and doesnt occupy, lets say, headlines as much as it should, is still there in the background. It still hasnt been addressed.

Although there are some genuine efforts, I would say, to be fair to the government, to actually address that. There is a blueprint of sorts, known as the White Paper. Well, it came into place actually almost months after Kadhimi came into office. Its a rather ambitious blueprint, because although conceptually and theoretically, you can have all the right principles, mechanisms, and ideas in place, its execution is made a little more difficult if not impossible precisely because of those interconnected crises that I refer to, not least the security environment, the security conditions.

So in a way, Prime Minister Kadhimi, as somebody who is a transitional prime minister, is something of a compromise candidate, has some breathing room amongst the wider Iraqi public, and for them, I would go as far as saying he could be the least worst option as it stands. Because the alternative could be far worse. It could be a militant individual or prime minister tied to Iran, which has been possible in the past, which could become a reality in the future, in the very near future. And the alternative could be a repeat of what unfolded under the previous prime minister, which is effectively carte blanche for Iran-aligned militias to conduct a full-scale campaign of oppression against protesters and the wider public.

That isnt to say that patience will not run out, and I think were now reaching a point where the elections could make or break his prospects of securing another term. There could be a boycott of those elections because of the intensified campaign to assassinate activists and civilians by Iran-aligned militias, and that boycott will help them very much thats Iran and its proxies because theyve already got an established and entrenched support base that follows, lets say, more the personalities within those groups. And theyll be loyal regardless of whether the wider Iraqi public boycotts the elections. And if that boycott happens, the moderates that will suffer, and I would say its also Prime Minister Kadhimi that will ultimately suffer and fail to get a second term in office.

PITA: Looking ahead to the continued future of U.S.-Iraq relationship, while the question of the U.S. military is obviously the most significant element there, its not the only one. What were some of the other issues that were discussed? And is there any question of the role that the U.S. can play in trying to assist either with the economic crisis or these attempts of political reform, or any of these other really important elements that youve brought up?

ALAALDIN: Absolutely, I think the U.S. has a capacity which it has exercised in Iraq to mobilize international support, whether its from other countries governments, whether its the likes of the World Bank and the IMF, and to mobilize international support and resources towards Iraqs economic recovery. Sometimes its about inspiring confidence and instilling confidence in the Iraqi climate, and the vote of confidence from the U.S. goes a long way towards mobilizing those international resources and support, I would say even regional support. So one of the notable improvements since Kadhimi came into office and I would say since President Biden came into office has been this rather significant improvement in Iraqs relationship with its neighbors, particularly the Arab world, so the likes of Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and I think that could become a very important legacy for U.S.- Iraq relations under President Biden and Prime Minister Kadhimi.

So thats the first, I would say, element and basis for that relationship outside of the security cooperation. Secondly U.S. support for Iraqi civil society, for the democracy promotion, human rights promotion that unfolds in the country on a daily basis; its actually part and parcel of the fabric of the Iraqi society. The U.S. is still a very important player in not just providing or enabling funds for that effort, but of course, at the same time to, lets say, mobilize NGOs, American and non-American, to ensure they remain invested in the country.

And I believe President Biden did announce, or at least in one of the announcements, there was an emphasis on continued U.S. support for direct education reforms, the pandemic. I believe the U.S. has already helped the Iraqis mobilize 500,000-plus vaccines in its efforts to combat the pandemic. And of course, support for Iraqs democracy and the rule of law. So here were talking about things like improving the capacity of the judiciary to hold militias and militant groups to account. Were talking about making sure that the Iraqi moderates, the reformists, the activists, and civil society have a genuine and committed partner on the outside, even if that partner faces restraints and constraints here and there. But I still think the U.S. is particularly critical and crucial to Iraqs path to recovery. And in the absence of that support, even if its symbolic, material support and so forth, Iraq would be in a much darker place right now.

PITA: All right. Well, Ranj, thanks very much for talking to us today and explaining about this.

ALAALDIN: Thanks very much, its been a pleasure.

Read the original:

What will US combat forces withdrawal mean for Iraq? - Brookings Institution

Schools plans for addressing the COVID-19 pandemic and turmoil over critical race theory are often discussed separately. But one recent development in Washington shows how national politics can blur the borders between the two issues.

At issue is the second volume of COVID-19 guidance to schools that the U.S. Department of Education originally released in April. In a section about Meeting the social, emotional, and mental health needs of students, the guidance says practices like intentional conversations related to race and social emotional learning are key components of building educational opportunities. As a reference, the group links to the Guide for Racial Justice and Abolitionist Social and Emotional Learning from the Abolitionist Teaching Network, an organization that aims to address injustices and inequalities in schools through grants, conferences, reports, and other activities.

The networks guide says educators should Create classrooms that center the beauty, joy, resiliency, and variety of Black, Brown, and Indigenous experiences and that they should commit to disrupt Whiteness and other forms of oppression. It also encourages schools to hire and support Black, brown, and Indigenous staff, and criticizes approaches to social-emotional learning that amount to the policing of Black and brown children.

This reference to the Abolitionist Teaching Network attracted little notice until this month, when several stories questioned its mention in the COVID-19 handbook. Fox News reported that after questioning the Education Department about the matter, the department said it did not endorse the Abolitionist Teaching Networks views, and that the handbook linked to the groups guide in error. A subsequent version of the departments handbook no longer links to the guide.

However, Rep. Virginia Foxx, R-N.C., the ranking Republican on the House education committee, isnt totally satisfied.

In a July 23 letter to U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona, Foxx said she was worried that his agency only altered the guide in response to media reports. She also highlighted an Education Week Opinion piece by Bettina L. Love, the co-founder of the Abolitionist Teaching Network, titled How to Make Anti-Racism More Than a Performance. In this piece, Love said that too often change happens when white people are ready for change and that promises of equity are often left unfulfilled in the meantime.

I ask you to personally review all of the citations made in the COVID handbooks and ensure the message from you to your staff is clear: critical race theory and related policies and materials should not be referenced, referred, or recommended to any students, teachers, or educational agencies, Foxx wrote. She asked that Cardona do this within two weeks of receiving her letter.

In addition, Foxx asked Cardona to publicly repudiate the Abolitionist Teaching Network and say his department does not support the group in any way. Foxx said Loves approaches dont represent a responsible solution.

Critical race theory is a decades-old academic concept that says racism is embedded in legal systems and policies in American society far beyond individual prejudice. This year, conservative politicians inside the Beltway and beyond have relentlessly criticized what they say is the dangerous and divisive encroachment of the theory into classrooms and central offices.

Teachers and school officials say that while they dont teach critical race theory, new state legislation and laws restricting how educators address divisive concepts in American history are misguided, unfairly target them, and will make their jobs harder. In addition, more than nine out of 10 teachers said theyd never taught critical race theory, according to EdWeek Research Center survey results published in July.

An Education Week investigation found a network of conservative groups and individuals have helped write and supported these state bills.

An Education Department spokesperson replied to a request for comment July 23 by confirming receipt of Foxxs letter. Love did not immediately respond to a request for comment late on July 23.

Neither the departments April handbook nor the Abolitionist Teaching Networks guidebook mentions critical race theory. An earlier COVID-19 handbook for schools released by the department in February does not mention it. Loves Education Week piece also doesnt discuss critical race theory.

Concerns about the pandemics particularly acute impact on students of color have persisted throughout the pandemic, touching on everything from health concerns to internet access.

Protests in at least a few communities concerning mask mandates and critical race theory in schools have run parallel to each other, if not overlapped, as education officials mull how to resume regular operations in tense environments and unprecedented pandemic-related challenges.

While GOP lawmakers have criticized the Biden administrations approach to the issue of how aggressively schools should reopen in-person classes, in recent months much of their focus has shifted to attacks on the idea that schools are using critical race theory to indoctrinate students. And theyve spread to encompass Capitol Hill hearings and congressional legislation, as well as budget proposals.

House Republicans grilled Cardona about critical race theory last month. Cardona stressed that the federal government by law cannot direct schools to use or not use a certain curriculum. He also said he trusted teachers to expose students to various perspectives as part of their learning experience, and several times made it clear that he was frustrated that GOP lawmakers were focusing on critical race theory instead of urgent issues like the pandemics effects on schools. The hearing grew heated enough for someone to shout racist at Rep. Bob Good, R-Va.

Lawmakers ranging from Rep. Madison Cawthorn, R-N.C, to Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., have introduced messaging bills (those that have virtually no hope of passage but serve a political purpose) aimed at critical race theory and schools. And House Republicans recently targeted critical race theory by trying but failing to amend Democrats bills focused on school integration and civil rights law.

The tug-of-war over critical race theory also reached the education departments small American History and Civics grants.

After the agency proposed priorities for the grants in April and referenced the self-described anti-racist writer Ibram X. Kendi and the 1619 Projecta New York Times Magazine project that puts slavery and its legacy at the center of American historyas background, tens of thousands of comments poured in, many of them denouncing the proposals and linking them to support for critical race theory (the proposed priorities dont mention the theory).

The department responded in mid-July by altering its grant proposal by saying it wouldnt give an edge to groups seeking the money if they mentioned the priorities. The agency also left out any mention of Kendi or the 1619 Project. In a mid-July blog post on his departments website, Cardona reiterated the departments April views as to what the $5.3 million grant program should support.

The strife over critical race theory has been marked in part by disagreement over the importance of the term itself. Some believe it is being deliberately misused in order to attack other concepts in education that address things like racism and injustice. But theres an opposing view that several terms used and put into practice by schools are essentially serving as cover for critical race theory, even if they arent strictly identified as critical race theory.

Read the original:

How Political Backlash to Critical Race Theory Reached School Reopening Guidance - Education Week

For decades, communist China has been wielding its influence in African countries, establishing strong financial interests and convincing growing nations that its authoritarian communism is a better form of government than democratic models of individual liberty and economic freedom.

While not a typical kitchen table issue for Americans, Chinas stronghold on Africa poses serious national security and economic problems for the American people and human rights issues for many Africans. Thats why our elected leaders need to be taking immediate steps to reverse this course.

U.S. taxpayers are by far the largest contributors of humanitarian aid to the African continent, and private American philanthropic aid is enormous. Yet the Chinese Communist Partys influence means that many African rulers side with Beijing over Washington on key strategic issues in places like the United Nationsfrom glossing over human rights abuses to preventing a thorough investigation of the causes of the coronavirus outbreak.

Chinas influence takes several forms. First, African nations have long needed to develop their infrastructure, including roads, buildings, and communications networks, and China is sometimes the only willing lender. That also means that Chinese state-owned companies have been the main entities doing the building.

>>>China and Greece Are Getting Closer. Joe Biden Should Worry.

But things get pretty nefarious after that. China has built extravagant palaces and government buildings for free in many poor countries to gain even more influence with government officials. Burundi, the worlds fifth least-developed country, got a new $22 million presidential palace. Zimbabwe is about to get a $100 million parliament building. Liberia got $66 million in new government buildings. All this money spent in some of the worlds poorest countries didnt help struggling citizens one iota.

Beijing also helps many African leaders maintain their hold on power. Those leaders often direct Chinas no-strings-attached aid to their own birth regions, to cabinet officials, or to other places that will ensure they stay in power.

What problems does this pose for the U.S.?

From a national security perspective, China is our primary global adversary, and it uses its influence over African nations to constantly undermine democracy and spread the poison of authoritarianism.

America and the entire world are safer when the planet is populated with democracies because democracies dont go to war with one another. Moreover, the U.S. military is constantly on guard against Chinese aggression in the Pacific. With Africas huge Atlantic coastline, it would be considerably more dangerous if China developed a base of operations in the Atlantic.

From an economic perspective, Africa has abundant natural resources that the rest of the world needs and China has considerable influence over the export of these resources to other nations. For example, minerals such as cobalt and manganese are critical to the manufacture of many advanced technologies. Chinese companies dominate the global supply chain of cobalt, especially in Africa. If the Chinese government sees a strategic advantage in doing so, it may cut off the U.S. and the rest of the world.

From a human rights perspective, the Chinese Communist Party supports leaders who keep their people under their thumb by working with them when others wont. It encourages some of the continents most brutal dictators to maintain their authoritarian governments. Not only does China prop up these authoritarian dictators, but Chinese companies also have notoriously poor labor standards in Africa and have little regard for workers welfare.

Chinas outsized influence also means that many African leaders are consistent supporters of Chinas agenda. Many of Africas 54 nations vote with China at the U.N., including voting for Chinas chosen candidates to run U.N. agencies (like the World Health Organization). Chinese candidates at global rule-making bodies help China champion its preferred standards for emerging fields, especially in tech. If Beijing is successful, it will lock in standards that advantage its own companies in fields that will shape the global economy for decades to come.

African nations also comprised almost half of the signatories of a 2019 letter defending Chinas human rights abuses of its Uighur Muslim population. And building momentum at the U.N. for holding China accountable for its lack of transparency over the coronavirus outbreak will be difficult.

>>> China Transparency Project

For these reasons and more, the United States must counter Chinas influence in Africa. Senior U.S. officials should regularly engage with many African countries, negotiating free trade agreements that benefit both the American people and the citizens of these nations and encouraging investment from U.S. companies interested in Africa.

The U.S. must also promote the fact that individual liberty and economic freedom are what brought much of the world out of the desperate poverty we witnessed just decades ago. They are proven antidotes to the oppression and poverty that plague some African nations today.

Doing these things doesnt just serve the American interest. It serves the people of Africa, and the emergence of more democratically led nations in Africa serves the interest of a more peaceful, more prosperous, and more stable world.

Read more from the original source:

Why Americans Should Be Concerned About Communist China's Influence in Africa - Heritage.org

SINGAPORE - The women's and youth wings of the People's Action Party (PAP) and the Association of Women for Action and Research (Aware) released two separate papers on Thursday (July 29), each calling on the Government to take action to tackle discrimination and advance women's development in Singapore.

Each paper made a slew of recommendations in response to the Government's announcement last September that it would conduct a thorough review of issues related to women and gender equality. The review will culminate in a White Paper to be introduced in Parliament later this year.

Both papers made calls for anti-discrimination legislation to give working women - especially pregnant women and mothers - better protections in the workplace. Another common topic concerned sexual education in schools, with both papers putting forward recommendations to enhance the curriculum and keep it up to date.

In putting together its joint paper, the PAP team conducted surveys and dialogue sessions with about 1,500 people, who raised issues facing women in schools, workplaces and at home.

The 31-page PAP paper covered three areas: giving women more options to balance their careers with other obligations, promoting more equal sharing of caregiving responsibilities between men and women, and changing mindsets on gender norms and stereotypes.

Communications and Information Minister Josephine Teo, who chairs the PAP Women's Wing, said the PAP team hopes the Government will incorporate its 12 recommendations into the upcoming White Paper. "Our recommendations reflect the aspirations and pressing concerns of women today," she said. "They are achievable and impactful steps to set new foundations for the future of Singapore women, and empower them to live out their fullest potential at home, work and in society."

Aware's 242-page "omnibus report" focused on various forms of discrimination and violence against women, including sexual assault. It presented 88 recommendations based on its primary research and the experiences of its women's and sexual assault care centres in supporting vulnerable women.

Aware said it also conducted policy research and consultations with academics, policymakers and community groups like the Humanitarian Organisation for Migration Economics, which champions migrant workers' rights; the Disabled People's Association; and Project X, which provides social support to sex workers.

Aware executive director Corinna Lim said the report provides the fullest picture to date of the state of gender equality here.

"We hope (the Government) will seriously consider these proposals in their White Paper and accelerate Singapore towards a future free of discrimination, violence and other forms of oppression. We want generations of women to look back at 2021 as a pivotal year for gender in this country," she said.

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PAP wings, Aware issue recommendations on women's issues - The Straits Times

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Lucknow: Not long ago, Brahmins in Uttar Pradesh were complaining of neglect and oppression. Scores of Brahmins were killed during the BJPs four-year rule in UP, community leaders had claimed. Even the encounter killing of gangster Vikas Dubey took on a caste colour.

But seven months before assembly elections in the state, Brahmins are suddenly the most sought-after community.

The Bahujan Samaj Party is holding Brahmin sammelans or conferences. The Samajwadi Party is preparing to organise prabuddha sammelans (intellectual meetings, mainly focussed on Brahmins) in several districts.

The Congress is exploring the option of projecting a Brahmin chief ministerial candidate. And the BJP has already inducted Jitin Prasada, a prominent Brahmin leader who was mobilising the community to protest against alleged atrocities.

So, what has suddenly changed for the Brahmins? The reasons are obvious. They constitute around 12 per cent of the states population and in several assembly segments, make up more than 20 per cent of the vote-share.

Also read:Congress open to alliance or tactical understanding in UP but SP wont repeat 2017 mistake

Since 2017, there had been a growing chorus within the Brahmin community that it was losing its clout in Uttar Pradesh and was being sidelined by the Yogi Adityanath government.

That chorus grew shriller after the police encounter of gangster Vikas Dubey in 2020.

Several Brahmin organisations condemned the encounter and appealed for a fair inquiry in the issue.

Rajendra Nath Tripathi, president of the Akhil Bhartiya Brahman Mahasabha (R), claims that over 500 Brahmins have been killed in the last four years of the Adityanath government.

Tripathi told ThePrint that violence against Brahmins has taken place under previous governments too but the number of such incidents has increased rapidly under this government.

This is the main reason behind the anger of Brahmins, he said.

The then Congress leader Jitin Prasada had even launched the Brahmin Chetna Parishad in July 2020 to fight for Brahmin rights. He had then in October 2020 announced his decision to form T-20 teams in every district under his Brahmin Chetna Parishad to offer assistance to those in the community fighting legal battles.

Another major reason for the Brahmin disquiet is the communitys waning influence in politics under Yogi Adityanath.

In the 53-member cabinet in UP, nine are Brahmins but only Dinesh Sharma, Shrikant Sharma and Brajesh Pathak hold important portfolios secondary and higher education, power, and law respectively.

The others are all ministers of state Ram Naresh Agnihotri (excise), Neelkanth Tiwari (tourism and culture, independent charge), Satish Dwivedi (basic education), Anil Sharma (forest, environment), Chandrika Prasad Upadhyay (public works), and Anand Swaroop Shukla (rural development).

None of them is considered close to CM Yogi Adityanath.

It is true that a section of Brahmins feels that they are ignored in this regime, particularly the section of Brahmins who understand politics well, said a BJP MLA on the condition of anonymity.

They are looking for better options; we have to try hard to stop them. I hope the party will make efforts for it and keep this in mind while doing ticket distribution. If Brahmin votes split, it would not be easy to win with such a big majority again.

Also read: Why Priyanka Gandhi is meeting SP workers, & what it could mean for Congress ahead of 2022 polls

The opposition is looking to exploit the Brahmin anger at the ruling BJP. The parties have continuously attempted to portray the Yogi government as being anti-Brahmin.

BSP chief Mayawati recently attacked the ruling BJP on the issue, accusing it of harassing and exploiting the community after winning the 2017 assembly polls with the help of their votes.

The BJP formed the government with the support of the Brahmins but instead of working for the welfare of the community, it has committed atrocities on them, she said. They are being harassed and exploited and are repenting their support to the BJP. Thats why the BSP is now going to do sammelans to awaken the Brahmin community once again.

Samajwadi Party MLA Manoj Pandey told ThePrint that under the Yogi government, Brahmins have also not had adequate representation.

In this regime, Brahmins have faced a lot of atrocities. No major political representation, murders and encounters. A larger section of Brahmins will vote for the Samajwadi Party, he claimed.

We are going to hold prabudh jan sammelans, starting with Ballia on 23 August. We will organise this in other districts also. This is not the first time that we are doing such sammelans. I myself have been organising them since 1997.

Senior Congress senior Pramod Tiwari accused the other parties of mere tokenism towards Brahmins.

What did the BJP do for Brahmins? What has even the BSP done? Have they appointed a Brahmin CM until now? he asked. It is the only the Congress party that has given six Brahmin chief ministers, including Kamalapati Tripathi and N.D. Tiwari.

Sources in the UP Congress told ThePrint that the party may soon announce a Brahmin face as the head of its campaign committee for the assembly polls.

Countering the oppositions narrative, UP BJP spokesperson Rakesh Tripathi told ThePrint that the SP and BSP are both caste-based parties.

They always do caste and appeasement politics. BJP does politics of development, he said. The people of Uttar Pradesh, especially the Brahmin community, which is an enlightened one, is not going to fall for the politics of caste and will go with the development and future of the state. No community will not fall into the trap of opposition this time.

In UP, Brahmins constitute between 10-12 per cent of the states population and in several assembly segments, make up more than 20 per cent of the vote share.

Several UP-based Brahmin organisations claim that if one adds Tyagis and Bhumihars, then the Brahmin population in the state rises even further.

Aseem Pandey, president of the Akhil Bhartiya Brahmin Sangathan Mahasangh, told ThePrint that Brahmins are above 13 per cent in the state and are the most influential single caste.

Brahmins satta banata hai, giraata hai UP mein. Ye chunavi ithihas raha hai UP ka (Brahmins bring people to power in UP. They also take that power away. This has been the political history of the state), he said.

Various studies conducted by the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) suggest that in the 2017 assembly polls, it was the Brahmin vote that played a key role in BJPs victory.

According to CSDS, in the previous assembly elections of 2007 and 2012, 40 and 38 per cent Brahmins voted for the BJP respectively.But in 2017, 80 per cent of the communitys votes went to the party.

These studies also suggest that when the SP and BSP joined hands in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, it was the Brahmin vote-bank that worked for the BJP. The party had won 62 of the 70 seats.

Despite the disquiet, Prof. Ashutosh Mishra (retd) said the opposition will find it difficult to wean away Brahmins from the BJP.

Brahmins are an important vote-bank in the state but for them, Hindutva factors matter most in this Modi-Yogi era, Mishra said. In fact, not only Brahmins but all upper castes are still with the BJP. Yes, there is anger regarding Covid mismanagement but they have not got any other political alternatives.

(Edited by Arun Prashanth)

Also read:UP 2022 in focus, Bhim Armys Aazad is cycling across state to unite exploited, expand base

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The decision to grant Israel observer status was even more shocking in a year in which the oppressed people of Palestine were hounded by destructive bombardments and continued illegal settlements of the land, the SA government said on Wednesday.

The department of international relations & cooperation (Dirco) issued a statement condemning the decision of the African Union (AU) Commission to grant Israel observer status.

The government of SA is appalled at the unjust and unwarranted decision of the AU Commission to grant Israel observer status in the AU. The commission has taken this decision unilaterally without consultations with its members, said Dirco spokesperson Clayson Monyela.

Israel obtained observer status, which it had been demanding for years, last Thursday.

Israel, which maintains relations with 46 African countries, previously had observer status within the Organisation of African Unity until it was disbanded in 2002 and replaced by the AU.

The AU strenuously objected to the deaths of Palestinians and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. The decision by the AU Commission in this context is inexplicable. The unjust actions committed by Israel offend the letter and spirit of the charter of the AU, Monyela said.

The AU embodies the aspirations of all Africans and reflects their confidence that it can lead the continent through the practical expression of the goals of the charter, especially on issues relating to self-determination and decolonisation. Israel continues to illegally occupy Palestine in complete defiance of its international obligations and relevant UN resolutions.

It is therefore incomprehensible that the AU Commission chooses to reward Israel at a time when its oppression of Palestinians has been demonstrably more brutal, said Monyela.

He said the SA government will ask the chairperson of the commission to provide a briefing to all member states on the decision, which we hope will be discussed by the executive council and the assembly of heads of states and government.

SA firmly believes that as long as Israel is not willing to negotiate a peace plan without preconditions it should not have observer status in the AU. The AU cannot be a party in any way to plans and actions that would see the ideal of Palestinian statehood reduced into balkanised entities devoid of true sovereignty, without territorial contiguity and with no economic viability, said Monyela.

TimesLIVE

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SA government appalled by decision to give Israel observer status at AU - TimesLIVE

28 July 2021

Sam Tarry - MP for Ilford South

Sam Tarry, Labour MP for Ilford South released a video statement commemorating the 'Black July pogrom', highlighting how the pogrom led to a 'brutal war of oppression' being waged by the Sri Lankan government which led to 'many being murdered' by state forces.

The shadow ministerwent on to reflect on the current situation in Sri Lanka and the difficulties Tamil people still face within the island.

"Black July is a time in which we reflect on thesituation now in Sri Lanka, and the difficulties that Tamil people around the world still face, and theirfight for justice and theirfight for self-determination in their own homeland"

Drawing on experiences of his own Tamil constituents in Ilford South, He noted how it was 'difficult to stomach' seeing people who had been the 'main architects of genocide now in senior positions within the Sri Lankan government'. He went on to note thatMagnitsky sanctions should be brought against individuals and people in the Sri Lankan government who have been found guilty of these crimes.

He concluded his statement by noting that if peace is to be found across the island justice must be served to the Tamil people.

Sri Lanka is one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a journalist. Tamil journalists are particularly at threat, with at least 41 media workers known to have been killed by the Sri Lankan state or its paramilitaries during and after the armed conflict.

Despite the risks, our team on the ground remain committed to providing detailed and accurate reporting of developments in the Tamil homeland, across the island and around the world, as well as providing expert analysis and insight from the Tamil point of view

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British MP commemorates 'Black July' calling for sanctions to be imposed on 'architects of genocide' - Tamil Guardian

The Washington Post, a newspaper wholly owned by multi-billionaire Jeff Bezos, has begun a steady drumbeat for yet another US military intervention in the Caribbean island nation of Haiti on the pretext of rescuing its impoverished population from anarchy following the July 7 assassination of autocratic president, Jovenel Mose.

Titled Haiti needs elections and outside forces to make them safe a Post editorial published Tuesday insists that without outside intervention, The countrys profound problems poverty, corruption, impunity, institutional dysfunction, insecurity would likely become more entrenched.

There is no way for Haiti to pull itself out of the current morass without elections that would certify and legitimize a new government and legislature, the editorial continues. That requires at least a short-term international intervention.

The paper notes that the Biden administration is pressing for elections scheduled for September to go forward and that the countrys new prime minister, Ariel Henry, a longtime stooge of Washington who was installed on July 20 as a result of a direct intervention by the State Department, has pledged to deliver.

For an election to go forward, the Post editorial concludes, Boots on the ground will be necessary.

This hackneyed phrase, boots on the ground has a long and ugly record, which in the context of Haitis history smacks of a criminal drive to revive colonialism.

Haiti had American boots on the ground for three decades following the last assassination of a Haitian president, Jean Vilbrun Guillaume, who was killed by his political opponents in 1915. Then US President Woodrow Wilson sent in the Marines on precisely the same pretext that their presence was required to suppress anarchy. The real US motives were to thwart German influence in the country and ensure that its cheap labor and raw materials were placed at the disposal of US companies for exploitation.

The Marines seized Haitis treasury and customs house, while occupying the countrys parliament to ensure that a US-selected candidate was installed as president. Washington also forced through changes in the Haitian constitution, including a provision allowing foreigners to own land for the first time since the Haitian revolutions final victory in 1804.

Foreword to the German edition of David Norths Quarter Century of War

Johannes Stern, 5 October 2020

After three decades of US-led wars, the outbreak of a third world war, which would be fought with nuclear weapons, is an imminent and concrete danger.

The US occupiers ended up killing an estimated 15,000 Haitians, while the Marines suffered just 16 fatalities.

Their one-sided war against the cacos, a peasant-based nationalist rebel movement led by former Haitian army officer Charlemagne Peralte, employed all of the bloody methods of counter-insurgency warfare that would later be employed in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq. This included the first ever aerial bombardment of civilian populations, burning villages, forcing people off their land and herding them into concentration and forced labor camps, killing women and children on the grounds of being auxiliaries of the rebels and the systematic torture and summary execution of prisoners.

Among them was the caco leader Peralte. After killing him, the Marines photographed his body tied to a door and circulated copies of it among the population to convince Haitians not to resist. The image, which resembled a crucifixion, had the opposite effect, stoking popular hatred of the occupiers and turning Peralte into a martyr.

Reflecting on his military actions in Haiti and elsewhere in an essay published by the socialist magazine Common Sense, Marine commander Smedley Butler wrote, I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer; a gangster for capitalism. His mission in Haiti, he said, was to create a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in.

Butlers most lasting contribution to Haiti was the creation of the Garde d'Hati, a collaborationist military force that provided the nucleus for the Haitian army, which dominated the political life of the country after the US withdrew its forces in 1934.

Military rule set the stage for the assumption of power by Franois Duvalier in 1957, inaugurating a dynastic dictatorship that would oppress the Haitian population for another three decades, employing horrific violence through its secret police, the tonton macoutes. The regime headed by Franois Papa Doc Duvalier and then his son, Jean-Claude Baby Doc Duvalier, was backed by successive US governments as a pillar of anti-communism until 1986, when a mass rebellion forced Baby Doc to flee the country aboard a US Air Force plane.

Since then, Washington has intervened in the country repeatedly to impose its neo-colonial domination and install corrupt puppets in the presidential palace. It engineered two coups, in 1991 and 2004, to overthrow elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a former priest, whose association with the mass protest movement that toppled Duvalier and his left nationalist rhetoric won him a following among the countrys impoverished masses and unconcealed hatred within powerful US foreign policy circles.

US troops intervened in Haiti in 1994, 2004 and 2010. After the 2004 intervention, which overthrew Aristide and bundled him off to Africa on a US military jet, US troops were succeeded by a United Nations peace-keeping force known as MINUSTAH, which was commanded by Brazilian generals and served to quell popular unrest in the shantytowns of Port-au-Prince and prevent the resurgence of any rebellion from below. The UN force remained in Haiti until 2017, leaving behind a cholera epidemic that spread from foreign troops to the population, killing an estimated 10,000 Haitians.

The present political crisis in Haiti is made in the USA. Corrupt and right-wing governments have been installed through direct US interference in the countrys political life. In 2011, there was the installation of the former singer and associate of the ex-Duvalierists, Michel Sweet Micky Martelly, a favorite of Hillary Clinton, and then that of his hand-picked successor, the recently assassinated Jovenel Mose.

Both presided over governments committed to the interests of foreign capital and the venal Haitian bourgeoisie, while ruthlessly suppressing mass protests and operating a web of corruption that siphoned off billions of dollars in government funds. Mose maintained US support, including from the Biden administration, until his death, even as he gutted the countrys legislature, judiciary and local governments, ruling by decree.

The evidence that has emerged thus far in the Mose assassination is covered in Washingtons fingerprints. The Colombian mercenaries alleged to have carried out the killing were from an elite US-trained special forces unit. A Haitian accused of working with the mercenaries was a key Haitian asset of the DEA and FBI. And the US-based security contractor who is accused of recruiting the Colombians and arranging their flights to Haiti is well known in south Florida political circles and played a role in the CIA-orchestrated provocations against Venezuela on the Colombian border.

Given this history, the obvious question arises: how is another US intervention going to save Haiti? Its present crisis and the oppression of a population in which 70 percent of Haitians live on less than $2 a day, two-thirds lack adequate access to water and sanitation and half are undernourished is a direct product of a century of US imperialist interventions.

Of course, the Washington Post has a long and sordid record of promoting US boots on the ground. Over the course of the last three decades, it has promoted one intervention and war after the other, from the first Persian Gulf War and the intervention in former Yugoslavia, to the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. In 2003, it denounced obstructionist diplomats and antiwar demonstrators for failing to recognize that Iraqis were greeting the Marines as liberators.

In 2013, it derided the Obama administration for failing to put US boots on the ground in Syria to secure the victory of the CIA-backed and Al Qaeda-linked militias in the war for regime change against the government of Bashar al-Assad.

There is no doubt that the Post, in its promotion of American militarism across the globe, serves as a mouthpiece for powerful sections of the US ruling establishment and its military and intelligence apparatus.

If the intervention that the Post is advocating in Haiti is realized, it will unleash another crime against the Haitian people. Its motivation will be not the promotion of democracy or the security of the population. Rather it will constitute an assertion of US imperialist hegemony in the Caribbean, under conditions in which it is being challenged in its own backyard by the rising economic influence of China, as well as an attempt by the Biden administration to preempt any surge of Haitian migrants to the US.

The working class in the United States must oppose any US or US-orchestrated military intervention in Haiti. The task of liberating the Haitian people from the anarchy produced by imperialist oppression is that of the Haitian working class and oppressed masses, not the militarists and coup mongers whose views are expressed in the Washington Post.

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Washington Post demands boots on the ground in Haiti - WSWS

This piece is a response to the article Ethiopia: Victory for the Oromo will come from winning hearts and minds, not terrorising people that was written by Nagesso Dube.

Nagesso a staunch supporter of the current Ethiopian government claims that theOromoLiberation Army (OLAs) operations are terrorising communities (which we will discuss in more detail later).

I was one of the pioneers in introducing nonviolence to the Qeerroo movement and leading its successful nonviolence campaign that ousted the TPLF, he says. Without suggesting it directly to support his attempts at providing an objective analysis, by positioning himself as an advocate of peace, and with his proximity to the government, Nagesso is effectively describing the methodology of the governing Prosperity Party (led PM Abiy Ahmed) as one focused on winning minds and hearts, not terrorising people.

But Nagesso supports a party that has incited and led campaigns of mass arrest, extrajudicial killings, political repression and genocidal rampages in many regions of Ethiopia. I am not sure how these tactics win hearts and minds; in fact, they sound a lot like the characteristics of terrorism.

The ranks of the OLA are not filling up today because of the TPLF, they are filling up because Oromia is a war zone under the administration of the Prosperity Party.

In the first paragraph of the articled that was published on 18 June, Negasso says: The terrorism of theOromoLiberation Army (OLA) is not advancingOromointerests. Nonviolence succeeds more often than violence in securing political power. Its adherents are sometimes killed and hurt. But the number of casualties is less than those in war, and the political gains from nonviolence tend to be more durable.

Nagesso has unequivocally equated the operations of the OLA to terrorism. The definition of the word terrorism is the unlawful use of violence and intimidation, especially against civilians, in the pursuit of political aims.

Armed struggle against a nation or state is not, by default, considered terrorism under international law, even if the given nation or state that the struggle is taken up against, labels the said armed operation as terrorist activity. So, the fact that the OLA engages in an armed struggle cannot, in and of itself, constitute them as a terrorist organisation.

And as Nagessa says, Jaal Marroo denied committing atrocities against civilians in a 29 March 2021 interview titled Is Ethiopia hurtling towards all-out ethnic conflict? What Negesso leaves out here is that in that interview, as well as a number of press statements, the OLA has made it clear that they are ready and willing to accept independent investigations into all the accusations made against the organisation.

If the OLA were indeed committing the war crimes that Nagesso and others claim that they are, why would they invite on numerous occasions fact-finding missions to affirm these allegations? It is also worth noting that the Ethiopian government has not demonstrated an interest in having independent investigations conducted in Oromia.

Rather than a focus on an independent investigation as the only way to corroborate or falsify both the OLAs and GVTs claims, Nagesso appointed himself the authority over objective truth and dissemination of correct information regarding the OLAs operations, saying: My aim is to expose unlawful killings of unarmed civilians who are not police, soldiers, or militia.

An independent investigation is also critical because the OLA has, on more than one occasion, accused the Ethiopian government of staging attacks on civilians, particularly against the minority Amhara group in Oromia, to discredit the OLAs operations and delegitimize their cause in the eyes of the local and international community.

In the context of such serious accusations, Nagesso, especially considering his proximity to the government, cannot be considered a source of unbiased or credible information. Nagesso says: OLA does apparently target civilian government employees to instill fear in the public. Their intent is evidently to weaken the government by dismantling its structure.

What Negasso does is point to the intrinsic values and codes of conduct of the people, as the cause of this infatuation with arms, rather than identify why armed resistances have permeated every chapter of Ethiopias existence.

The last sentence is spot on and a classical approach of any armed guerrilla movement. However, Negessos analysis that the targeting of government employees is to instill fear in the public is not accurate. As a determining force in the political future of Oromia, it is important that the local and international community are not misled in their attempts to understand the mission, code of conduct and operations of the OLA.

Government employees at kebele levels have, now and in the past, been responsible for the torture, execution and arrest ofOromopeople living in their region.

Nagesso claims that Liban Halake, a kebele chairman from Borana zone Dhas woreda, Gorile kebele was assassinated by OLA and that the OLA killed Mr. Waaqgaarii Qajeelaa, the head of transportation for West Wollega zone, along with five other government officials. The OLA have not officially claimed responsibility for these killings, but assuming that they have, what was the role of these individuals in the war that the OLA are fighting?

Under Abiys regime, Waaqgarii worked as the leader of the security branch in Western Wallaga, an area where all government security apparatus are engaged in daily arrests, killings and torture of civilians. At the time of his assassination, Waaqgaarii was travelling with armed security forces. Liban Halake was widely known for his participation in hunting down OLA supporters and soldiers in the Borana area and for his ruthlessness when he detained them.

The principle of distinction in international humanitarian law requires that warring parties make a distinction between military and civilian targets. The state officials that the OLA targets are direct facilitators of the war crimes that the Ethiopian government commits against theOromopeople. If OLA was responsible for these two assassinations, then they cannot be considered to be individuals disengaged from the war that the OLA is fighting.

Nagesso also claims that the OLA violates the fundamental principles and laws of Gadaa and Safuu (moral and ethical order) as enshrined in gadaa commandments that anOromodoesnt kill anotherOromo. This principle stands, but in this context, it doesnt exist in isolation from the other tenants of Safuu and Gadaa.

It is also important to closely deconstruct the political make-up of the OLA andOromoLiberation Front (OLF) that Nagesso has offered in his piece because it is inaccurate.

Ever since the cogs of Ethiopias conquest project began turning,Oromoindividuals have accepted to participate in the oppression of their people in gruesome and barbaric ways. This has created one of the most complicated dynamics in theOromoliberation struggle.

In this context, there are two laws of Safuu that intersect with the law prohibiting anOromoto kill anotherOromo, which in turn, creates the moral ground for OLAs operations. According to the law of Gumaa, if injustice is perpetrated upon you, you must outline the terms upon which that injustice must be rectified, be it involving financial or other compensation. Gumaan yo hin baane, or, if the price for the injustice has not been honored, the law states the one harmed has the right to administer their own justice.

The second law is Mirga Itisa, the right to self-defense. In a context whereOromoindividuals are at the helm of the violence against theOromomass, and in a historical context where not a single, fruitful effort to administer transformative justice has been achieved or Gumaa paid, we cannot consider the law of not killing anOromoin isolation, in a war context.

It is also key to note the grading system that the OLA uses when applying IHL of distinction toOromopeople. If a person is engaged in activities that support the OLAs opponent but they are doing it out of fear for their life/under coercion and/or are doing so to provide for or protect their families, they are not considered a target.

It is only in the case where an Oromo is engaged in supporting the government out of the desire to attain wealth, power, notoriety or, just enjoy oppressing others, that they are considered a target. Nagesso also makes a probing analysis of the celebration and normalisation of violence in Ethiopian political life, and I share his analysis; never has power changed hands in Ethiopia without violence.

Even the recent pseudo elections led by the Prosperity Party were held against the backdrop of conflicts across the country, including targeted arrests and killings to silence dissidents who were opposing and disrupting preparations for the sham vote.

It is important that the local and international community are not misled in their attempts to understand the mission, code of conduct and operations of the OLA.

But what Negasso does is essentially point to the intrinsic values and codes of conduct of the people, as the cause of this infatuation with arms, rather than identify why armed resistances have permeated every chapter of Ethiopias existence.

I cant speak for any other people in Ethiopia because I am not acquainted with their indigenous world views and value systems, but I know that there is nothing that theOromomoral code of Safuu and its instituting system of the Gadaa values more than peace.

For example, even if theOromoare warring with you for a decade, if the enemy party proposes peace talks and theOromoaccept, bound by Safuu, they cannot arrive at the negotiating venue armed, despite the risks of ambush.

During the expansion of Menelik II to Oromia, Meneliks efforts to defeat Abishe Gerba (ruler of Horo Guduru, Wallaga) were challenged by another expansionist, Tekla Haimanot of Gojam. With a cavalry of 400, Tekla knew he would not be able to beat Abishe in war, so offered a peace deal, which Abishe was bound to accept by Safuu and entered the place of negotiation in Gojam, unarmed and without his horse. The cavalry was massacred, their horses mutilated and Abishe captured and killed in a gruesome way.

It was not Abishes belief that there was no danger in attending such an arrangement unarmed that left him vulnerable, but his commitment to the tenets of Safuu or ethics. Moreover, using song and geerarsa (a form of poetry) to remember martyrs and celebrate victories in war is an age-old tradition; but this a lot to do with the fact that theOromoare a people who have, until recently, relied solely on oral transmission to collect and preserve memory.

A love for violence is not intrinsic to theOromoworldview, but the reality of armed resistance has found its way into representation via cultural expressions like song and poetry, because of the century-long continuum upon which theOromohave been fighting the Ethiopian empire and because all aspects of life, be it birth, friendship or war, are expressed and commemorated through song, poetry and proverbs.

There is also something to be said about how the human temperament responds to experiences that naturally evoke feelings of despair and loss. Giving up relationships, ones aspirations for life, and more to join an armed struggle, has the potential to cause feelings of hopelessness; so people actively find ways to inject joy and hope into those conditions, to empower and dignify one another as shaper of their fates, and not merely as subjects of it.

Under the subheading justifying violence, Negasso states that OLA leaders justify their violence by citing the Ethiopian government human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings and arbitrary detentions of civilians during its military operations against OLA.

Subsequently, he states: The TPLF intentionally stoked or fabricated ethnic tensions and fear as a strategy for control. Now, through exaggeration of genuine grievances or cherry-picking facts, other contenders for power have borrowed the same trick for their own aggrandisement.

The ranks of the OLA are not filling up today because of the TPLF, they are filling up because Oromia is a war zone under the administration of the Prosperity Party.

Negassos attempt at using the TPLFs previous domination of the central government as a scapegoat for the fact that the OLA are responding to systemic and enduring state violence that is being directly perpetuated by the current Ethiopian government is sloppy.

It is also important to closely deconstruct the political make-up of the OLA andOromoLiberation Front (OLF) that Nagesso has offered in his piece because it is inaccurate.

The OLA is not an offshoot of the much older OLF. It is the institution that, until very recently, served as the military wing of the OLF. In fact,Oromos organised themselves for armed resistance before deciding to formally instate the OLF as a political and military front. Even though it was not called the OLA, the armed movement of the OLF, technically, came first.

Nagesso conclusively states that the OLA rejected the peace agreement, whilst in the previous paragraph, tries to make a distinction between the OLA and those that were disarmed.

They were the same unit. Some disarmed, and some did not, but they were not two different organised groups. Those that didnt disarm did not do so because they were skeptical, and rightfully so; as only months after the so-called peace deal, those that disarmed, and new members, began flocking back to OLA grounds after witnessing that the peace deal was a sham. Nagesso also states that it is an open secret that OLA acts as the armed wing of the OLF, further befuddling his already convoluted points.

The OLA was the armed wing of the OLF; that was not a secret. The OLA has not attempted to reform its political identity to separate it from the OLF at a public level; but they are not collaborators in armed struggle as they once were, that is certain.

Both the OLA and OLF still struggle for theOromonations right to determine its destiny. The OLA do this via armed struggle not because they love war, but because they see no room for a peaceful political resolution. On the other hand, the OLF have decided to struggle via a peaceful political process.

Nagessos article, which is an attempt to frame the OLA as a terrorist organisation, is full of disinformation, half-truths as well as uninformed and deliberately confusing arguments.

As a determining force in the political future of Oromia, it is important that the local and international community are not misled in their attempts to understand the mission, code of conduct and operations of the OLA.

See the rest here:

Ethiopia: The Oromo Liberation Army is not a terrorist organisation - The Africa Report