Category Archives: Government Oppression

Parents of men killed by Tajikistan forces have called on the international community to step in and urgently protect ethnic groups being targeted by the Tajik regime.

In a rare interview, families from the Pamiri ethnic minority have demanded that soldiers who killed their sons be brought to justice and urged the UN to prevent a new phase of conflict in Tajikistan, a landlocked country in central Asia.

The president of 28 years, Emomali Rahmon, is seen by the Pamiri people as wanting control of the autonomous province of Gorno-Badakhshan (GBAO).

We want justice and the truth about why our childrens blood was spilt, said Pevistamo Aqdodovna Abdulmuminova, 65. Her son, Gulbiddin Ziyobekov, 29, was killed on 25 November last year by Tajik security forces during an operation in the village of Tavdem, in GBAO province.

The Tajik authorities said Ziyobekov, who was the subject of a criminal investigation for allegedly harassing a Tajik prosecutor, resisted arrest and was killed in a shootout. But witness accounts and mobile phone footage, published weeks after, appear to show him being arbitrarily executed.

After the incident, relatives and neighbours took the body to the central square of Khorog, the capital of GBAO, where there was a spontaneous demonstration of several thousand people. During the protest, two more men, Gulnazar Murodbekov and Tutisho Amirshoev, were killed and 17 others injured when government forces reportedly opened fire on the protesters.

The situation is becoming unbearable, said Abdulmuminova. The government must explain to us why this happened. Our sons did nothing wrong. They werent criminals. They were innocent.

After the protests, authorities visited the homes of the victims relatives, the mothers of the dead men claimed, with threats that, if they did not follow the police orders, the same fate would befall them.

There is no justice here, said Amchigul Tutishoevna Amirshoeva, 50, the mother of Tutisho Amirshoev, who was killed. People no longer trust the authorities. They have lost faith in the institutions.

I have seen the changes in my country and governments from 1957 to today, said 90-year-old Dustnazar Marodbekov, whose son was shot dead by police last autumn. But whats been happening in recent months is something Ive never seen before. My wife is paralysed, my son has died, and my grandchildren have now lost their father. The authorities accuse us of violating the law, but it is they who are violating the law and the constitution.

Conflict between Rahmons government and the Pamiri has continued for decades, with the minority group suffering discrimination in employment and housing and human rights abuses. The Pamir region has been the only place in the country where protesters against government oppression still take to the streets, despite the heavily authoritarian regime.

Since it gained independence from the former Soviet Union, Tajikistan has been involved in a sometimes violent border dispute with neighbouring Kyrgyzstan. During the Tajikistan civil war of 1992 to 1997, thousands of Pamiris were killed, in what some human rights activists have described as ethnic cleansing.

In 2012, during clashes seen by many in GBAO as an attempt by the Tajik government, which has little influence in the area, to bring the autonomous region under its full control, at least 40 civilians were killed.

Prof Parviz Mullojanov, a political scientist, said the repression was yet another confirmation of the obsession of the central government to take control of the entire country.

It was a natural centralisation power process, he said. They started from the centre and gradually got rid of the independent commanders in the country, mainly in GBAO region.

While in the rest of Tajikistan the level of unemployment is about 1518% of the population, in the GBAO it is estimated to be as much as 30%, said Mullojanov. Pamiris are underrepresented in the government and discriminated against within the administrative structures.

Viola von Cramon, a member of the European parliament with an interest in the region, said the EU was considering an inquiry. We should be careful not to see the recent incidents as an isolated event.

It goes way back, she said. The autocratic rule in Tajikistan and lack of the rule of law boils up the ethnic tensions. The use of excessive force and the shooting of protesters, even if they were throwing stones, is unacceptable and contributes to the spiral of violence. These events need to be urgently investigated and everyone who overstepped their authority needs to be prosecuted.

We are considering an inquiry and a resolution on the November events that still have strong ramifications as people in GBAO are largely deprived of the freedom of expression and families of the killed are demanding justice.

During the protests, mobile and internet coverage was blocked in GBAO, which constitutes 45% of Tajikistan, with a population of nearly 230,000. The internet is still only available to state institutions and key bank staff.

Security checkpoints have been reinforced, and hundreds of people who took part in the demonstrations have reportedly been banned from leaving the region. Special forces numbers have increased and, in January, Pamiri youth leader Amriddin Alovatshoyev disappeared. Alovatshoyevs family said they were only told this week by Tajikistans interior ministry that he was in custody.

Over the years, a number of activists have left to escape repression and arrest. At least 15 Tajik citizens have been kidnapped or have disappeared in Russia or Turkey since crackdowns on opposition in 2015 in Tajikistan.

Repression in GBAO has been yet another conflict in central Asia which, in recent months, has seen an escalation of tensions. In Kazakhstan, peaceful protests in early January turned into violent unrest that left 225 people dead. Clashes between security forces and anti-government protesters in the energy-rich ex-Soviet state prompted President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to declare a state of emergency and call in help from a Russian-led military bloc.

This is actually the result of a combination of several factors, both internal and external, said Mullojanov. The internal factors are mainly the crisis of the existing political and economic model, which was created after the collapse of the Soviet Union. That economic system required reforms and the local government is not able to do that now. This is why we are facing such a crisis. It is like a domino effect it started in Kyrgyzstan and then shifted to Kazakhstan, with Tajikistan and also Uzbekistan facing a similar crisis.

Mullojanov said other factors have contributed to the destabilisation of the area, such as the collapse of Afghanistan, the intensification of jihadist activity and interference from Russia and China.

This article was amended on 5 February 2022. The order of some names were changed to give the surname last, according to traditional naming conventions.

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We want the truth: families of ethnic Pamiris killed in Tajikistan call for justice as tensions rise - The Guardian

Critical race theory is a buzzword that is at the center of a heated debate on what children learn in classrooms.

The only problem -- what does it mean?

Some parents and Republican legislators say educators are "indoctrinating" students with certain lessons on race that make students feel "discomfort" or "shame."

They say critical race theory seeks to blame white students for the actions of people in the past and teach that "the United States is fundamentally racist or sexist," according to a 2020 executive order from former President Donald Trump.

Critical race theorists, educators and some parents say that some opponents are actively distorting what the theory is in order to reverse progress made in diversity and racial equity. They say it's also a way to rile up voters in a collective fight against perceived reverse discrimination.

The theory isn't being taught in K-12 classrooms, they say, but rather in law schools and higher education courses.

As a result, attempts to teach race, diversity and systemic racism -- no matter the scope or context -- are being villainized in public schools, a reaction, experts say, against people of color speaking up for civil rights. They also say that vague language in recent legislative efforts -- including those that punish teachers or expressly forbid some subjects -- could infringe on educators' ability to teach students basic U.S. history.

In this Sept. 29. 2021, file photo, Congressman Bob Good speaks at a press conference denouncing Critical Race Theory and introducing his Defending Students' Civil Rights bill at the Capitol in Washington, D.C.

This gulf, and urge to understand critical race theory have made it a hotly searched term on Google in 2021.

And so, the debate rages on: at least 35 states have introduced anti-critical race theory legislation so far.

Where the debate began

Controversy over critical race theory took shape in 2020, following months of calls for racial equality and anti-racism efforts.

Many industries and institutions vowed to respond to the calls for a racial reckoning. For some, that meant implementing lessons on diversity and oppression to improve equity in the workplace and in schools.

That September, then-President Donald Trump responded by banning any diversity training for the federal workforce that included lessons on "white privilege" or "critical race theory," according to an Office of Management and Budget memo.

In this June 22, 2021, file photo, angry parents and community members protest after a Loudoun County School Board meeting was halted by the school board because the crowd refused to quiet down, in Ashburn, Va.

The White House directed federal agencies to "cease and desist" funding for race and diversity training, according to the memo.

According to the memo, OMB director Russell Vought said that certain racial bias training efforts are "un-American" and "divisive" and that Trump wanted to end it.

Later that month, Trump issued an executive order to that effect, without mentioning critical race theory. In it, he argued that the "pernicious and false belief that America is an irredeemably racist and sexist country" was undercutting the notion of the Founding Fathers that all men are created equal.

The anti-critical race theory movement gained traction when Christopher Rufo, a conservative activist and reporter, began amplifying reports and allegations in 2020 against agencies and schools that held training on white privilege," "antiracism" and how white people perpetuate systems of oppression. He appeared on Fox News to discuss his findings shortly before Trump declared his attacks on the theory.

He told ABC News in a Jan. 28 interview that "all children should be protected by civil rights laws and if teachers are using their power to scapegoat, stereotype, demean or abuse them, that should stop" regarding critical race theory.

"Everyone supports teaching a full, accurate and honest account of American history. Critical race theory is not a historical discipline," he argues. "We're not fighting about history, we're fighting to restrict abusive practices that violate the Civil Rights Act of 1964."

From September 2020 onward, the vast majority of national news stories about critical race theory came from conservative news sources, with mainstream news sources and liberal news sources falling behind, according to recent research from UCLA and UC San Diego.

The research found there were more than seven stories from national conservative news sources about critical race theory for every one story from a national liberal media source. In conservative media sources, news of the theory was paired with phrases like "Marxism," "oppression matrix," "state-sanctioned racism," "oppressor and oppressed," and "collective guilt."

The study also noted incendiary language used in school board arguments against critical race theory that called it "child abuse" and "the cancer" of school districts.

In March 2021, Rufo tweeted: "We will eventually turn it toxic, as we put all of the various cultural insanities under that brand category. The goal is to have the public read something crazy in the newspaper and immediately think 'critical race theory.'"

And this effort to attack education on race and diversity has worked, researchers say, through the waves of legislation and debate.

"This was an event that was manufactured," said Gloria Ladson-Billings, a critical race theorist, former professor and former president of the American Educational Research Association. "Any discussion of race, racism, diversity, equity, inclusion, whiteness, social-emotional learning, slavery, school segregation -- any of that is now called critical race theory."

Re-shaping critical race theory

Critical race theory, scholars say, is a discipline that seeks to understand how racism has shaped U.S. laws and how those laws have continued to impact the lives of non-white people.

Justin Hansford, a law professor at Howard University, says that critical race theorists, as most philosophers, have many different analyses concerning racism in the U.S. and there isn't one way of teaching or looking at things.

"[This] campaign thrives on caricature on often distorting altogether both scholarship and K12 educators efforts at accurate and inclusive education, deeming it (and particularly K12 efforts to discuss the full scope of racism in our nation) wholly inappropriate for school," said UCLA and UC San Diego researchers in a study on the impact of anti-CRT campaigns.

Hansford says critical race theory has been made into a boogeyman for all lessons that aim to discuss current issues of racism and inequality in a time when institutions have begun to address racism.

"There's long-term resentment against people of color speaking up for civil rights," Hansford adds. "If you don't see race, that doesn't really help anybody. It's ignoring the truth."

Legislators and anti-CRT advocates like Rufo have said that most Americans oppose teaching critical race theory in schools.

In this June 12, 2021, file photo, people talk before the start of a rally against "critical race theory" (CRT) being taught in schools at the Loudoun County Government center in Leesburg, Va.

But researchers from Monmouth University found in a November 2021 study that study that respondents seem to approve of education on race, but not when the question is phrased asking about "critical race theory:"

When asked about teaching the history of racism in schools, 75% supported the idea. However, when asked about teaching critical race theory, only 43% supported it.

"Whoever controls the message controls how the public will react," said Patrick Murray, director of the independent Monmouth University Polling Institute. "As the huge differences in the poll questions on teaching race show, a negative visceral message can be very powerful in reframing an issue in the publics mind."

Legislative efforts continue

Still, there have been several bills across the nation that broadly target race education through arguments against critical race theory.

The majority of them look almost identical and many have no actual mention of critical race theory in their text, including bills signed into law in Texas, Oklahoma, and New Hampshire.

They list restrictions that say school employees can not teach lessons that include that:

This legislation coincides with an ongoing effort to ban from schools with diverse learning content on race, gender and sexuality that some parents say are explicit or obscene.

Some educators fear that not only are their jobs on the line because of these policies but the education and future preparedness of their students are also at risk.

"You cannot hide this from students forever," Ladson-Billings said. "I would have students come to the university level and when they would begin the search for history, they were angry, right? Why didn't my parents ever tell us this? Why weren't we ever taught this?"

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Critical race theory thrust into spotlight by misinformation - ABC News

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A BIG ANNOYANCE Allowing any group to hold other citizens hostage and prevent them from enjoying their quality of life is terrorism and a hate crime because it is designed to oppose any other point of view or opinion. Bring in the military to clear these people away from the public oppression they have created in Ottawa, and now Toronto is next? When a person is instructed not to wear their uniforms to work in a hospital for fear of reprisal it is the last straw. Our government, police and military need to get off their collective asses and not be so afraid of inciting an aggressive position from these people because some are already aggressive to any person that disagrees with them. Give us back our freedom of choice as the people involved in this truckers protest are only bullying the public to agree with their opinion or else, and it is unacceptable and I will take the or else because their time has passed. Who do these people think they are they are not special or privileged beyond the rest of us trying to get through this pandemic. Enough is enough the right to a peaceful protest is long past! If this letter sounds annoyed, good maybe some of my annoyance will wear off on our politicians and they will do something instead of posturing around the so-called rights of troublemakers so as not to offend them.

Dan OBrien Midland (Dont hold your breath for the opticians to do anything. As for the protesters, if the situation takes a violent turn, then whatever sympathy they have remaining, will be gone)

A FLIP AND A FLOP OToole flip-flopping like a fish out of water cost him credibility and left many wondering: Who is Erin OToole? His stances on important issues were unclear and his lack of clarity was a wedge that polarized the Conservative Party. Strong leadership requires steering a party in a clear direction, but OToole kept slamming the brakes and followed a winding path, which ultimately led to him being ousted by the party. With that said, some of OTooles flip-flopping was for the better. Specifically, his change in attitude to support carbon pricing was reflective of what is important to Canadians. The vast majority of Canadians believe climate change is a reality and that urgent action needs to be taken now to protect our future. Were already seeing the negative effects of climate change. For example, B.C. faced record-breaking heat, devastating wildfires, and destructive flooding. Carbon pricing is an efficient and effective way to mitigate carbon emissions that is supported by economists because it incentivizes a reduction in carbon emissions and promotes innovation. Future leadership candidates should focus on authenticity, but should also not forget that Canada is not full of alt-right, climate change denialists. To best represent the interest of Canadians and our future economy, the Conservative Party needs an effective plan to target climate change. Although OTooles carbon pricing plan is not perfect, in this case, he flip-flopped in the right direction.

Anisha Hundal Oakville (Yes they do need a plan for climate change. The party itself has some massive challenges on its hand, They need to focus on uniting their party and giving Canadians a credible plan to vote for)

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Letters to the Editor, Feb. 5, 2022 - Toronto Sun

Apartheid is a violation of public international law, a grave human rights violation, and a crime against humanity. It constitutes both a system (formed of laws, policies, and practices) and a crime (specific acts).

The term apartheid was originally used to refer to a political system in South Africa which explicitly enforced racial segregation, and the domination and oppression of one racial group by another. It has since been adopted by the international community to condemn and criminalize such systems and practices wherever they occur in the world.

Three main international treaties prohibit and/or explicitly criminalize apartheid: the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD); the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (Apartheid Convention); and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute).

The Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute define apartheid as a crime against humanity, committed when any inhuman or inhumane act is perpetrated in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over another, with the intent to maintain that system.Inhuman/inhumane acts include unlawful killing and serious injury, torture, forcible transfer, persecution, and the denial of basic rights and freedoms.

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Crime of Apartheid The Government of Israel's System of Oppression Against Palestinians Amnesty International USA - Amnesty International USA

A YEAR ago last Tuesday, the military in Myanmar decided to end the country's experiment in democratic reform by dismantling the government of Aung San Suu Kyi and installing a junta in its place.

The Tatmadaw, as the Myanmar armed forces is called, had become uneasy because the people were relishing the taste of freedom after decades of repression under a martial regime. True, the civil government was still forced to share power with the military, but the Tatmadaw felt it was losing its grip after the candidates it backed lost badly in the elections in 2020. It was time to return to the old ways.

The coup triggered street protests and strikes, and the military responded with an orgy of brutality. Pro-democracy protesters were hunted down, arrested and tortured. Entire villages were torched to flush out their sympathizers. The 76-year-old Suu Kyi was convicted in more than a dozen cases and sentenced to more than 150 years in prison.

In the months that followed, about 1,500 civilians were killed in crackdowns and more than 11,787 were illegally detained, according to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. More than 400,000 people have been displaced in the fighting between the military and resistance groups that have sprouted across the country, the UN said.

Reports of atrocities have been filtering out of Myanmar. The latest was a massacre on Christmas Eve in Kayah State, where at least 35 bodies were burned beyond recognition.

The wave of repression is not expected to die down soon. The junta's chief, Min Aung Hlaing, has extended a state of emergency for another six months to fight what he said were threats from "internal and external saboteurs" and "terrorist attacks and destruction."

Last Tuesday, the streets of the capital Naypyidaw and key cities in Myanmar were deserted, and shops and other businesses were boarded up.

It was not a sign of submission, but a show of defiance. Opponents of the regime called for "silent strikes" as part of a civil obedience campaign to destabilize the military through economic disruption.

People were joining the campaign in their own small way, refusing, for example, to pay their electricity bills.

The Myanmarese have not given up the fight. The Spring Revolution, a growing resistance movement, continues to be a thorn in the side of the Tatmadaw, which has vowed to crush the "terrorist" group.

The danger is that the violence could erupt into a full-blown civil war, unless the world community acts more decisively on the Myanmar crisis.

Sanctions clamped by the United States, Britain and Canada on the junta's leaders do not seem to be biting because strong geopolitical undercurrents are at play.

China and Russia have been generous in providing the junta leaders with arms and trade support. China is said to have substantial investments in infrastructure, pipelines and special economic zones in Myanmar as part of its Belt and Road Initiative. Russia, on the other hand, is the second-largest arms supplier to Myanmar, and has bolstered military-technical cooperation with the country.

"It seems certain that Russia and China, the two autocratic global powers, have no sympathy with pro-democracy movements in Myanmar," one report noted.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has also been a big disappointment. Other than barring Myanmar's strongman from attending its leaders' summit last October for failing to agree to stopping the violence and allowing dialogue, Asean has not made any other crucial inroads into resolving the conflict.

International agencies are taking their time searching for solutions. Meanwhile, Myanmar slips deeper into turmoil.

The international community needs to do some soul searching, according to one observer. "Do they want to cooperate, engage as business as usual with a terrorist group or not? Or do they want to put them in a different category in terms of their interactions or engagements?"

Pope Francis has renewed his prayer for "the tormented population" of Myanmar and has urged the international community "to work toward reconciliation between the interested parties."

It would indeed be tragic if the Pope's call falls on deaf ears.

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Rescuing Myanmar from the quagmire of oppression - The Manila Times

Photo courtesy of European People's Party/Flickr

Prime minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbn, attends a meeting on Mar. 14, 2013. Columnist Judith Race believes with the current state of leaders around the world that the rest of the decade will be run by dictators.

Often we track time past for good things, like wedding anniversaries, days without a workplace injury or years without the self-destruction of humanity.

However, FreedomHouse declared 2020 the 15th consecutive year in which global democracy has stared down the barrel of the dictators rifle. Given the domestic and international events of 2021, you may presumptively wish the new wave of authoritarianism a happy 16th birthday.

Who knew sweet 16 could be so bitter?

The worlds falling out with democracy has been in the making since 2006 and shows no signs of slowing. Considering the momentum dictators have built up, the 2020s will surely be known as the decade when despotism came back into vogue.

In East Asia, China looks to surpass the U.S. as global power #1, lofting their tyrannical model of governance as an exemplar for other states. Ukraine, the partially democratic keystone in Europes anti-authoritarian bulwark, is threatened by a looming war with Russia.

None of this is to mention the U.S.is confronted with its own eroding institutions and conspiratorial populism.

Around the world, people face increasing restrictions on their rights and representation; 75% of humanity lives in countries that have slid toward tyranny. Particularly concerning, though, are the situations in Myanmar, Hungary, Venezuela and Cameroon.

Feb. 1 was the one-year anniversary of the Myanmar coup that put the already fragile, barely-democratic state under the rule of Gen. Min Aung Hlaings junta. Some are even calling it a civil war now as violence between Hlaings junta and freedom fighters escalates.

Last June, Hungary banned queer representation in childrens education and media, explicitly lumping homosexuality in with child abuse. Additionally, Prime Minister Viktor Orbns Fidesz party increasingly spouts off anti-Romani rhetoric in a media landscape overrun by pro-Fidesz interests.

Last week, Nicols Maduro defeated a petition to recall him from Venezuelas presidency. The opposition never met the absurd mandate of 4.2 million signees in only 12 hours. Furthermore, Russia and China are training Maduros regime in the arts of war and oppression to establish a bridgehead into Colombias weakened government, eroding democracy at Americas backdoor.

Governing Cameroon for nearly four decades, President Paul Biya enjoys the continued military support of the United Kingdom despite his despotic orientation. Meanwhile, the Anglophone problem there is worsening, with scores of Anglophone reporters and activists unlawfully detained by the Francophone government.

Min Aung Hlaing, Orbn, Maduro and Biya are only four of many dictators, but they are representative of what the decade will hold: Opportunists taking advantage of fragility, politicians capitalizing on prejudice, proxies used as leverage and tyrants supported by free societies.

Unless the worlds democracies promote state-building, open-mindedness, self-reliance and consistency in values, oppression will be remembered as the rising star of our current hour.

Judith is a senior in LAS.

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Opinion | 2020s will be defined by dictators - Daily Illini

THE Spanish constitution marked its 40th birthday in 2018, a year after the Catalan independence referendum.

Four years on, we are seeing a return to dialogue between Madrid and Barcelona as governments emerge from the pressures of the pandemic. All of this framed by further developments with exiled Catalan politicians and Spains ensuing desire to prosecute Carles Puigdemont has re-invigorated the debate of Spains constitution and its guarantee of the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation.

Madrids understanding of secession is of course important to the future of Scotland. Countless times weve been told that Scotland would never be allowed back into the EU, because a Yes vote from Spain would establish political precedent for Catalan independence. Despite this warning, the Spanish foreign minister Josep Borrell has already stated publicly that the government would not, by default, veto Scotlands return to Europe it would happily welcome an independent Scotland as long as independence was achieved legally.

Carles Puigdemont

His words were carefully chosen and informed by Spains criminalising of the 2017 Catalan independence referendum; the inference is that Scotland must either obtain Westminsters permission or a legal mandate in the Supreme Court.

What has proven persistent to me as an outsider, is the need to understand why Spains constitution is so damaging to self-determination. Unlike Scotland, Catalonia is faced with a political straitjacket that, regardless of support for independence, barely allows such movements to be sustained. Recognising why this has manifested requires a look at its origins.

The end of Francisco Francos dictatorship is immediately responsible for the constitution that now stifles democracy in Spain. While many Spaniards describe the end of the regime as a democratic triumph (Franco died in bed, but democracy was won in the streets), the so-called transition was, in fact, just a reshuffling of power with many Francoists remaining in office.

Carlos Arias Navarros government of 1975 was marred by corruption, and the wider political atmosphere was certainly not alive with activism. The period known as el desencanto (the disillusionment) was a time of utter fatigue and dejection in the Spanish body politic. Consequently, the writing of the constitution wasnt informed by a profound peoples movement thats why many now see the text as anachronistic and narrow.

The constitution must also be considered in the post-Franco context of el pacto del olvido (the pact of silence), arguably the most demonstrable failing of Spanish constitutionalism in the 1970s. The bilateral accord was designed to censor remembrance of the thousands of victims of the Spanish Civil War and Francos dictatorship, borne by a paranoid establishment set on manufacturing political cohesion. Because this pact furthered censorship and pardoned Francoist criminals, it eliminated any sense of atonement for the brutality of the previous 40-odd years.

I remember being told by a Catalan man that the day Franco died (November 20, 1975) happened to also be the day of his fathers birthday. A quick trip back from the bakery cake in hand turned into a threatening encounter with the authorities who were wondering why such joviality was on display in the street only moments after the death of el caudillo was announced.

A central tenet of Francos fascism was the complete erasure of non-Castilian Spanish culture. The Catalan community suffered violent criminalisation of its language and patrimony but was pitted against the rest of Spain when Franco decided to centralise much of the industry there. Its people faced a painful reminder of this authoritarianism when Mariano Rajoys government launched cyber-attacks on polling stations and used physical force to block voters during the 2017 referendum. Subsequently, Article 155 of the constitution allowed Madrid to suspend the Catalan parliament, following criminalisation of the vote.

During my time living in Spain, I became aware of how Spanish politics could be provincial, and at times quite insular. Being a Scot, it was unsurprising how frequently I was asked about my stance on independence. What was surprising, however, was the willingness of locals to debate this topic quite open-mindedly and, yet, react antagonistically when I posed similar questions regarding Catalonia. If I asked a Spaniard in Extremadura, for example, about the Catalan right to self-determination, they often reacted antagonistically, armed with arguments that, from what I could see, were products of the failed transition to democracy, and Spanish constitutionalism.

Many felt disenfranchised from the wealth and power enjoyed by Catalonia, asking why the region would demand independence given its relative prosperity. Yes, it is true that Spains economy is becoming increasingly centralised to metropolises like Madrid and Barcelona, damaging rural areas and emptying out provincial towns of young talent. And, I think its important to recognise the regional consequences of Spains recession and the framework of semi-autonomy. But, if anything, this is evidence that Spains unity is not functioning healthily. Nevertheless, the perception of Catalonia as petulant and ungrateful harks of the cultural erasure that it suffered during Francos dictatorship.

Although Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez is in favour of constitutional reform, he only intends to protect the unity of Spain. He has described the document as democracy itself, the fabric of the plurinational state and the guiding principle of his government. His desire to revoke the inviolability of the Spanish king might see his administration as just the third to initiate the complex process of reform which requires an absolute majority in parliament, dissolving the courts and holding a referendum. The deep entrenchment of Spanish constitutionalism and its ties to Francoist oppression means transformations like a mechanism for independence leaves reform an elusive hypothetical.

By compounding the limitation of Catalonias autonomy when legislating referendums, the Spanish constitution renders independence essentially impossible: the only route to separation is via the institutions of Spanish democracy, the same ones that were established by a constitution that dictates the irrevocable unity of the country.

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The lessons for Scotland in Spain's oppression of Catalan autonomy - The National

Russian President Vladimir Putin (R) toasts with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban (L) after their press conference during a meeting in the Kremlin in Moscow on Tuesday (EPA)

Vladimir Putin has accused the US and Nato of using Ukraine to harm Russias interests in the latest round of acrimonious exchanges as faltering diplomatic steps continue to try and avert a war in Europe.

Sitting beside the Russian President as he delivered his denunciation of the West in Moscow was Viktor Orban, whose closeness to the Kremlin had caused deep concern among fellow members of Nato and the European Union.

The Prime Minister of Hungary, gesturing towards Mr Putin, said with a smile : This is our 13th meeting and that is a rarity. Practically all those who were my colleagues in the EU are no longer. I have high hopes that for many years to come we can work together.

But it is not just Budapests cosiness with Moscow which is a worry at present for the West in the present combustible climate. Hungarys interaction with Ukraine has been long, and often controversial, with accusations and recriminations flying between the two countries.

Hungarys foreign minister, Pter Szijjrt declared recently that no one can tell his country to re-evaluate its relationship with Moscow.

He went on to charge Ukraine of depriving ethnic Hungarians in the country of their rights and being deliberately provocative. The actions taken by the Kiev government, he stated, made it very difficult to back it "even in this conflict" with Russia.

Ukraine, in turn, has claimed that Mr Orbans government is whipping up separatist sentiments among the around 170,000 people of Hungarian descent in the Zakarpattia region. A number of Budapest government officials have been banned from entering the country for allegedly trying to interfere in domestic politics.

The issues have had an important impact on Ukraines attempts at joining Nato. For three years Hungary has blocked ministerial level political meetings between Nato and Ukraine because, it says, of the violation of human rights of its ethnic minorities by the Ukrainian government.

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One of the main complaints is about the State Language Law enacted by the parliament in Kiev, which made Ukrainian the compulsory official language in all public spheres. This, say critics, effectively means that minority languages, with a few exceptions, can only be spoken privately or in religious ceremonies.

Zakarpattia in the west of the country, a region also known as Transcarpathia, also has a population of Russian extraction the Rusines.

Hungarys parliament, the National Assembly, has in the past proposed to its Russian counterpart, the Duma, that the two countries work together to protect minority communities in Ukraine.

Viacheslav Volodin, the Duma Speaker, followed up by blaming the sad plight of ethnic communities on Ukrainian nationalism, warning that oppression of small ethnic groups may lead to Ukraine losing a number of regions.

A number of pro-Russian Ukrainian public figures are from Zakarpattia. They include Viktor Medvedchuk, a pro-Russian oligarch and MP, who says that President Putin is the godfather to his daughter.

Mr Medvechuk was accused of treason and placed under house arrest by the authorities in Kiev . Mr Putin subsequently devoted a huge amount of his opening speech at a meeting of the Russian Security Council on developments in Ukraine, accusing the Ukrainian government of President Volodymyr Zelensky of purging their political environment and suggested that Ukraine was turning slowly but steadily, into an antipode of Russia, an anti-Russia.

Hungarian organisations in Zakarpattia have received substantial amount of funding from Budapest as have Magyar communities in other countries in the region like Romania, Slovakia and Serbia.

The total sum sent to the diaspora over the last decade by the government-controlled Gabor Bethlen Fund, according to some Ukrainian analysts, amount to around 1.1 billion Euros.

The Hungarian government insist that the grants are used to support cultural and religious organisations, schools and colleges, media outlets and sporting facilities.

Ukrainian officials, however, claim that some of the money sent to Zakarpattia has ended up with Hungarian political organisations.

During regional elections in 2019, a number of Hungarian officials, including Mr Szijjrt were present at campaign events of candidates favoured by Budapest. One of the candidates, Vasyl Brenzovych, met Mr Orban and the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of national policy, Zsolt Semjn, in Budapest.

The Ukrainian government protested that these activities were against the UN charter of interference by a foreign power and the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Budapest maintained that meeting co-ethnic communities abroad was normal practice throughout the world.

Some from the Hungarian community in Zakarpattia hold that the Ukrainian government is making them feel like outsiders. Fredek Szakacs, a 38-year-old shop owner in the city of Uzhhorod, said : Our family has been living here for three generations. We are proud of our Hungarian background but we are also part of Ukraine.

The language laws have caused a lot of problems here. A lot of people feel that the government is trying to make us lose our identity as a community. We do not think this is right.

Hanna Matyas, a teacher aged 29, commented: These changes are particularly hard for older people, they find it very upsetting.

It is true that some Hungarian organisations send money here. That is useful to keep cultural associations going and also for poorer people who simply cannot earn enough. Maybe there are some political figures trying to exploit divisions, but most people want to just get on with their lives without trouble.

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Ukraines fears over close ties between Russia and Hungary stretch beyond Putin and Orban - Yahoo News

Thousands of families with real or perceived affiliations to the Islamic State remain scattered across Iraq, their future unknown. The Iraqi governments unofficial policy of collective punishment is putting the future of Iraq at risk and could drive further instability. Approximately 300,000 internally displaced Iraqis perceived to have some degree of affiliation with the Islamic State such as a relative who joined have no physical home to return to, lack civil documentation, or cannot exercise their basic rights. Their only options are to seek refuge in informal sites on the outskirts of urban centers where they can become invisible, precariously remaining in the few camps that are temporarily still open, or to live on the edges of other areas, blocked from returning home. In addition to the governments discriminatory practices, social stigma also hinders this subpopulation from reintegrating into Iraqi society. Even children are not spared this punishment and are being ostracized from their communities because of the alleged crimes of their fathers.

Starting in 2018, the Iraqi government signaled its intention to close all displacement camps across Iraq. This was politically motivated to push families to vote from their area of origin and boost voter participation, so that the scheduled elections could take place on time which also happened to be shortly after the governments defeat of the Islamic State. This sparked a major outcry from humanitarian agencies, as needs were still high and conditions in the country were not ready for displaced populations to survive on their own: Unexploded ordnance remained in many areas, reconstruction of damaged infrastructure was slow, and access to basic services like electricity and water varied. Still, by 2020, the government had implemented the camp closure policy and forcibly pushed out over 100,000 camp residents. Now, four years after Iraq declared victory over the Islamic State, the Iraqi government is determined to wrap up humanitarian efforts and move Iraq into the post-conflict phase, with a focus on development to attract more foreign investment. However, many families with perceived Islamic State affiliations are stuck in limbo, without any means to end their displacement. Only when this subpopulations needs are met and they can return home or live in a place of their choosing will their displacement end. And only then will Iraq be on the path for durable recovery and a stable future.

As an already stigmatized population, some families with perceived affiliations to the Islamic State were met with violence and had to flee again when they attempted to return home beginning in 2019. According to the head of an Iraqi nongovernmental organization in Mosul, a mukhtar (local tribal leader) from Salamiyeh called him after being pushed out of one of the closed camps. His tribe is accused of joining [the Islamic State] in Baaj so, in retaliation, the security forces destroyed his home, his town does not have any functioning services, and the Yazidi militia is close by, he reported. The old man was crying because he did not know what to do or where to go. As seen in numerous cases, internally displaced persons are caught between policies forcing people out of camps and the social stigma and threat of retaliatory violence blocking them from returning to their homes. This form of collective punishment, whereby if one family member is accused of having joined the Islamic State, the rest of the family is shunned, has resulted in thousands of people resettling in underdeveloped areas on the outskirts of cities without access to assistance.

The state also plays a role in this collective punishment. People accused or suspected of aiding the Islamic State are put on a government-controlled security list how or why people are added to the list is opaque and people on the list have limited recourse for appeal. However, security forces mandate that people on these security lists perform a series of legal and non-legal procedures collectively referred to as tabriyaa or denouncement. Tabriyaa, rooted in tribal practice in parts of Iraq, has been incorporated into the formal legal system: An individual files a criminal complaint denouncing his or her male relative for joining or aiding the Islamic State. Aid agencies interviewed for this article described how tabriyaa even before applying for a security clearance is now a precondition for families to apply for a range of administrative procedures, including obtaining civil IDs. Many men and women feel pressured, mostly by local security actors, to do tabriyaa because it is their only way to rebuild their lives. However, some women refuse to do it because they do not want to betray their husbands and sons or fear retaliation from their husbands family. Many women are also reluctant to do tabriyaa because interactions with the security forces and courts can be exploitative. Additionally, there is no guarantee that women who do tabriyaa will be accepted back into their communities because it is only one factor of many that determine whether the local community will accept them. Tabriyaa is one more obstacle that this subpopulation in Iraq has to overcome before they can return home, integrate into their current area of displacement, or resettle.

State Documents Inaccessible

Access to their state-mandated identification documents would facilitate a solution to the dilemma that many internally displaced Iraqis face. Civil documentation is the tool Iraqi citizens use to exercise their rights, and undocumented children and families become dependent on humanitarian aid to stay alive. Many Iraqi children are able to obtain their civil IDs when both parents are present. However, children of families who have perceived affiliations with the Islamic State cannot get a security clearance and an ID unless their mother completes the tabriyaa process. These children, therefore, face insurmountable challenges in obtaining civil IDs. Without civil documentation, children cannot go to public schools and families are unable to get formal work or receive government benefits.

Despite the mounting obstacles, families understand that their life is suspended without these documents, and many embark on the arduous journey to try to obtain them. Sarah (not her real name), a mother of two, was married to an Islamic State member who disappeared during the conflict and is presumed dead. She does not know where his body is, so she is unable to obtain a death certificate. Her children had no birth certificates and essentially did not exist in the eyes of the Iraqi state. She explains:

I want my children to grow up and dream to be whatever they want. I do not want them to just be seen as children of [the Islamic State]. My husbands body is missing so I had to pay $1,500 to a coroner for a fake autopsy report. My in-laws had to go to the court to testify that my children are from their son, but my mother in-law would not come because she is afraid of the courts. Im trying to get my kids passports, but their names are still on the security database, and I do not have any money left to pay more bribes.

Sarah had to pay over $4,000 in bribes and it took her over two years to be able to obtain IDs for herself and her children.

Many stigmatized children are growing up in the shadows, away from schools and with limited access to education. This could potentially be a significant problem for Iraq in the near future. Iraqi mental-health workers fear that the social marginalization of these children, combined with the material deprivation of living in poverty, in makeshift shelters, could create the conditions for new extremist groups to emerge.

Leaving these grievances unaddressed could reignite conflict and help sow destabilizing tensions. After experiencing the horrors of the Islamic State, Iraqi society seems fractured, with no consensus on how to deal with these issues. Some communities accept these families while others attempt to keep them out. The Iraqi government seems to have no comprehensive plan on how to reintegrate families perceived as affiliated with Islamic State.

The longer this persists, the more children grow up in isolation, without the resources to be contributing Iraqi citizens. When eight-year-old Ahmed (not his real name) from Salamiyeh was asked what he wanted to be when he grew up, he responded, My dream is to work and buy weapons to kill all the Iraqi military because they will not let me study and keep saying my father is Daesh. In no society are children responsible for the crimes of their parents. Iraq seems to be an exception. Without education, childrens imaginations will be limited to the violence and oppression they experienced.

Shelter Remains Out of Reach

Many households are living in impoverished areas because their homes were destroyed, and they cannot access compensation to rebuild. Without permanent shelter, there is no sustainable end to the displacement of these families. In 2009, Iraq adopted Law 20, Compensating the Victims of Military Operations, Military Mistakes and Terrorist Operations/Actions, also known as the compensation law. The law is intended to compensate anyone for loss of life, injury, and damage to work, study, or property that occurred during both the U.S.-led conflict and the anti-Islamic State campaign. Legally, everyone who experienced such loss is eligible for compensation. However, the Iraqi government has essentially denied all claims by families with perceived affiliations to the Islamic State. If the government confirms that one family member, regardless of the degree, joined the Islamic State, the whole family is denied. Moreover, the compensation process is corrupt. Many of those that have received compensation had to rely on political connections, which families with perceived affiliations often do not have. Additionally, without the financial means to pay bribes, many do not even bother filing a claim, and those that do wait long periods of time before receiving any acknowledgment.

With no formal transitional justice mechanism and no government-led official reintegration strategy, compensation and reparations for all Iraqis are key components in ending their displacement and helping put Iraq on a path of post-conflict healing. Appearing to help anyone who might have helped the Islamic State at all is politically unpopular in Iraq, so few agencies have been willing and able to respond to the needs of families with perceived affiliations with the Islamic State. Nor have many international organizations targeted this subpopulation with specialized assistance, fearing the reaction of local communities and authorities. Additionally, Iraqi nongovernmental organizations do not support these families because they worry about being targeted by the security forces and accused of being sympathetic to terrorists. In 2018, some Iraqi lawyers trying to represent individuals suspected of being affiliated with the Islamic State were detained by security forces and accused of supporting terrorism. This caused a chilling effect and made many Iraqi organizations hesitate before providing assistance to communities with perceived affiliations.

International nongovernmental organizations are safeguarded from most of the harassment and intimidation exercised by security forces and, therefore, are able to take on this work despite the perceived risk. However, with Iraqi nongovernmental organizations unable to cater to the needs of this population, without the support of international agencies, these internally displaced Iraqis will likely not be able to access basic services necessary for their survival.

Despite the policies to close camps and transition Iraq toward the development phase, it is important to ensure families with perceived Islamic State affiliations do not fall through the cracks. These citizens need a sustainable end to their displacement with a permanent home, income-generating jobs, civil IDs, and access to schooling for their children. They should be granted their basic rights as Iraqis. If the Iraqi government and international community ignore Iraqis with perceived affiliations with the Islamic State, then Iraq will inevitably enter another cycle of violence, with more Iraqis suffering as a result. In the words of Sarah: We are also victims of the Islamic State. I could have never prevented my husband from joining the Islamic State. Our children should not be paying for the crimes of their fathers.

Basma Alloush is the senior policy and advocacy advisor at the Norwegian Refugee Council USA and a nonresident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy.

Photo by Tiril Skarstein, NRC/Flyktninghjelpen

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Living in the Shadows: Iraq's Remaining Displaced Families - War on the Rocks

The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics officially begin on Feb. 4. They are being held amid the coronavirus pandemic and worsening confrontation between the United States and China.

The 2022 Olympics are Beijing's first since it held the 2008 Summer Olympics, and make the city the first in the Games' history to hold both a summer and winter edition since the Winter Olympics' inception in 1924.

China has grown to become the second largest economy in the world, and it is attempting to consolidate its international standing with this second Games. Chinese President Xi Jinping has stressed the superiority of the country's political system, stating, "We will improve confidence in the Chinese people's magnificent recovery."

What's worrisome is whether China will make the national pride-building goal of holding the Games explicit during the events.

Schisms in the international community, too, are casting a shadow over the Games.

Countries including the U.S. and U.K. have strongly criticized China's human rights record. For the Beijing Olympics, this has taken the form of a diplomatic boycott -- not sending diplomatic or political figures to the 2022 Games -- over oppression of the Uyghur minority in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Japan, too, has forgone sending high-ranking government officials, and the National Diet has adopted a resolution expressing concerning over the state of human rights in China.

But Russian President Vladimir Putin will attend the Games' Opening Ceremony, and hold talks with President Xi. Russia is currently facing off against the U.S. and Europe over Ukraine, and is growing closer to China. Divisions between Europe and U.S. on one side and Russia and China on the other appear to have been brought to the Games, too.

For past Games, the United Nations General Assembly has adopted the Olympic Truce calling for conflicts worldwide to be halted around and during the Games. But this time the approach is in disorder; the 173 countries including China that have proposed the truce do not include Japan, the U.S., Australia, or India.

There has also been confusion over what name to give the delegation of athletes from Taiwan. They had intended to participate under the Chinese Taipei name used up until now, but in response to the Chinese government press secretary calling them by a name that suggested they were part of the People's Republic of China, the Taiwanese delegation said for a time that it would not attend the opening and closing ceremonies.

It is hard to say that the situation around the Beijing Olympics is consistent with the Olympic ideal of a "festival of peace." In its Fundamental Principles of Olympism, the Olympic Charter states, "The goal of Olympism is to place sport at the service of the harmonious development of humankind." Involved countries must think back to these founding principles, and keep in mind not to use the Olympics for political ends.

To prevent coronavirus infections spreading, countermeasures stricter even than those at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics in summer 2021 are being taken. Not just athletes and affiliates, but reporters too are limited to activities inside the "bubble" system denying them contact with people from outside.

China touts its "zero-COVID strategy," but already a large number of infections have been confirmed among related parties. It is a matter of course that thorough countermeasures be carried out during the Games themselves. But, China should prevent itself from going too far with managing and surveilling individuals. There are concerns that the health monitoring app used by Games-affiliated people could extract personal data. Some delegations are not bringing their personal computers and smartphones with them.

Respect for human rights is a way of thinking that comprises the backbone of the Games.

In 2021, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) relaxed parts of its rules forbidding political, religious and racial proclamations. They did so on the condition that specific individuals and countries are not made the targets of such statements.

In response, at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, athletes expressed their opposition to racism and oppression by countries through actions at the competition venues and over social media.

But the organizing committee for the upcoming Games announced participants must abide by China's laws and rules, and that they could be subject to punishments. International human rights group Human Rights Watch has expressed concern over China's approach, and said that because China's laws are vague, free speech is subject to crackdowns.

It is unthinkable that the world will accept heavy-handed Games management that threatens punishments. There must be an environment where young people from countries across the world can freely exchange words and deepen relationships. Athletes cannot be unfairly blocked from expressing their thoughts.

The IOC has a responsibility to protect athletes' safety and to provide them with a stage to perform where they can focus on their competitions.

Issues linger over the deletion of a social media post by Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai, in which she claimed to have been forced into a sexual relationship with a senior member of the Chinese Communist Party. IOC President Thomas Bach had an online meeting with Peng, but detailed information was not forthcoming. We seek an explanation that dispels distrust.

The world's people come together to share the joy of sport while surpassing distinctions of race, religion, gender and nationality. To realize a celebration of this kind, participating countries should look back to the Olympics' founding spirit of harmony.

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Editorial: Olympic principles must not be forgotten as Beijing Winter Games begin - The Mainichi - The Mainichi