Category Archives: Government Oppression

April 21 marks the opening, at the Berkeley campus of the University of California, of the sixth annual academic conference on Islamophobia.If past conclaves are a guide, the conference will be marked by a morass of impenetrable academic jargon and an unremitting flow of anti-Western rhetoric.

Here, if one cares to observe, one may see the academic pistons of the blasphemy-law promotional industry pumping vigorously away at its task, to ensure that expression of hostility to the religion of Islam achieves cultural parity on campuses as a shaming thought crime, morally equivalent to expressed hostility to women, blacks, gays and aboriginals.

What ends in law often begins in academia. And the Berkeley conferences are ground zero in North America for hardline theories around Islamophobia. This cadre does not shy away from definitions of Islamophobia, unlike those who promoted and voted for Motion 103, championed by Liberal MP Iqra Khalid and recently passed by Canadas Parliament. The motion calls for a committee to study how to develop a a whole-of-government approach to reducing and eliminating Islamophobia, specifically. That word, Islamophobia, left truculently undefined by all politicians supporting its inclusion, glows with radioactive intensity.

Does M-103s Islamophobia mean expressed hatred of people the Wests normal definition of hatred or hatred of a belief system, normally a protected category of expression here, as religious Christians know to their chagrin? Canadians have no idea if their right to express distaste for Islam would still be protected in a bill premised on the recommendations of this study.

I therefore contacted Jasmin Zine, who teaches race, ethnic, gender and postcolonial studies at Wilfrid Laurier University. She is a regular and ideologically representative participant in the Berkeley Islamophobia conferences, including this one.

I asked her to define Islamophobia for me, which she promptly did: Islamophobia is a fear and hatred of Islam and Muslims that translates into individual, ideological and systemic forms of oppression. This is quite an insidious, though admittedly clever, definition. Note that it puts fear and hatred of Islam, not Muslims, at the centre of the phobia. And the word translates is a masterstroke.

Under this definition, if I write publicly that Islam is inherently Christophobic and anti-Semitic according to its own texts, and a Muslim declares himself oppressed by my statement, who would be the interpeter for the alleged translation? The courts? Iqra Khalid? Prime Minister Justin Trudeau?

As one can see from her defined area of study, Zine is an intersectionalist, who sees the world in Marxist tropes of power and powerlessness, with white imperialists and their issue holding the power, and all disadvantaged minorities, into which category Muslims are now tucked, as the systematically disempowered.

It takes a certain chutzpah to hold that Islam, given its history of conquest of indigenous peoples, sexism, homophobia and violence against Christians and Jews, is equal in victim status given their respective histories to blacks, native Americans, gays and Jews. Yet that is the basic narrative thrust not only of Zines work, but of all the scholars promoting the Islamophobia blasphemy-law agenda.

Their guruis Hatem Bazian, faculty sponsor, IRDP creator and effective leaderof the Berkeley conference. Founder of Students for Justice in Palestine, Bazian is also a former fundraising speaker for the anti-Israel organization KindHearts, shut down by the U.S. government in 2006 for its alleged ties to Hamas.

(Bazian is often cited for what appeared to be a call to violence at a 2004 San Francisco rally, when he shouted: Well, weve been watching an intifada in Palestine, weve been watching an uprising in Iraq How come we donthave an intifada inthiscountry? theyre gonna say (Im) being too radical. Well, you havent seen radicalism yet!)

At a former conference, Jasmin Zine spoke on Constructing the Enemies Within: Muslim Youth, Islamophobia, and the Racial Politics of Canadas Home Grown War on Terror. Zine concluded that it was not jihadist ideology at the root of homegrown terrorists rather, it was Islamophobia, the politics of empire and the racialized security industrial complex.

Zine does not outright condone terrorism, but insists it is necessary to situate these acts within a broader historical context such as the racial violence of colonialism, genocide, slavery, occupation and apartheid. She has likened Americas Guantanamo Bay detention centre to a colonial plantation and a Nazi concentration camp. And Zine sees Omar Khadrs radicalization as the result of Canadas failure to properly integrate his family. Uh-huh.

Ominously, Zine calls Canadian Muslim reformists like Raheel Raza and Tarek Fatah Muslims who want to see an Islam emerge that is compatible with democratic principles native informers, because they are eager to co-operate with security services in identifying radicalizing elements within the Muslim community.

Will Zine be invited to participate in the M-103 study? I am guessing she will be. Will Canadian patriots and democratic Muslims Tarek Fatah and Raheel Raza be invited as well? I would hope so. If all three are, to whose testimony will greater weight be assigned, to whom more deference shown?

National Post kaybarb@gmail.com Twitter.com/BarbaraRKay

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Barbara Kay: How academics portray Islam as a' victim' of ... - National Post

In light of the latest extreme attacks on the LGBTIQ+ community in Chechnya, Russia, which United Nations human rights experts have called unprecedented, English group Left Unity released the following statement on April 14.

***

Left Unity strongly condemns the reported incarceration and abuse of gay men in Chechnya, Russia. We call for the closure of the reported detention centre for gay men in Chechnya. We send solidarity to all gay and Trans men suffering such oppression.

Even stories of such oppression send shock waves around the globe and encourage other oppressive governments to attack LGBT+ people.

We recognise that Chechnya is a minor power involved in global power struggles and that not all reports may be reliable.

Left Unity utterly condemns this vicious oppression of gay men and demands the Chechen and Russian governments do all in their power to stop these actions. We urge our government to pursue demands for a full investigation through the United Nations and to ensure that those responsible are brought to justice.

Left Unity Principal Speaker Nick Jones said: Gay men were incarcerated in Nazi Germany, and persecuted and imprisoned for years afterwards, which is still in the lifetime of many people. Freedom for gay men has now been achieved in most of Europe.

We call for solidarity with those incarcerated and those who fear such oppression across the globe and most of all we hope they know they are not alone, that a tidal wave of good people around the world are fighting for them to be free and safe.

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Chechnya: Left solidarity with LGBTI community under attack - Green Left Weekly

(Alawar Entertainment) US: 9 Nov 2016

Beholder casts you as a tool of an oppressive government. However, after playing Beholder for several hours, I still dont really feel like the tool of an oppressive government.

Part of me thinks this is bad design, the game being unable to properly express its themes. Another part of me thinks its brilliant design, the game making me truly feel the banality of evil; how hard it is to care about other peoples shit when youve got so much of your own to deal with?

In Beholder youre the manager of an apartment building in a totalitarian state. Youre supposed to spy on your tenants and report any illegal activity to your higher ups. Im a tool of oppression, Im suppressing speech, Im enforcing ridiculous laws like Dont wear blue jeans, Dont read, and Dont keep red apples. At least, in theory I am.

Beholder is the kind of game that sucks hours from your life because theres always something to do, and time is always of the essence. I have 72 in-game hours to find a way to get a life-saving surgery for my daughter, 48 hours to find enough money to keep my son in school, and 12 hours to buy candy for my dying daughter.

Meanwhile, I also have to watch my tenants movements, rushing into their homes while theyre out, rummaging through all their stuff for dirt. Damn, they came home before I could search the bed, file that blank spot in the back of my mind and rush back there next time they leave. And install some cameras, too, so I can watch their actions in secret. Multiply all that by six for my six tenants, then somehow cut out time for blackmail and writing profiles.

Its a good god damn lot to keep of track of at once, but it is possible. However, all that rushing around means I spend so much time working towards a level of peak efficiency that I dont have time to stop and consider what that efficiency actually means. I dont realize that Im becoming an efficient tool. I should feel ashamed or guilty, but all I can think about is the next timer ticking down. The busyness distracts from the themesunless thats the central theme.

No matter what your political or ethical ideals are, you will toe the totalitarian line in Beholder. Youll spy, lie, snitch, and steal because the truth is that your shit is more important than their shit. Your family is more important than their family, and your financial safety more important than theirs. The oppressive state creates an every-man-for-himself mentality that forces you to compromise your morals for survival. This is a how a totalitarian state stays in power.

Its also, ironically, how a capitalistic economy stays in power. The truth is that I spend so much time running around because thats how I make money, and money is survival. Money will save my daughters life, money will keep my son in school, money will keep my wife happy, and money will bail me out of trouble if Im caught doing something untoward. All my problems can be solved with money, so earning money becomes my primary goal.

The more information I gather on a tenant, the more detailed a profile I can write, and the more the government pays me for the report. So I embrace my totalitarian duties to spy and steal and snitchbut only so long as they earn me cash. When I do find someone doing something illegal, I never turn them in. I blackmail them, because thats a more consistent source of income. Then, once Ive done this a few times and I can see them in their home all unhappy and miserable, on the verge of moving out, only then do I report them to the authorities for the reward money. Im a tool of oppression for both the government and myself; economic needs supersede totalitarian duties.

In fact, money quickly becomes a bigger motivator than fear of the state, because rebel factions will pay you handsomely for your help and youd be a fool to turn them down: A rebel leader calls and says he wants to house a sign-maker in my building. I say no, its dangerous to get caught up with these people and I could get in trouble with oh wait youll pay me how much? Yea, let him come on over. Naturally, I spy on the sign-maker, gathering a good amount of dirt on him. I get him on camera making signs and then blackmail him, earning enough dough to buy groceries and keep my family happy.

When the government finds out about this (because the sign-maker is really a spy, spying on state-sponsored spies) my boss chews me out for letting a rebel operate out of my building. He calls me incompetent, but as long as he doesnt deduct anything from my bank Im fine with his threats. The rebel leader chews me out for letting his sign guy sabotage the operation, but again as long as he doesnt drain my bank account I dont care what he says. My economic concerns blind me to the context of my actions. I dont care about oppression or freedom, only finances.

Ironically, in this simulation of an oppressive communist-like state, Im actually more of a slave to capitalism.

I dont know if thats purposeful or accidental. I cant tell if Beholder is thematically confused or thematically consistent. Regardless, its certainly interesting: It presents a world in which Im a slave to the state and a slave to the economy, but I have just enough freedom of choice to distract me from my slavery.

Nick Dinicola made it through college with a degree in English, and now applies all his critical thinking skills to video games instead of literature. He reviews games and writes a weekly post for the Moving Pixels blog at PopMatters, and can be heard on the weekly Moving Pixels podcast. More of his reviews, previews, and general thoughts on gaming can be found at http://www.gamehounds.net.

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I'm But a Tool of Totalitarian Capitalism in 'Beholder' - PopMatters

The Hans India

Fight against oppression, leaders tell cadre at POW meet The Hans India She said Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched populist slogans like 'Beti bachavo' and 'Beti padavo' but in reality the exploitation and sexual violence has increased ever since BJP government came to power.In the name of Gaai (cow) bachavoo, people ...

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Fight against oppression, leaders tell cadre at POW meet - The Hans India

A BDS march held in Montreal on May 15, 2010. (Photo: Stephanie Law / Flickr)

How can we distinguish between the very real and harmful phenomenon of antisemitism, and false accusations of antisemitism used to defend Israeli state policies? Jewish Voice for Peace, a grassroots organization working for justice and equality in Palestine and Israel, has put together a collection of essays on this question, with a foreword by Judith Butler. Order your copy of On Antisemitism today by making a donation to Truthout!

The following is an interview with Rebecca Vilkomerson, executive director of Jewish Voice for Peace and the editor of On Antisemitism: Solidarity and the Struggle for Justice.

Mark Karlin: How is the charge of antisemitism used to smear critics of the Israeli government and its ignoble policies toward Palestinians?

Rebecca Vilkomerson: As Tony Lerman's contribution to the On Antisemitism book explores, Israel and its advocates have worked hard to portray criticism of the state of Israel as the "new antisemitism." However, using the charge of antisemitism to shut down legitimate criticism of Israeli policies diminishes the meaning of the term and makes it harder to combat the real thing.

Rebecca Vilkomerson. (Photo: Courtesy of the Author)In our advocacy work for Palestinian rights, we must always be vigilant for cases of real antisemitism directed against Jewish people -- as opposed to protest against the Israeli state -- just as we need to do more to combat all forms of bigotry and oppression in all of our movements.

In the current political moment, when acts of antisemitism have been on the rise, it is even more disturbing that many Jewish organizations are more focused on demonizing Palestinian rights advocacy rather than combatting the antisemitism of white supremacists empowered by the Trump administration.

How is this dynamic playing itself out in the academic world in the US?

Just recently, the pro-Israel group AMCHA released another blacklist of anti-Israel professors, a tactic that they have used for years to intimidate scholars from being outspoken in their advocacy for Palestinian rights. There has been a battle on campuses for years now over the definition of antisemitism, as some Israel advocates have tried to push the University of California (and now some state and national legislation) to codify a problematic State Department definition of antisemitism that includes legitimate criticism of Israel. Fortunately, we've been able to successfully oppose these measures and educate people on the difference between criticism of the state of Israel or opposition to the political ideology and harmful impacts of Zionism, and anti-Jewish bigotry. A section of the book -- with contributions from Dima Khalidi, Ben Lorber, Kelsey Waxman and Orian Zakai -- address the impact on students and faculty who must constantly fight accusations of antisemitism [that are used] to suppress speaking out on Palestinian rights.

Why is the Israeli government so petrified of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement that it just passed a law prohibiting anyone who supports BDS from entering Israel?

The passage of the new bill barring boycott supporters from entering Israel, the targeting of BDS leader Omar Barghouti and the investment of tens of millions of dollars by the Israeli government are all signs of how concerned the Israeli government is with the growing power of the movement to boycott Israel until Palestinians have equal rights. As with any movement that seeks to transform relationships of power for a more just and equitable future, the pushback grows stronger as the movement grows. This crackdown against BDS is the next step in the evolution of this struggle.

How do you see the fight against Islamophobia to be a partner in the struggle against actual antisemitism?

Antisemitism does not operate in a vacuum; we must fight it along with Islamophobia, sexism, classism and homophobia, as well as anti-Arab, anti-Black and other forms of racism, as part of the work of dismantling all systems of oppression. In the United States today, antisemitism is a serious concern, but it is not institutionalized in the same way that anti-Black racism and Islamophobia are through policing, surveillance and disenfranchisement. This book came out of a need among our base and our allies for resources and analyses on antisemitism that didn't equate it with criticism of Israel but did take it seriously as a form of bigotry and analyzed it in relation to other forms of oppression.

Facing the dangerous reality of antisemitism and the false accusations used to defend Israel's policies.

The way that the charge of antisemitism is used against critics of Israel often contributes to the demonization of Palestinian rights supporters in a way that often perpetuates anti-Muslim and anti-Arab bigotry. Israel itself plays a significant role in reproducing Islamophobia and anti-Arab racism, through discourses and policies that paint all Palestinians as violent, hateful or terrorists, and portrayals of Israel as a beacon of civilization in the "barbarian" Middle East. In this context, it is particularly important to be challenging Islamophobia as part of the work for justice for Palestinians and to be clear about what antisemitism is, and what it is not.

Two contributions in the book in particular, by Donna Nevel and an interview with Linda Sarsour, address these questions specifically.

What would you describe as the mission of Jewish Voice for Peace, and do you feel momentum coming out of the 2017 national conference in Chicago that was held recently?

Jewish Voice for Peace is a national grassroots organization, inspired by Jewish tradition to work for the freedom, equality and dignity of all people in Israel/Palestine. We see fighting Islamophobia, racism and antisemitism as core parts of that work. This week we held a truly historic gathering of over 1,000 of our members and partners, where we dove deeply into crucial conversations about Zionism, the security state and policing in the US and Israel, challenging Islamophobia as a central part of our work for Palestinian rights, accountability, anti-racism and building Jewish community based on love and solidarity. We know our members have taken home an enormous amount of energy and excitement about the work to come!

What is the importance of young people in increasing the numbers involved in Jewish Voice for Peace?

We know that there is a generational shift happening on this issue, as young people are far more likely to support Palestinian freedom and be critical of Israeli policies. Jewish Voice for Peace is proud to be an intergenerational organization that celebrates learning from the experience and wisdom of veterans, organizers and activists, while providing a community where young people can lead the way toward reinventing our collective future.

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Israeli Government Is Petrified of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement - Truth-Out

By Alvaro Cspedes

Reporting Texas

Joseph Han (right), who fled North Korea in 1999, has taught at Texas A&M University since 2009. He is pictured here at an April 2016 science day at the university. Photo courtesy of Texas A&M University

In the 1990s, Joseph Han was one of the very few outstanding students to be accepted at one of North Koreas public universities. But his college ambitions were cut short when a famine swept across the country.

In 1999, he risked his life and fled into China, and a few years later made it into South Korea. In 2009, he arrived in College Station, where he does advanced physics research at Texas A&M University.

Han is one of about 500 North Koreans living in the United States people who escaped from one of the most oppressive regimes in the world. While he now enjoys a comfortable life, with a wife, three children and a good job, his story provides a window into a country that has become one of the most severe threats to the security of the United States.

President Kim Jong-Un was just 27 in 2011 when he succeeded his late father, Kim Jong Il, as supreme leader of the country. Kim Jong-Un has been conducting an increasing number of missile tests that threaten South Korea, Japan and the U.S. military base in Guam, and has declared his intention to make his country a nuclear power.

Food is in short supply, there is no Internet or access to information from outside the county, and everyday life is a struggle for many of the 24 million citizens. There are more than 120,000 political prisoners in forced labor camps, according to the George W. Bush Policy Institute, part of the Bush Presidential Center in Dallas.

Han declined to talk about some issues out of concern for the safety of relatives still in North Korea. He didnt want to detail parts of his own escape. Had he been caught as a defector, he said, he would have been imprisoned or publicly executed.

Han was born in Chongjin, a town in the northern part of the country. In college, he studied physics but wanted some books that were not available in his country. He took a risk and smuggled the books from China.

If someone knew that I read foreign books and that person reported me to the police, me or my whole family would be sent to prison camps, he said.

In December 1996, Han had to drop out of college when a famine swept across the country, triggered by bad weather that destroyed many crops.

The university asked me to provide food for myself, so I went back home and got a job as a high school teacher, he told Reporting Texas.

Back in Chongjin, he tried to make some extra money by selling vegetables in a local street market an illegal practice under the strict communist regimeand the principal of the school accused him of advocating capitalist ideas.

He asked me, Youre a young man, what are you doing in that market? I got angry and said to him, I might be a young man, but I also need to eat, Han said.

As he watched people around him dying from the famine, Han decided to leave. He fled his home country in February 1999, risking his life.

Taking advantage of the regions harsh winters, Han made it to the border with China, where he managed to walk across the frozen Tumen River.

After I left North Korea, agents of State Security Department used to keep inquiring [asking] my mom where I went, he said. But the government had no idea what had happened to him. The national system was very chaotic due to the crisis in those days, he said.

In China, North Koreas closest ally, he stayed out of the sight of authorities, which were likely to deport defectors if they caught them.

Han sustained himself for 3 1/2 years by working odd jobs, including cutting wood, taking care of farm animals and waiting tables. He said abusive bosses exploited him.

In most cases, Iwasnt paid, he said. When he did get paid, I received about one fifth of the workers income in China.

But he saved whatever he could so he could flee to South Korea in 2003. The country is the primary destination for most North Korean refugees and grants them immediate citizenship. Han didnt explain how he made it out of China, but said many refugees seek help from South Korean consulates there.

He enrolled in college and finished his undergraduate degree in physics and a masters in experimental particle physics from Yonsei University in Seoul.

He then set his sights on getting to the U.S. to pursue a doctorate in nuclear physics. Han applied to Harvard and MIT, but decided that the Ph.D. program in advanced physics in Texas A&M was the best option for him.

He is now a postdoctoral research associate at the Institute for Quantum Science and Engineering at Texas A&M.

He still remembers the oppression of life in North Korea.

Here, I can go to church if I want, said Han, who is a Christian. In North Korea, there are no churches, there is no religion. Also, in China, I read the Bible in a secret shelter for North Korean defectors which was supported by South Korean and American churches.

The North Koreans living in the United States include some 200 refugees and 300 immigrants who are now South Korean citizens, according to Lindsay Lloyd, who leads the Freedom in North Korea Project at the Bush Institute. The project works to raise awareness about human rights abuses there, assists refugees with scholarships and makes policy recommendations.

The nonprofit Liberty in North Korea, with rescue teams in South Korea and the U.S., also helps refugees and assisted Reporting Texas in connecting with Han.

The famine that Han escaped eventually killed his father and countless other North Koreans. As the food shortage worsened, Lloyd said, The problem was aggravated by the governments policies. As resources became more scarce, the first shot of any food would go to the elite, the military and the ruling party.

There is no publicly available official data on how many people died in the famine from 1994 to 1999, but the Bush Institute calculates that between 200,000 and 2 million people lost their lives, or as much as one eighth of the population.

Before the famine, the Kim regime was seen as one that provided for the people. But afterward, young people in particular became more skeptical and cynical, Lloyd said.

Hans mother and sister left the country shortly after he did and now live in South Korea. His brother managed to escape while working for the North Korean government in Russia and eventually made it to South Korea.

Despite the sharp cultural differences, North Koreans adapt well to life in the United States, Lloyd said.

Actually most of these people are doing well. Theyre not on public assistance. Theyre working or going to school and theyre adapting well to life in the U.S. [] On balance theyre doing fine, but its a difficult transition, he said.

Han now uses an American first name, but said hes had to adjust to some aspects of life in Texas.

People are very individual; they have to do everything by themselves. If I have some problem, I need to fix it by myself.

But, he added, Nobody dies of starvation here.

2015 Reporting Texas. All rights resrved

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North Korean, Now a Texan, Tells of His Life Under Oppression, and ... - Reporting Texas

When a kid goes off to college, you expect him or her to be learning how to handle the reality of adulthood. That's literally the point of college.

But here we have the exploits of feminist activistYvonne Nguyen, who has shaved her head to make ... a STATEMENT.She didn't shave it to support a friend who is fighting cancer, though -- that's always a great move. Nor did she do it because she just likes the way it looks. While it's not my thing, I'm not the one who has to wear it, so more power to her.

Instead, she did it to COMBATSOMETHING OR OTHER:

On Tuesday, the Villanova student published an op-ed in the campus student newspaper, The Villanovan, where she explained that the small and constant comments about how to play the role of my gender were burdensome. ... Throughout my life, I was told how to look, think, feel, act and be a girl in order to fit in.'

Nguyen also asserted that shaving my head enabled me to be reflective of the ways society forces me to conform to labels that I didnt choose. Shaving my head liberated me, as I allowed myself to be faithful to my values and genuine self. She soon added that shaving my head allowed me to be in solidarity with people undergoing cancer treatment and take time to identify the privileges that I take for granted.

I won't pretend that gender norms don't exist, but to treat this as oppression proves that at no point during her education has she studied oppression.

Here's a tip: If you can protest something without ANYramifications, such as imprisonment or threats of government reprisal, you're not oppressed. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., for example, spent plenty of time in jail for his activism.

While gender norms are a thing, they evolve from the culture -- and it's not as if the choices of free women had no role in creating those. And gender norms are not necessarily good or bad.

Most importantly, long or shaved, it doesn't really matter in the grand scheme of things, because no one in the U.S.cares what a young adult does to her hair. "Society" is not trying to define your hair. Society's only interest in your hair is either due to professionalism, or occasionally, public hygiene.

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Female Student Shaves Head to Fight 'Gender Norms' - PJ Media

KINGSTON, Jamaica Members of the Parliamentary Opposition today objected as Finance Minister Audley Shaw asked the House of Representatives to pass the Bill which would enact the Government's new property tax regime.

Members objected on the basis that they were not given an opportunity to properly assess the Bill, and accused the Government of trying to circumvent Parliamentary Standing Orders by trying to pass the Bill along with another Bill, which the Opposition would support.

Peter Bunting, the spokesperson nominated by the Opposition to respond to Shaw's presentation today, accused the Government of subterfuge and anancyism in trying to simultaneously pass the Bill to amend the Property Tax Act with a separate Bill to validate taxes already collected by the Government.

Bunting said the latter Bill was a normal course of conduct for the House, but said that there was nothing connecting it to the former Bill and therefore they should not be passed together.

Bunting reiterated that the Opposition would not support the Bill to amend the Property Tax Act.

Leader of Opposition business, Phillip Paulwell, said the Opposition members only became aware of the new Bill to amend the Property Tax Act when they arrived at Parliament, and would not accept oppression by the Government in trying to pass the Bill today.

Paulwell added that the practice had always been to notify the Opposition of a bill which needed to be urgently passed before the sitting at which it was intended to be passed.

Leader of Government Business Derrick Smith, however, objected to Paulwell's use of the word 'always', saying the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) members had suffered the same lack of notice in the past.

Bills to validate the collection of taxes before the passing of legislation which allow for the new taxes are commonly used by Parliament so that the Government cannot be sued for collecting taxes without proper legal basis.

Both Smith and Attorney General Marlene Malahoo Forte said the Bill to validate the collection of taxes was necessary because of the previous administration's omission.

Forte insisted that the bills needed to be passed together because they were connected.

Both bills were eventually passed with the 31 Government MPs in favour, 25 Opposition MPs against, and six absent.

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#SectoralDebate: Uproar in Parliament as Opposition objects to bill to amend property tax - Jamaica Observer

The latest violence witnessed in Indian occupied Kashmir (IOK) resulted in the death of six persons and more than two dozen were injured. This took place on April 9 as Indian security personnel opened fire on protesters campaigning against the by-election in Srinagar.

Firing bullets into masses of protestors is as contemptible as any state action gets, but the Indian forces returned to using a much more heinous tool shotguns using steel pellets. Despite the massive outcry by human rights groups across the world, India continues to use the weapon that has caused partial to severe blindness among countless Kashmiris. Injuries and even fatalities are collateral of protests and clashes with protestors, but Indias use of inhumane, indiscriminate and brutal methods is far beyond what any reasonable state should ever use.

The Indian government would do well to heed the message of the Kashmiri people, but it is unlikely that the increasingly right-wing Hindu nationalist government will be partial to a negotiated solution that respects the rights of the provinces people. This regime has shut its eyes and point-blanked refused to talk about the Kashmir issues, hoping that not talking about it will make it go away.

On Monday, Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Farooq Abdullah, also asked India to wake up to the atrocities that were being committed in Kashmir and think of a political rather than a military solution. If India does not mend its fences, the consequence of it would be losing Kashmir.

As long as the Indian government continues using oppression, this problem will not go away, and the moderates in India realise this. The Pakistani government must ensure that it assist the Kashmiri people in any way and mean possible, they keep arguing the Kashmiri cause and that that they keep highlighting Indian atrocities at the world stage.

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Kashmir Rejects India - The Nation

Matthew 21:1-11

Try to imagine what it was like that day.

The weather hadnt started to get oppressively hot in the desert yet; the air was still cool, especially at night. And up there on the Mount of Olives, a long ridge running beside Jerusalem and looking over into the city, there was a breeze that rustled their cloaks and felt a little bit like optimism. I imagine it must have been sunny that day, too. But it wasnt just the weather. As they looked out over the city they could see that it was turned out in all its finery, the white marble and gold trim of the temple shining in the sun. Entering the gates from every side of the city the traffic was constant, so many people arriving to visit family or to worship at the temple during Passover, some of the holiest days of the Jewish year.

Jesus himself had been, for some weeks, making his way toward Jerusalem. Hed been in the countryside preaching and healing people, picking up new followers who heard his message of love and justice and wondered if he would be the one who would finally deliver the Jewish people from Roman oppression.

Now Jesus stood, looking out over Jerusalem, a city he loved. Perhaps he glanced over his shoulder at the crowd whod followed him this far. He knew that this was a defining moment: that they were headed toward a collision, a crash between oppressive powers of religion and government, and his gospel of love and justice. Whatever was ahead, it would require such commitment and clarity, an understanding of faith as something we live out loud. Maybe the people standing with Jesus knew what was ahead; maybe they didnt. But as he stood there looking out over the city, Jesus certainly knew this: we dont really start living until we find out what well die for.

Today is Palm Sunday, and as we stand on the edge of Holy Week we are still thinking about the work of Lent, how God perpetually invites us to change, to rethink the way we live, to step out from our human constructs of life and into a world that God dreams for us.

But change is difficult, and the world is dangerous, and we are scared.

And this is precisely why we call this the work of Lentits hard. Trying to imagine a different way of living, trying to step into that new way. It will take everything we have: our deepest commitment, our truest resolve, our utmost dedication.

Matthews gospel today tells the story of a small crowd waving palms on the edge of Jerusalem, and it presents an invitation to us to change the way in which we understand the expression of our faith. So many of us have learned that a life of faith is the exercise of following an inviolable list of rules, our successful following of which will get us into heaven, and our failure to follow, well, you know.

But I wonder as we set out into this holiest of weeks, whether were being invited to understand our faith less as following rules and more as speaking up, as being mouthpieces for righteousness, insisting on justice and peace and wholeness for all of humanity.

Gods way in this world, after all, runs directly counter to systems of oppression and exploitative power. It seems to me, then, that our view of faith must change. Everything about it must change: from an understanding of faith as compliance to an understanding of faith as protest. Speaking up. Refusing to be silent. Not getting tired. Risking everything.

After all, this week especially, Holy Week, if we didnt know it before, we certainly will by Friday: we dont even begin livinguntil we find out what well die for.

All four gospel accounts: Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, tell some version of this story, which takes place, remember, just before the start of Passover. Recall that Passover is a holy time of remembrance for Jews then, even as it is now. Passover lasts for eight days and is the marking of the hardship of oppression in Egypt, the calling of Moses to lead the people to freedom, to a Promised Land flowing with milk and honey, the hurried preparations to be ready to flee, the miraculous parting of the Red Sea, the hardship of forty years wandering the desert, the giving of the 10 Commandments. In the marking of that miraculous history, Passover asks the question: Now that we are free, how shall we live? What does the Lord require of us?

To remember. To remember that the journey from oppression to freedom, from unjust violence to just non-violence, has not been completed. Jews then and now leave the door open, leave an empty seat for Elijah, and tell the story in first personas if they were thereso that one day, finally, with our participation, the will of God will be done on earth as it is in heaven.

Sounds a bit like discontentpushing back against unjust systemsbeing unwilling to sit silent while oppression continuesinsisting on the way of God in a world that does not recognize itprotest.

Filled with travelers and tourists that day, we should also remember that Jerusalem was under the punishing rule of the Roman Empire, its people oppressed and living with the crippling burden of high taxes and limited agency. The crowds were thick and keeping the peace was the number one priority of Roman governor Pontius Pilate and his troops. He wanted to make sure that the people didnt get too riled up in their Passover celebration. And, he wanted to be sure they remembered who was in charge.

In fact, as part of the festivities of the week and in an effort to show Roman dominance, Pilate had planned a procession into Jerusalem let by Pilate himself. No one in the city could miss it: a huge display with Pilate prancing in on a war horse and legions of Roman soldiers with their gleaming armor marching in concert. They entered through the Western gate, the big main gate that framed a bustling thoroughfare.

People lined the streets waving and cheering, families staked out places on the parade route just so they could watch the army make its way in. It would have been like a celebrity sightingpeople craned to get a glimpse of the powerful regent who ruled the whole area where the city of Jerusalem was located.

The message of Pilate and the Roman Emperor was clear: it may be the Feast of the Passover, but this holiday was only being celebrated at the pleasure of the Roman rulers. And no Jew living in Jerusalem or visiting the city for Passover should dare to think of this as anything other than a nice little religious celebration, generously allowed by the magnanimous and gracious permission of the Roman government.

As Jesus stood on the Mount of Olives looking out over Jerusalem, he could see right out in front of him the road to the city, winding steeply down past groves of olive trees, into the deep Kidron Valley, and then sharply back uphill into Jerusalem through the East side, a smaller gate in the back of the city. And we should know that the crowd gathered to cheer Jesus was miniscule in comparison to the huge group watching Pilates parade on the other side of the city.

Pilate rode in through the main gate; Jesus rode in through a small gate in the back of the city. Pilate was dressed in his finery, riding a huge warhorse; Jesus had no armor with no Roman insignia . . . and his ride was the colt of a donkey. The people at the front gate pledged their loyalty to the Roman government and cheered the military might they saw. The little crowd at the back gate, led by children waving palms, yelled Hosannaroughly translated Lord, help us . . . and followed it with the treasonous Blessed is the coming kingdom of our ancestor David! Everything about Jesus entry was a protest to the big parade going on right across town.

Once we see the true setting of this story of Jesus on a little donkey and people waving palms and shouting, we can see very clearly that everything must change; that our understanding of faith must be always grounded in protest.

You may have learned in Sunday School that everyone in Jerusalem got it that day. Thats what I learned, anyway . . . that for that one glorious moment all the people understood who Jesus was and vowed to follow him, joining their voices and their lives to speak up for Gods way of love in the world.

It wasnt so. Its never been that easy to follow Jesus, even on Palm Sunday.

No, anyone in Jerusalem that day who managed to get through the crowds pressing in around Pilate on the other side of town, just to get to the back gate in time to see Jesus led in the back gate on a little donkey knew . . . they knew for sure that what they were seeing was not a popular endorsement of Gods kingdom coming to be, but a visual demonstration of how much Gods way of life stands in contrast to the way of this world.

And as Jesus made his way toward the temple that day, the folks who fell in behind his parade knew that they were marching in a public protest, a tangible act of opposition to human power and might parading just on the other side of town. They werent insincere in their followingthey knew as they yelled Hosanna! that their cries were radical expressions of opposition and defiance.

Perhaps they did not know as they fell in behind him that they would march all the way through the city that week, out into the Garden of Gethsemane, into the courtyards of the most powerful men in society, and eventually up . . . up that hill to crucifixion and death.

But they did know that this was the parade they would join, this strange little band of defiant marchers who preferred not to sing the praises of the powerful but instead to follow the one who dismantled old structures and called for a new world. They held on so tightly to the conviction that hope for the world is not found in human power, but in the way of justice and love, in the way of Christ.

What better story to begin this week, when we will remember what happens when people of faith and good conscience find the courage to confront the biggest and the most powerful forces that work against love, to protest? To resist the powers of this world that close borders and gas innocents and take away healthcare and send the most vulnerable to detention centers and line the pockets of the excessively wealthy while children in our own country go hungry?

Matthew reports that this little group of faithful protestors sent a loud message in Jerusalem that day. Verse 10 reads: When he entered Jerusalem, the whole city was in turmoil, asking, Who is this?

Why?

Because speaking up for what is true and right, even in the face of overwhelming power, has greater impact than we can even begin to imagine. As we set out toward Holy Week, were invited to decide if we will pick up our palms and our protest signs and join this parade, this protest that is our faith. Because if theres anything we need to remember today, its this: we dont even begin livinguntil we find out what well die for.

Amen.

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Everything Must Change: Protest - Patheos (blog)