Category Archives: Government Oppression

After 20 years of conflict, the Taliban finally seized power in Afghanistan. Notorious for their suppression of womens rights, concerns regarding the safety of women in Talibans Afghanistan are being voiced globally. However, the outcry by feminists from all over the world is being overshadowed by one voice: that of the west, particularly America. A dangerous landslide to imperialist rhetoric seems inevitable as the deteriorating womens conditions are made to seem inseparable from, and by extension a consequence of, the US withdrawal from Kabul.

A CNN op-ed titled America has Abandoned the Women of Afghanistan reads but one thing is different now: Afghanistans women tasted freedom in the last 20 years, and took it upon themselves to rebuild their country. While the article does point out frequent US co-opting of a feminist agenda, it still firmly believes that American presence helped the condition of women in Afghanistan, reflecting the popularly held view of the West. It is thus quick to allocatethe role of a saviour to the American government and people. The American government is, thus, assigned the responsibility to liberate Afghanistans women and rescue them from the Taliban. This is a confusing yet dangerous argument.

A CNN op-ed titled America has Abandoned the Women of Afghanistan asserts that American presence helped the condition of women in Afghanistan, reflecting the popularly held view of the West. It is thus quick to allocatethe role of a saviour to the American government and people.

Amongst a multitude of other factors, this argument arises because feminism is generally considered a product of the Western legacy. In that narrative, third world feminisms then become a mere imitation of the West. And when these various types of feminisms try to diverge from western feminism, they struggle to find legitimacy. An unspoken rule is formed- it is not the East that decides the characteristics and norms of feminism, but the West. The western woman becomes the primary unit of analysis, whos experiences dictate the courses of feminism.

This is evident in how ideas conceived in the West are transported to the non-West without any alterations to suit the conditions of these new locations. Liberal feminism, inexorably married to consumerism and individualised ideas of empowerment, is a great exhibition of this export.

The division of the world into spatial dichotomies of the West and the East, of the Global North and the Global South, of the First World and the Third world are more than linguistic categorisations of convenience. They arise from a culture of knowledge production that understands the West as what its not- the East, the Other. The West is synonymous with human rights, democracy, freedom, feminism, and every quality a nation-state must aspire to be. The East, on the other hand, is underdeveloped, poverty stricken, authoritarian, and violent. It then becomes the mission of the West to transport its good western values onto the nations and states of the east. It must civilise the East, also known commonly as the white mans burden.

This has two direct consequences. Firstly, this civilising mission has been used to colonise territories in the Global South for centuries. In contemporary times, this manifests itself through a facade of human rights or democracy and often leads to neo-imperialism. Secondly, by associating values such as womens rights intrinsically to the West, we create for ourselves an inescapable cycle wherein to implement these values we must adhere to the western model of the world.

Also read: Building Transnational Solidarities: How Can Local Feminists Get Involved In Global Politics

There are two main schools of feminism that deal with this issue: Third World Feminism and Transnational Feminism.

Chandra Talpade Mohanty popularised third world feminism in her work Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. She employs a powerful critique of western feminism and white feminism and their mischaracterization of Third World womens oppression as just a worse version of their own oppression: By subscribing to the cultural imperialist conception of Third World cultures as hopelessly backward and patriarchal, white feminists view Third World womens oppression as simply worse than that of white women in the West.

It is true that gender as a category to understand oppression of women is imperative. But in a gendered bodys interaction with its social world, new systems of oppression are often realised. Yet when the complexities of a Third World womans oppression is viewed through the lens of a western womans experience, her oppression is measured solely in comparison to that of the western womans. The role of the nation as the location and historical context to understand and analyse a third world womans experience to arrive at new and fresh paradigms is thus an important part of third world feminism.

Third World feminism has been located in several revolutionary nationalist struggles against colonial or imperial powers. Anti-imperialism is one of the core features of Third World feminism. This has often led to the criticism that women are compelled to overlook their gender-based oppression to first confront oppression in other arenas. The employment of the term Third World has also amassed criticism. Mohanty herself recognises the dangers of institutionalising terms such as the West and the Third World.

Transnational feminism, on the contrary, gained popularity as a restriction to national territory, like Third World feminism promoted, prevented a comparative, relational feminist praxis that is transnational in its response to and engagement with global processes of colonization. In their introduction to Scattered Hegemonies, Grewal and Kaplan set the foundations of transnational feminism. But much like Third World feminism, this is also fueled by the belief that understanding oppression solely through gender unnecessarily homogenises the diverse experiences of women throughout the globe.

Yet transnational feminism does what Third World feminism falls short of; it connects the historicized particularities of women of the global south to international economic hegemonies. Transnational feminists attempt to understand the material conditions that sculpt womens lives globally, and consequently offer a critique of economic models of neoliberalism and cultural hegemonies. Transnational feminists are engaged in a comparative understanding of different kinds of patriarchies and assembling coalitions and transnational solidarities.

Transnational feminists identify neoliberal economic hegemony as a threat to the women of the third world. The deregulation of trade and finance, along with the setting up of institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and the advancement of multinational corporations has a dangerous effect on women. Labour exploitation and poverty are direct consequences of a neoliberal world order.

Transnational feminists identify neoliberal economic hegemony as a threat to the women of the third world. The deregulation of trade and finance, along with the setting up of institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and the advancement of multinational corporations has a dangerous effect on women. Labour exploitation and poverty are direct consequences of a neoliberal world order.

Also read: Can Local Feminist Agencies Hold International Financial Institutions Accountable?

Transnational feminism then seeks to form solidarity amongst women living under diverse patriarchies united under the global system of economic exploitation. It doesnt reject third world feminism but provides it with its next logical extension.

Moving away from the West as the location for feminist knowledge formation as well as activism is an essential part of decolonising feminism. When we stop informing our worldview in compliance with the Wests, we discover a worldview that suits our needs the best; that fights for our needs the best.

This is an indispensable part in the process of liberation of women of the East, the Global South and the Third World.

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Afghan Women, The US Saviour Complex & The Need For Transnational Feminism - Feminism in India

In the movie Goldfinger, the title character feeds James Bond into a machine designed to cut him in half. Nervously, the British agent asks Goldfinger if he is expected to talk. Cheerfully, the arch-villain responds No, Mr. Bond, I expect you to die!

Increasingly, that seems to be the message this country is sending to the thousands of courageous women who answered our call to help build a more modern, inclusive, democratic Afghanistan. We demand that they leave the gates of the Kabul airport because of the likelihoodof a terrorist attack,like the explosion this morning, which ordinarily makes sense but in this instance, without an alternative plan, we are just shunting people away from possible death at the hands of terrorists into certain persecution at the hands of the Taliban.

And all the while, we rigidly insist on keeping to an arbitrary Aug. 31 withdrawal deadline. We have allowed the Taliban run out the clock on our evacuation efforts and on tens of thousands of our loyal allies lives by obstructing access to the airport and now allowing their terrorist allies to threaten the desperate people trying to leave.

Vague suggestions that the women who trusted us should try to escape over Afghanistans land borders are deeply disingenuous. The countrys transportation infrastructure is in tatters; there are roving bands of Taliban enforcers looking for those who cooperated with the West; the Taliban prohibit women from traveling outside their homes without male relatives; and even if they made it to a border, the womens reception in many of those neighboring countries would be uncertain at best.

If we do not evacuate these brave women, they will be sitting ducks for the Taliban.

Our involvement in Afghanistan deteriorated very slowly, even imperceptibly to the vast majority of the public. It just took a few compromises with warlords, a couple of suspect elections left uncorrected, some wedding parties bombed based on faulty intelligence, and the steady grind of corruption starving the Afghan forces of weapons, ammunition, and food. The rot set in, the hope drained away, and a country that had proudly thrown off the Taliban was subjugated to them once again.

And early reports from the Talibans rule are chilling.

Because the United States, under at least four administrations, failed to check the slide while things were moving slowly, any chance of ameliorating the harm depends on us moving very, very fast. Ordinarily, the process of admitting refugees fleeing foreign oppression is a ponderous one, involving months or years of uncertainty. These delays are regrettable in the best of times. Under current circumstances, however, delay is demonstrably lethal.

Countless critics lament the Biden administrations failure to make more progress in extracting vulnerable people from Afghanistan before the government collapsed, but that cannot be changed now.

What can and must be changed is the ponderous bureaucratic process standing between the brave women of Afghanistan and the opportunity to be evacuated before the Taliban overrun Kabuls airport. In most cases, time will not allow them to be certified as formal refugees. The Immigration and Nationality Act, however, provides a safety valve for just this sort of situation. The Department of Homeland Security may admit people temporarily to this country under a process known as parole.

Congress established immigration parole for precisely this kind of emergency.

We granted parole to people fleeing the Soviet crackdown on the Hungarian and Polish democracy movements, to Cubans and Nicaraguans fleeing Castro and the Sandinistas, to Chinese people escaping Mao, and to those able to escape the Communist regimes in Southeast Asia after our withdrawal there. Women facing Taliban oppression are fitting successors to these prior groups, who contributed immeasurably to our economy, our culture, and our appreciation of freedom.

Parole may be conditioned in any manner the authorities choose. For example, parole can be granted for a short period, with renewals dependent upon the parolee finding employment or sponsorship in this country. Once the dust clears, many parolees likely will move on to third countries. Others eventually will prove that they meet the stringent criteria for obtaining permanent residency on that basis. But in the current emergency, there is no time to negotiate with other countries about these womens long-term destinations. If we do not get them out of Afghanistan within the next few days, many will die and others will be locked away in their homes, cut off from the rest of the world.

Even if paroled Afghan women were all to stay which they will not we certainly would have no trouble absorbing them. Historically, this country has opened its doors to between 80,000 and 100,000 refugees per year. The Trump administration slashed refugee admissions to the lowest levels on record. Although President BidenJoe BidenUS tells Americans to leave Kabul airport 'immediately,' citing 'credible' threat Britain, France to propose Kabul safe zone for people trying to flee Afghanistan Pollsters confront tough survey landscape after 2020 flubs MORE has modestly raised the refugee admissions quota, it remains far below previous levels and he has conceded that actual admissions will fall far short of that cap.

This emergency is great, but so are the opportunities that these womens talents present to countries taking them in. For 20 years, women and girls who had been systematically barred from schools were offered an education and a chance to make places for themselves in broader society. Their accomplishments in numerous fields are staggering. The all-girl Afghan Robotics Team is just the most prominent example of their achievements in technology. Others have become dauntless champions of human rights and social development. Women fought their way from complete exclusion to holding 27 percent of the seats in the Afghan parliament a higher fraction than in the U.S. Still others are courageous journalists repeatedly breaking stories their male colleagues fear to touch. These are precisely the women the Taliban sees as a threat and is hunting down and killing.

Once the Taliban has consolidated its rule, these women will have little chance to escape. If we do not help them leave now, they never will.

The U.S. military has dramatically increased its airlift capacity. Without parole into this country, however, these women will be unable even to enter the airport, much less board the planes. Bold action is needed from Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro MayorkasAlejandro MayorkasDemocratic lawmakers urge DHS to let Afghans stay in US Save the brave women of Afghanistan Major tech groups commit to array of cybersecurity actions following White House meeting MORE without delay.

For everything we did wrong in Afghanistan, our advocacy of self-determination for women and girls was something we did emphatically right.

The women we enabled to get an education and enter a profession are keenly aware of this countrys role in their liberation. A documentary celebrating a program teaching Afghan girls to skateboard won an Oscar last year. Now the women responsible are reportedly Taliban targets.

We would be hard-pressed to find more grateful and enthusiastic supporters of this country. At a time when political divisions and cynicism is sapping patriotism here, we all could benefit from the presence of these women and their heartfelt appreciation of what a force for good this country can be.

David A. Super is a professor of law at Georgetown Law. He also served for several years as the general counsel for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Follow him on Twitter@DavidASuper1

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Save the brave women of Afghanistan | TheHill - The Hill

Last weekend, 24 Palestinian activists demanding accountability for the death of fellow campaigner Nizar Banat were arrested, detained and brutally beaten in custody by members of the Palestinian Authority security services. The activists had gathered for a peaceful demonstration in the occupied West Bank city of Ramallah; the violent arrests occurred suddenly as they were about to launch a vigil in Manara Square. Two women were among those arrested.

The abuse was witnessed and condemned around the world, and the PA was the focus of a social media storm involving a number of progressive Democrats in the US. Known as "The Squad", they are famed for their highly critical stance on Israel, but nonetheless accused the PA of human rights abuses and authoritarianism. The PA attempted to justify the arrests by claiming that the demonstration was held without a permit.

"Shame on the Palestinian Authority," tweeted Congresswoman Cori Bush. "Suppressing dissent and criminalising protest only deepens the violence of Israel's apartheid system."

Palestinian American Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib addressed her anger to PA President Mahmoud Abbas directly. "Dear President Mahmoud Abbas This is NOT how you protect and serve the Palestinian people. Shame on you for suppressing Palestinian voices who are trying to seek liberation from not only the Israeli apartheid government, but [also] from your corrupt leadership."

Ilhan Omar, meanwhile, also spoke out against the PA. She demanded the immediate release of those who had been arrested.

Moreover, several more protesters stood outside the judicial headquarters on Sunday, as a hearing for those detained a day earlier was ongoing. They carried posters declaring that, "Together we will continue no oppression or arrest will terrorise us."

Following the social media outcry, the PA prosecution released most of the protesters the very next day, but eight of them were held in custody for another 48 hours. Those detained included prominent figures such as architect Khaldun Bishara, filmmaker Mohammad Al-Attar, human rights activist Fadi Quran, journalist Omar Nazzal, writer Zakaria Mohammed and two former political prisoners detained by Israel, Maher Al-Akhras and Khader Adnan.

Nizar Banat was a 43-year-old activist who was a stern critic of the PA and Abbas. His family has said that he was beaten as he was forced out of his home and has accused the PA of trying to cover up the details.

Since the protests over Banat's death began, the response of the PA security agencies has been extreme. Ironically, it has been very like that of the Israeli occupation forces.

Furious at the oppression suffered under PA detention, many of the detainees took to social media to share their experiences. "The detention conditions are humiliating and crowded," wrote Bishara on Facebook. "Even sheep couldn't stand it." He noted that several of the detainees went on hunger strike after a PA security officer insulted and physically assaulted Khader Adnan.

READ: Ilhan Omar backs $62bn bill that includes continued unconditional support for Israel

Israel kidnaps and arrests hundreds of Palestinians every year, including children. Grim footage emerged earlier this year showing 55 shackled Palestinian inmates being restrained as Israeli officers kicked and beat them in a Negev prison.

Furthermore, a 12-year-old Palestinian child was kidnapped by an undercover Israeli soldier last month from the occupied Jerusalem town of Issawiya. In May, 13-year-old Mohammed Saadi was kidnapped, blindfolded and threatened with a gun to his head by five Israeli soldiers in his hometown of Umm Al-Fahm. That is in Israel, not the occupied West Bank. Not even Israeli citizens are safe if they are Palestinians.

Despite Mahmoud Abbas criticising Israel repeatedly for its violations of international and humanitarian laws, the Palestinians are currently facing similar violence and oppression at the hands of the PA.

"It is clear that we live under a corrupt system that is waging war against anyone who criticises it," said Ammar Banat, a cousin of Nizar, in the New York Times. "Suffice to say that we are not only living under an Israeli occupation, but a Palestinian one too."

Palestine has already endured decades of Israeli occupation and oppression. The resultant obstacles have been and remain substantial. The Palestinian Authority is now another obstacle to overcome in the struggle for freedom.

READ: 145 Democrats urge the release of $75m in US aid to Gaza

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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The PA is an obstacle to freedom Middle East Monitor - Middle East Monitor

In a significant development, Tajikistan has drawn a clear red line on Taliban andthat Dushanbe will not recognise government formed through oppression. The point was made during Tajik President Emomali Rahmon andPakistan Foreign minister SM Qureshi's meeting.

The President said, "Tajikistan will not recognize any other government that is formed in this country through oppression, without taking into account the position of the entire Afghan people, especially all its minorities" and"stressed that Tajiks have a worthy place in the future government of Afghanistan", according to readout on state media Khovar.

During the meeting, the Tajik President pointed that "evidence clearly shows that the Taliban are abandoning their previous promises to form an interim government with the broad participation of other political forces in the country and are preparing to establish an Islamic emirate."

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The comments carry weight as Tajikistan shares land border with Afghanistan and is directly impacted by instability in the country. Tajiks are also one of the main ethnicities of Afghanistan, along with Pashtuns, Uzbeks, Hazaras.

"Strongly condemning all forms of lawlessness, murder, looting, and persecution of the Afghan people, especially Tajiks, Uzbeks, and other national minorities,"the President said. "It is necessary to establish an inclusive government with the participation of all national minorities, especially Tajiks in Afghanistan, who make up more than 46% of the population."

Tajikistan has been worried over the developments in Afghanistan, and this has been the main focus during various Shanghai Cooperation Organisation meetings it has hosted. It will host the SCO heads of level meeting next month as the chair of the grouping.

The president explained during the talks with Pakistan FM that, "dangerous situation that has developed in Afghanistan is not only the problem of the Afghan people, but also one of the most pressing regional and global issues" and "Talibans rise to power has further complicated the geopolitical process in the region."

He also warned that international community's "indifference to the current situation in Afghanistan could lead to a protracted civil war."

Originally posted here:

Tajikistan`s red line on Taliban: Will not recognise government formed through oppression - WION

The biggest question since the Taliban recaptured Kabul on August 15 has been whether the groups return to power means the same thing for Afghans that it did 25 years ago.

The last time the Taliban controlled all of Afghanistan, from 1996 to 2001, was marked by brutal oppression, particularly of minorities and women. Their proclivity for violence, which continued throughout their post-9/11 resurgence as an insurgent force, has resulted in civilian massacres, human trafficking, and an environment dictated by fear.

But since announcing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the groups leaders have downplayed that history, saying they have evolved with the times.

In the groups first press conference, Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid promised amnesty for Afghans, that women would have rights within Islamic law, and that the groups days of harboring terrorists are over. Mujahid has been astute about optics as well a TV interview with a Taliban official was anchored by a woman journalist.

So which version is more likely to be true? The Taliban government is still in its early days, but experts say there are several indicators that observers can look to the groups willingness to power-share in a government, proactiveness in distributing aid, and treatment of women to suss out how it might rule.

Right now its not just the Talibans history thats in direct contradiction to the moderation they are outwardly projecting, experts say. Its their current behaviors, too including violent crackdowns of protests and door-to-door manhunts for people on their blacklist.

Its a charm offensive on one side and a terrorist offensive on the other side, said Rina Amiri, a senior fellow at New York Universitys Center on International Cooperation.

When the Taliban took over Kabul in 1996, the citys infrastructure was battered and its population of several hundred thousand people, traumatized by a decade of civil war, had no expectation of government services or facilities. The Kabul of today, by contrast, has nearly 4.5 million people, who are used to being able to participate in democracy, demonstrate, receive schooling, access health care, and connect with the rest of the world. To be sure, over the past 20 years, the democratically elected government and the sectors of the economy flush with foreign aid experienced a lot of corruption. But the country did urbanize; the economy did grow.

While the Taliban have recent experience ruling mostly rural provinces, city governance is an entirely different task.

Only [having] experience in shooting guns is not going to work if you are expecting a peacetime environment where you are responsible to provide your people with public services in an orderly way, said Sher Jan Ahmadzai, the director of the Center for Afghanistan Studies at the University of Nebraska Omaha. And this is a challenge for the Taliban to lead.

So one of the first things experts are looking at is whether the Taliban can commit to working with former enemies, including members of the deposed democratically elected government, and actually enforce the amnesty policy they claim to support.

Those decisions are still in motion, Ahmadzai said. There has been some level of outreach to former President Hamid Karzai and former Afghan peace delegation leader Abdullah Abdullah, who have sought to be mediators.

Theyre thinking of how to rule, who to bring into the government, and how they can coax previous people from previous governments back into this system, Ahmadzai said.

William Nomikos, a professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis who studies violent extremism and civil wars, said a truly moderate, modernized Taliban would be willing to make concessions in order to effectively run the country.

The real distinguishing mark between a rebel force that takes control but is really trying to be a government is, are they willing to make concessions to former adversaries, Nomikos said. Are they willing to establish a formal power-sharing agreement?

Ahmadzai said that would require incentivizing people to want to work with the Taliban. But so far, they have allegedly targeted some of those who worked with the US. The mere fact that tens of thousands of Afghans are risking their lives to get to Kabul International Airport and onto flights speaks to their fear, at least, that the Talibans ability to work with former enemies is nonexistent.

Government is not done by force, and cannot be done by force, he said. Its going to be a huge challenge for the Taliban. Government is not easy. It is not fun. It is not as easy as destruction.

Another indicator experts plan to follow is monitoring how the Taliban handle Afghanistans emerging food and water scarcity crises.

With foreign governments and NGOs alike pulling aid so as not to empower the Taliban, the group will have to figure out if it wants to provide services that give people the ability to see a doctor and other necessities. And theyll have to do it while navigating a burgeoning economic crisis and a severe drought across the country that is expected to impact farmers and herders ability to provide food.

Estimates in June from the International Rescue Committee found that 80 percent of Afghans rely on agriculture and cattle-grazing for their incomes, which requires rain. The scarcity crises have begun in earnest, with 40 percent of the IRCs survey respondents already experiencing negative impacts from a lack of water.

Even before the drought, estimates from the US Agency for International Development in 2020 found that 8.2 million Afghans need emergency food assistance, and 11 million can be classified as food-insecure.

If the electricity fails, thats a real problem, said Thomas Barfield, president of the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies. Food is a real problem. Afghanistan has suffered from a drought. Youve got to feed the population.

Food aid was primarily the job of NGOs and is quickly drying up. Attempts from the Taliban, or lack thereof, to re-secure or provide that aid will be an important signal to experts about their interest in helping their population.

International aid is vital to that task, but that would require recognition from foreign governments, which could provide some food or water aid. China, which has both business and security interests in Afghanistan, has been floated as a potential source of legitimacy. The Taliban could make a deal with China to allow them access to minerals in Afghanistan in exchange for some level of aid, Barfield said.

But China, with concerns about how to protect its engineers and policy of giving infrastructural rather than humanitarian aid, as it does with Pakistan, could be reticent to provide actual material help, Barfield added. Another signal that the Taliban are serious about feeding the population could be allowing in the United Nations but that would require a serious compromise of their anti-Western ideology.

The hunger situation was so dire in the 1990s that, in a rare moment of pragmatism prevailing over ideology, the Taliban did allow the United Nations World Food Program into Kabul. At the time, a quarter of Kabul residents received bread from the UN or the Red Cross. Barfield said a similar allowance today would be an acknowledgment from the Taliban that providing basic aid to Afghans is a priority.

They need the cooperation of the outside world, he said. No Afghan government can stay in power if it allows its people to starve.

Finally, the most critical indicator of whether the Talibans rhetoric is real or just lip service to the international community will be the groups treatment of women.

The US-led military intervention over the past 20 years has a complicated legacy when it comes to womens rights, as Voxs Jen Kirby detailed. But over the past two decades, women have gone to school, become part of the workforce, and held positions of power in the government.

Reports already exist of the Taliban returning to its harsh past, with women in provinces the Taliban captured in months and years past being forced out of their jobs, and once again being required to have a male relative accompany them outside the house.

Experts are watching to see what women already are and are not allowed to do.

Will there be women in government? Nomikos said. Will there be women in positions of power? Will women be allowed to go to university, to go to school?

Amiri said that the Taliban are already providing an answer. Her contacts on the ground say that as the Taliban have taken over different provinces, they are showing up with lists of women activists, journalists, and government collaborators to systematically harass and intimidate their families.

Continuing those practices would be a clear sign that the Taliban are prioritizing ideology over pragmatism. Excluding women from society would also be indicative of a Taliban that is not interested in concessions for the sake of governance or in keeping its population afloat.

Kabul, particularly, couldnt function if they said no women could work, Barfield said. Lets watch. Schools are going to be opening; offices are going to be opening. Theyre going to have to make some decisions, and were actually going to be able to see.

Theres women doctors, he continued. Theres people who know how to run the electrical system, the water system. Youve got to come to some kind of modus operandi with these people, because if the system collapses, youre sort of responsible.

As Kirby explained, there are real pressures on the Taliban to be more pragmatic; some level of international legitimacy is needed in order to gain access to the aid the state depends on. But right now, Ahmadzai said the Talibans behavior indicates the creation of a security state, where the military functionally dictates society no matter what they are saying publicly.

There might be some development work, nominally, but behind the scenes, [it could likely] be a security state that would be suppressing the rights of women and human beings, suppressing condemnations of the system, and not letting people criticize, Ahmadzai said.

But maintaining that depends on military monopolization of control. Within days of the Taliban reentering Kabul, Afghans were already protesting, raising the government flag, and openly defying Taliban rule not just in Kabul but in Jalalabad and Khost as well.

Experts said armed resistance to the Taliban over the coming months is possible, too, particularly given the weaponry that warlords and their militias have, depending on how the Taliban proceed.

This time, youre coming into the most open and progressive period in Afghan history, and youre going to shut that down, Amiri said. I dont think thatll go over very well.

There are Afghans, particularly in rural areas, who might support or at least sympathize with Taliban ideology and be wary of running afoul of such a dangerous group. Additionally, the Taliban were able to get this far through cutting deals with warlords a lesson they learned from their failures in 2001. But if the Taliban pursue devastating policies and people lose access to the grants that allowed them to pursue livelihoods or the aid that kept them alive, those deals could be off, their support could wither, and the country could descend into civil war, Nomikos said.

The Taliban must decide over the next several months, as the US leaves for good and international aid is diverted, if they actually intend to pursue pragmatism. Their level of commitment to amnesty in governance, aid, and womens rights will be indicators of their decisions. And a failure to adapt could lead to their destruction.

The Taliban have never shown the capacity to govern, so how are you going to manage the expectations of the people? Amiri said. If youre oppressive, and you [also] cant deliver basic services and goods, thats not going to work.

But experts also cautioned against underestimating the Talibans ability to rule purely by force and fear that very miscalculation has undermined the USs efforts at every turn.

Excerpt from:

The Taliban want to rule Afghanistan. Are they moderate enough to do it? - Vox.com

PARIS By now youve probably heard that the Taliban fighters whose battle fatigues look like those of neo-hippies on campus at the University of California, Berkeley are on the verge of being back in charge in Afghanistan. All thanks to the failed programs funded by Western taxpayers that were apparently more like Ponzi schemes. How else could one characterize what the U.S. Defense Department estimated as $815.7 billion spent to stabilize the country and develop its institutions when the result is the NATO-trained Afghan army collapsing like it was ordered from an online cheap goods store?

When NATO troops abandoned the Bagram Air Base earlier this year, ceding it to the Afghan army protgs whom they had spent the better part of two decades training, images quickly appeared online of the Taliban commandeering some nice, shiny gym equipment on that military base. The idea of the Taliban being back in power is enough to make a lot of people who made personal sacrifices in this war irate. But they see the straw in their neighbors eye rather than the beam in their own, as the biblical saying goes.

Apparently the Taliban are less militant than our own sanitary ayatollahs here in the West at least in the gym. They didnt even have to sign up for a time slot, apply hand sanitizer and wear masks. Judging by the lack of social distancing and other Covid-era behaviors in the Taliban gym videos, its hard to imagine that they would impose strict sanitary measures on the population the way our leaders have here in the West.

We in Paris have spent the past 17 months being placed periodically on house arrest for our own good, being forced to wear cloth over our faces for fear of government-imposed punishment, having our movement controlled, and now being segregated and marginalized if our personal choices dont align with those of our rulers. Moreover, when some people speak out against such oppression, theyre either censored or targeted by institutions or authorities promoting the governments official narrative.

And now were seeing the leaders of our so-called democracies introducing increasingly intrusive monitoring through digital technology such as smartphone applications and QR codes, all under the pretext of ensuring adherence to the governments chosen ideology of sanitary purity.

Those among us who have been relieved of critical thought after being bombarded with fear-driven propaganda now cry out for punishment when a Western woman whips off her symbolically oppressive mask in her local grocery store, proclaims her emancipation from the sanitary regime, or rejects the imposition of a medical act like an injection by claiming, My body, my choice.

Indeed, the women of Afghanistan are going to have to contend with the Talibans return to power. But since the pandemic, the governments of allegedly free and democratic countries are not really in a position to be giving lessons on liberty to the Taliban or to anyone else. Our governments dont get to claim moral authority regarding oppression when theyre increasingly responsible for perpetrating it themselves.

2021 Tribune Content Agency, LLC

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Western leaders taking cues on oppression from the Taliban - Watertown Daily Times

The Taliban, who have a notorious history of oppression and violence toward women, are poised to seat a representative on the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women should they form a recognized Afghan government, a former U.N. ambassador says.

After a swift takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban terror group, as well as deposed Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's escape to the United Arab Emirates, the future of Afghanistan's leadership, and by extent its representation in global organizations, is uncertain, says John Bolton, the former U.S. ambassador to the U.N.

"You have a new crew that comes in, and the U.N. has to decide, 'Do we accept the credentials of a new ambassador?'" Bolton told the Washington Examiner Tuesday. "It's certainly possible to challenge that and deny them a seat. You can say they're not legitimate."

TALIBAN WORDS ON WOMEN BELIE DECADES OF ATROCITIES

However, incoming governments, even those that were established in less-than-diplomatic methods, typically inherit their predecessor's posts, the former ambassador added, noting rejection is rare.

"It's unusual and hasn't often been successful," Bolton, a controversial figure who served as U.N. ambassador under former President George W. Bush and national security adviser to former President Donald Trump, continued. "I think the most likely outcome is the Taliban gets seated."

Of particular concern is the Afghan seat on the Commission for the Status of Women. Afghanistan secured the seat in 2020, receiving a sufficient 39 votes.

The U.N. describes the Commission for the Status of Women as the "principal global intergovernmental body exclusively dedicated to the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women." The commission's stated goal is to "agree on further actions to accelerate progress and promote womens enjoyment of their rights in political, economic, and social fields."

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The Taliban's treatment of women has attracted scrutiny internationally despite attempts to ease fears of Afghanistan's future as a fundamentalist, totalitarian regime. Though the Taliban promised on Aug. 17 that they are "ready to provide women with environment to work and study, and the presence of women in different (government) structures according to Islamic law and in accordance with our cultural values," a senior Taliban leader indicated the next day that women's right to education is up for debate.

"Our scholars will decide whether girls are allowed to go to school or not," Waheedullah Hashimi, a senior Taliban leader, said on Aug. 18.

As the United States spent decades supporting the previous Afghan government in combating the spread of the Taliban, the group committed a series of terror attacks on girls' schools, which they targeted due to their belief that women should not receive education nor take roles in society outside the home.

Additionally, recent reports from Afghans in now-occupied districts describe forced marriages between local girls and Taliban leaders, as well as violent executions of combatant soldiers.

The current Afghan Mission to the U.N. has been vocal in its desire for an "inclusive" administration under the Taliban while seeking international support for a democratic state something the Taliban has been opposed to for decades.

"Today, I am speaking on behalf of millions of people in Afghanistan whose fate hangs in the balance and are faced with an extremely uncertain future," current Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the U.N. Ghulam Isaczai said on Aug. 16. "I am speaking for millions of Afghan girls and women who are about to lose their freedom to go to school, to work, and to participate in the political, economic, and social life of the country."

Isaczai urged the U.N. to stress that "the Council and the United Nations will not recognize any administration that achieves power through force or any government that is not inclusive and representative of the diversity of the country."

The ambassador additionally begged the U.N. to push the "immediate establishment of an inclusive and representative transitional government that includes all ethnic groups and women representatives; which can lead to a dignified and lasting solution to the conflict, bring peace, and preserve the gains of the last twenty years, especially for women and girls."

"As we face difficult times ahead, the Permanent Mission remains steadfast in supporting the principles of a free and democratic Afghanistan that respects the traditions and cultures of our diverse people and protects the hard-won human rights of all women and men in Afghanistan," the Afghan Mission to the U.N. said in a statement on Aug. 19, the 102nd anniversary of the independence of Afghanistan. "As a proud member of the United Nations, we are determined to remain united and work with our international friends and allies to achieve a peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan."

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Following the Taliban's takeover of Kabul on Aug. 14, the U.S. has evacuated or helped facilitate the evacuation of approximately 37,000 people, and a total of roughly 42,000 people over the last month.

The situation has led to poignant images of those attempting to flee, including Afghan people plummeting to their deaths after clinging to departing U.S. planes, and one mother imploring President Joe Biden, who has vowed to evacuate all U.S. citizens who wish to be repatriated, to "help" those who are "stranded" in Afghanistan.

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Tags: News, Women's Rights, UN, United Nations, Afghanistan, Taliban, John Bolton

Original Author: Timothy Nerozzi

Original Location: EXCLUSIVE: Taliban seat on UN Commission on the Status of Women is 'likely,' John Bolton says

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EXCLUSIVE: Taliban seat on UN Commission on the Status of Women is 'likely,' John Bolton says - Yahoo News

Watching Taliban insurgents seize power in Afghanistan in the wake of the withdrawal of U.S. troops left Nazanin Azizian in anguish over the future of her home country.

I have been emotional in a state of grief, panic, helplessness, and anger, said Azizian, a 2021 National Security Fellow at Harvard Kennedy Schools Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.

Like many Afghan nationals who watched up-close or from afar the swift downfall of the Afghan government and the Taliban return to power on Aug. 15, Azizian fears life under the Islamic fundamentalist group, which is known for the enforcement of strict Islamic law and repressive policies toward women and girls.

I am deeply concerned about the generations of Afghans who know nothing but war, said Azizian, whose family fled Afghanistan in 1993, when she was 8 years old, and settled in Northern Virginia.

Over the last two decades while the U.S.-backed Afghan government was in power, women there made gains in education, employment, and political participation. Azizian, who has a doctorate in systems engineering and now works at the Pentagon as a national security expert indefense and militaryintelligence, worries that all those hard-won advances could be lost.

I am deeply concerned about Afghans who will relinquish their educational and career achievement over the last 20 years under the oppression of a twisted, misogynist, authoritarian, fundamentalist Islamic regime that actually insults our faith, said Azizian. I am deeply concerned about public execution and humiliation of women, closings of girls schools, barring of women from work, increased domestic violence, and child marriages.

Azizians family experienced firsthand the rule of the mujahideen, the Islamic guerrillas who overthrew the pro-Soviet Afghan regime in 1992. The Taliban would eventually emerge from the ranks of that group and run the country.

Although Azizian was only 7 years old, she still remembers the violence and chaos of the day when a group she refers to as the terrorists took control of Kabul after the Soviets withdrew.

Bloodshed during the days that followed forced my family and me to take cover in a small bathroom, away from the windows, Azizian wrote in an email interview. For days we were without electricity and water while hearing around-the-clock bombs, rockets, and gunfire. Afghanistan changed from those days onward in a way that was unrecognizable for us, but unfortunately defined how the world came to know it under the Taliban

The terrorists banned concerts, music, and wedding celebrations, and we became habituated to the explosion of bombs, rockets, and other weapons raining death all around us. The terrorists committed brutalities such as breaking into peoples homes, killing innocent people, and abusing women.

There was political warring among mujahideen leaders. Eventually the Taliban movement, largely led by young ultraconservative seminarians, took control and established its own harsh version of Islamic law. That government was toppled by the U.S. invasion in 2001 in the wake of the Sept. 11 terror attacks and the hunt in the region for Osama bin Laden.

Today, uncertainty is fueling concerns among Afghans and international observers about what life will be like under the new Taliban takeover. Azizian, who doesnt have any close family in Afghanistan, hopes for peace, stability, and a government for Afghans and by Afghans.

I hope for Afghanistan that it will someday be governed by a stable, inclusive, and democratic government that resists ethnic fracture, governs accountably, and upholds the rights of women, she said.

Unlike Azizian, Awnit Singh Marta 20 doesnt have memories of life in Afghanistan he was less than a month old when his family immigrated to The Netherlands in 1998, fleeing religious persecution. Martas family are practicing Sikhs, a minority religious group in Afghanistan. They hold memories of good times and hard times.

My mother always talks about how beautiful, open, and green Afghanistan was, and how people used to go to the temple in the mornings and how families cooked and shared meals together, said Marta, who graduated with a degree in electrical engineering. But it turned into a violent place, where people had to seek shelter from the bombs, either inside the temple or inside the house.

Under the mujahideen, who ruled Afghanistan in the 1990s, ordinary life for Sikhs became increasingly hard in a Muslim country. When a neighbors home was shelled to the ground, Martas family decided to flee.

Marta and his family worry about the Sikhs situation under Taliban rule. In a video widely circulated in Afghanistan, Taliban militants assured Sikh leaders that they would be allowed to practice their faith without fear of punishment, but Marta said there is no certainty that will happen.

Sikhs who fear persecution might want to leave Afghanistan and they should be allowed to do so, Marta said. He hopes that the U.S. government and others will take in Afghan refugees, including those who didnt work for the U.S.-backed Afghan government.

Like many Afghans and international observers, Marta is critical of the U.S. governments lack of a well-planned exit strategy from Afghanistan. He said he remains hopeful that the Taliban keep its pledge of setting up a moderate government, but he worries about the possible loss of 20 years of progress.

Were basically back where we were 20 years ago, except that the Taliban now is apparently taking a more moderate approach, said Marta. Plus, we have the rise of social media, which means that there could be slightly more accountability. But if the goal was to get rid of the Taliban 20 years ago, were basically back at square one.

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Two share their fear and anxiety for those left behind in Afghanistan - Harvard Gazette

Views expressed in opinion columns are the authors own.

The plight of the refugee is unfortunately common. Refugees all over the world strive to escape the violence and brutality of their own countries. They seek safe havens in which they can make a better life for themselves or even places where they can just stay alive. This is what is happening right now in Afghanistan, where many are suffering through no fault of their own.

After the recent end of the United States nearly 20-year military occupation, the Taliban, an Islamist militant group, has taken control of the country, causing many Afghan residents to face the threat of brutalization from Taliban rule.

The United States was in Afghanistan for so long that the Afghan government and people relied very heavily on us for stability. Since we made them so reliant on the us, we cannot simply turn our backs now.

While I agree the U.S. made the right decision in pulling our troops from Afghanistan, we still need to take responsibility for the repercussions of our actions.

These people need help, and they need a new home. It is now the responsibility of the United States to provide that for as many Afghan refugees as possible.

So far, many Democratic and Republican governors have said they will be accepting refugees and believe it is our countrys responsibility to do so.

For example, Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan has said the state has committed to taking in 180 refugees so far and believes we have a moral obligation to do so.

Hogan is right. Taking in these refugees is simply the right thing to do. If these people are forced to stay in Afghanistan, they can face horrible treatment from Taliban leadership.

This is especially true for women, as the Taliban would likely place women in a subjugated, submissive role. During their past regime, the terrorist government forbade women from attending schools, going to work or leaving the house without a man with them and many fear a return to systematic oppression, despite the Talibans claims of relative modernization. If the United States has any means to help save these women from oppression, we need to do it.

Furthermore, there are many Afghan people who are our allies and have helped us over the last two decades.Many Afghans served as interpreters for U.S. troops, diplomats and others. We have an obligation to help people who have served the U.S. in Afghanistan get out of the country as they are likely targets of Taliban retaliation.

It is frustrating that some people believe we have already done enough for Afghanistan, and we do not have a responsibility to help anymore. In the nearly 20 years the United States has been involved in Afghanistan, we have certainly had an effect on the conditions we see today.

Now, if the United States knowingly turns a blind eye toward those in need, including these women and allies, we would be ignoring the very values of freedom and liberty that we promote.

In recent remarks, President Joe Biden has pledged to consider every opportunity to help our Afghan allies get to the Kabul airport and out of Afghanistan. This is certainly a critical first step, but he needs to pledge to welcome them into the United States as refugees, too.

The U.S. is one of the largest, wealthiest countries in the world with one of the most successful economies. In order to hold ourselves accountable for the role we played in creating the current crisis in Afghanistan, we must allocate some of our money toward aiding these refugees even if that means housing them within our own borders.

Many of those who are clashing over the best policy for refugees seem more interested in winning bigoted political points than ensuring the protection of humanity. While several Republican leaders have expressed support for welcoming refugees, some Republicans have said Afghans pose a security threat and they will be replacing natural-born American citizens. This is simply racism veiled as legitimate concern for the wellbeing of our country and by no means counters the necessity of this American mission.

Afghan refugees need to be welcomed, and we should embrace the diverse cultures and traditions they will bring. Unity is what will help our world prevail through violence and terror.

Today, the focus is on Afghan refugees, but if the United States steps up now, we could set a precedent for future generations on the importance of taking responsibility, and of helping people around the world.

Courtney Cohn is a rising junior journalism and government and politics major. She can be reached at cncohn1@gmail.com.

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The US has a moral and political responsibility to help Afghan refugees - The Diamondback

Afghan refugees protest for rights outside UNHCR, others express solidarity at Mandi House

The Talibans takeover of Afghanistan has shocked the entire global community. The images of desperate Afghans at the airport trying to get out of the country have been etched in contemporary human history.

The plight and anger of and for the Afghanistan population were visible on the streets of Delhi.

On the 23rd of August 2021, the Afghanistan refugees came out to the streets outside the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in New Delhi to demand asylum, security and recognition.

Afghanistan refugees demanded refugee cards, the option to be sent to other countries where they can get citizenship, security and protection from the Indian government and the global community at large.

They said they cannot go back to Afghanistan under the current Taliban regime.

On the other hand, several Indian students and political organizations protested outside Delhis Mandi House in solidarity with the Afghan nation and its citizens.

The protestors, mostly young women, raised their voices against the oppression of women in Afghanistan under the Taliban regime.

On the same date, a group of over 270 writers, activists and concerned citizens issued a public statement in solidarity with the people of Afghanistan in their struggle for freedom and democracy.

Today, the liberties and lives of Afghanistans feminists, human rights activists, care workers, welfare workers are all in especial danger from the Taliban. Refugees fleeing the Taliban are risking their lives in conditions that display their desperation. Among refugees hanging onto the wings of a place leaving Kabul, two men a 20-year-old football player and a 25-year-old doctor fell to their deaths. Refugees face apathy, as well as hostility and violence in countries where they are seeking refuge, the statement read.

The public statement condemned the USs actions in Afghanistan that enabled the Taliban forces to consolidate.

The US occupation actually enabled the Taliban to consolidate itself. The US, having decided to exit Afghanistan, set up unilateral negotiations with the Taliban, excluding its allies as well as the Afghan Government. This culminated in a US-Taliban pact which made it clear that for all purposes the US was transferring power to the Taliban, said the signatories.

Women came out in large numbers to express their discontent with the UNHCR. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

Women protestors said their lives will be in grave danger under the new Taliban rule, and hence all of them must be issued residence visas. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

The press release added, Refugees face apathy, as well as hostility and violence in countries where they are seeking refuge. The Government of India is yet to make its stand on the Taliban clear. Meanwhile, leaders of the ruling BJP and the Hindu-supremacist RSS have unleashed a hate campaign against Indias Muslims, equating all Muslims and Islam itself with the regressive and oppressive Taliban.

The Government has also shamefully referenced the CAA which goes against the Indian constitutions assurance of equal citizenship to all irrespective of faith or other factors, and announced that it will prioritise Hindu and Sikh refugees from Afghanistan.

Without any provisions for refugees in India, the protestors see no future for their children in this country. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

Many refugees have to struggle for the basic rights of health care and education. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

Considering the practices of the Taliban, the refugees are fearful and have asked the world to pay attention to their situation. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

Many Afghan refugees in India are living on long term visas which they have to renew every year. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

The UNHCR officers spoke to the protestors and heard their demands. Credit: Imaad ul Hasan

One of the demands in the signed press release is for the UNHCR to initiate a fact-finding mission to identify and bring to justice all perpetrators of atrocities and violence against Afghan civilians including the occupying armed forces as well as the Taliban and other armed groups.

Most of the protestors at Mandi House were women. Women were the most affected in the previous Taliban government. Credit: Fahim Danish

The protestors extended their support to the Afghan people and demanded womens rights in Afghanistan. Credit: Fahim Danish

The press release also highlighted the womens plight in a Taliban ruled state.

The Taliban has declared that it is their authorities who will decide how far women can study, what subjects they can study, what jobs they can hold; and what they must wear. Already reports are coming in of Taliban attacks on women. Displaying incredible courage, women are protesting with handmade posters on the streets of Kabul; and Afghan men and women all over the country are protesting the Taliban takeover with Afghan flags in their hands, facing Taliban bullets in the process. It is these fighting democratic people of Afghanistan who need us to extend solidarity and amplify their voice.

A number of Afghan girls spoke against the strict restrictions on clothing under the Taliban rule. Credit: Fahim Danish

Protestors got emotional as Afghans share their ordeal. Credit: Fahim Danish

Afghan students express their love for the country through the symbol of their flag. Credit: Fahim Danish

An Indian girl posing with the Afghan flag as an Afghan student clicks a picture. Credit: Fahim Danish

The press release demanded that the Government of India cease any attempt to distinguish between Afghan refugees on the basis of faith or identity, and instead open the countrys doors to offer safe refuge to any Afghan refugees in need.

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Voices of Afghan's Heard on the Streets of Delhi - The Citizen