Category Archives: Government Oppression

The farce on Tuesday at the Knesset made the June 13 swearing-in of the new Israeli government pale in comparison.Youre a piece of sh*t fascist, screamed Joint Arab List MK Ofer Cassif at Religious Zionism MK Itamar Ben-Gvir, who spent an hour shouting terrorist and enemy at Cassif and others attending the extra-parliamentary event that he crashed with a vengeance.

The happening in question was a conference titled After 54 years: From Occupation to Apartheid.

The hurling of mutual insults characterized the atmosphere of the radical NGO-laden convention, organized by MKs Mossi Raz (Meretz) and Aida Touma-Sliman (Joint Arab List) for the purpose of demonizing the Jewish state.

As is the case with all gatherings to which representatives of far-left groups like Adalah, Yesh Din and Breaking the Silence not to mention Human Rights Watch BDS supporter Omar Shakir are invited to delegitimize Israel, the one in question pulled no punches where spreading lies was concerned. In this respect, its message was predictable.

What made these particular proceedings stand out, therefore, was not their content. Nor was it Ben-Gvirs arrival on the scene to disrupt them.

On the contrary, such hate fests always include charges that Israel is an evil occupier of Palestinians victimized by apartheid policies. And the far-Right lawyer/activist who just joined the ranks of the Knesset is famous for his frenzied, yet calculated, outbursts.

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Yes, everything about the vile meeting was to be expected, except for its venue within the walls of Israels parliament and for the fact that one of its initiators belongs to a party integral to the countrys nascent governing coalition.

THIS IS significant for reasons that ought to be obvious, but warrant reiteration. At the top of the list is the abuse of the word apartheid to describe Israel, which in no way, shape or form resembles the former South African regimes policy of forced racial segregation and discrimination.

Even Richard Goldstone, author of the now-infamous eponymous report from the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict established in 2009 to investigate Operation Cast Lead came to acknowledge that if [he] had known then what [he] know[s] now, [it] would have been a different document.

Better two years late than never. But the havoc that the South African judges conclusions about Israels three-week war against Hamas (from the end of December 2008 to the middle of January 2009) had already been wrought. Indeed, the esteemed jurists subsequent retraction to his earlier assertion that Israel intentionally killed Palestinian civilians didnt put a dent in the damage that continues to reverberate to this day.

Precisely because of this, his recanting is worth reviewing and repeating.

In Israel, there is no apartheid, he wrote on October 31, 2011, in The New York Times. Nothing there comes close to the definition of apartheid under the 1998 Rome Statute: Inhumane acts... committed in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime.

He went on, Israeli Arabs 20 percent of Israels population vote, have political parties and representatives in the Knesset and occupy positions of acclaim, including on its Supreme Court. Arab patients lie alongside Jewish patients in Israeli hospitals, receiving identical treatment.

Apartheid, he added, consciously enshrines separation as an ideal. In Israel, equal rights are the law, the aspiration and the ideal; inequities are often successfully challenged in court. And though the situation in the West Bank is more complex here too there is no intent to maintain an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group. This is a critical distinction, even if Israel acts oppressively toward Palestinians there. South Africas enforced racial separation was intended to permanently benefit the white minority, to the detriment of other races. By contrast, Israel has agreed in concept to the existence of a Palestinian state in Gaza and almost all of the West Bank, and is calling for the Palestinians to negotiate the parameters.

Finally, he said, [U]ntil there is a two-state peace, or at least as long as Israels citizens remain under threat of attacks from the West Bank and Gaza, Israel will see roadblocks and similar measures as necessary for self-defense, even as Palestinians feel oppressed And the deep disputes, claims and counterclaims are only hardened when the offensive analogy of apartheid is invoked.

SO MUCH for the A-word. As for the O-word, well, its misused intentionally by those who single out Israel for condemnation at every opportunity.

As international-law expert Alan Baker a former Israeli ambassador to Canada currently with the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs think tank has pointed out: Israel is not occupying any foreign sovereigns land; [it] entered the area known as the West Bank in 1967 and took over the authority to administer the land from Jordan, which was never considered to be a sovereign in the area.

Baker, who participated in the negotiations and drafting of the Oslo Accords, as well as peace treaties with Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon, has also explained that the Jordanians, who occupied the territory after the 1948 war, annexed it, but this was never really recognized or acknowledged by the international community. At a later stage, the king of Jordan voluntarily gave up any Jordanian sovereignty or claim to the territories to the Palestinian people. So, the Jordanians came and went, and the issue remains [one] between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

And this is before one takes into account the Jews proven ancient connection to the land, which Palestinians reject and their BDS apologists deny or ignore. But none of the above escapes the majority of the Israeli public who voted overwhelmingly against the Left in the last four rounds of elections.

The bitter irony surrounding this weeks conference is twofold.

On the one hand, it illustrated the exact opposite of what participants wished to portray. Its ridiculous, after all, to accuse the state of apartheid from the halls of a diverse Knesset that includes openly hostile Arab politicians and post-Zionist Jews, all of whom use their platforms to bash the country that embraces their freedom to do so.

On the other hand, it highlighted the fragility of the new government, made up of a motley assortment of parties that have no business sitting together, certainly not under the premiership of Yamina leader Naftali Bennett, self-described as to the right of former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and Alternate Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, head of Yesh Atid.

The only glue that enabled them to glom together the change coalition was a shared desire to oust Netanyahu from his perch as the longest-serving leader in Israels history. Its still their sole adhesive, as the apartheid event demonstrated.

Efforts on the part of some coalition MKs to block it in the form of a letter to Knesset Speaker Miki Levy asking him to end Knesset involvement in events that act against the state of Israel, tarnish its good name and work with antisemitic organizations like BDS were in vain. The travesty not only went ahead as planned, but was held under the auspices of Raz, whose party, Meretz, could topple the government simply by exiting from it.

IN AN interview with Kan Newss Mark Weiss after the conference, Raz said smugly that the word apartheid makes people very nervous.

But he proudly took credit for normaliz[ing] the word occupation, because until a few days ago, very few people in the Knesset talked about [it].

Some accomplishment.

[It] is my duty to talk about the occupation, to talk about peace and to do my work to represent my voters, he stressed.

Asked about how this attitude might annoy and upset many coalition partners, he replied with the equivalent of a shrug.

You know, he said, Im annoyed and upset every day from things happening [in the country].

No kidding; he and his fellow leftists make that abundantly clear at every juncture, and at each protest on behalf of the Palestinians. That the despots who rule over the latter are the ones responsible for their lack of human rights is as irrelevant to Raz and his ilk as Israels numerous territorial and other concessions to the PLO and Hamas.

Its no wonder, then, that he referred to the mish-mash coalition as a challenging one. Still, not anxious to forfeit the resuscitation provided to his dying camp by Bennett, New Hope chairman Gideon Saar and Israel Beytenu head Avigdor Liberman, he made sure to declare that he considers the new government very powerful, with young and active party leaders for whom truth is important.

One doesnt know whether to laugh or cry at the blatant inversion of the concept.

Original post:

An apartheid conference at the Knesset? - opinion - The Jerusalem Post

Does the law really do justice? Who makes the law? Is everything legal really fair?

We can go on asking questions like this. Who does the law protect? The laws of the male-dominated capitalist system exclude women from social and public life and impose the system of slavery. The law was created to protect capital, patriarchy, and the state. It denies freedom to the working poor, women, believers, and those in need of rights and liberties.

Of course, throughout history, poor working people, women, and faith-based groups have fought these laws. This fight has helped to guarantee individual and collective rights and international conventions. Nevertheless, a free, equal, and democratic legal system has not yet been put in place. Nation-states frequently contradict their own laws in pursuit of their interests. This is clearly apparent in the policies of oppression, persecution, and violence against the Kurdish people in Turkey.

Kurds living in Turkey played a significant role in the creation of the Turkish Republic. The 1921 Constitution was created in this context. However, the pluralistic, multicultural, multi-identity, and democratic nature of this constitution was ignored and, instead, policies of denial, destruction, and assimilation were established. The Kurdish people have always rebelled against these policies.

The Kurds, one of the most ancient peoples of the Middle East, had their territory divided into two parts by the Kasr-i Shirin Treaty between the Ottomans and the Persians in 1639, and into four parts by the Treaty of Lausanne after the First World War. The Kurds, the largest non-status people in the world, have been the target of repressive and cruel policies by Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey. The fate of the Kurds, who have spent the last two hundred years subjected to violence, also has a profound impact on the future of other peoples living in the Middle East.

As a result, the gains made by Kurds in the struggle for equality, freedom, and peace will have a positive effect on other peoples in the struggle for freedom. As the Rojava revolution reveals, every gain made by the Kurds has galvanized the search for freedom felt by other oppressed peoples. Once again, the Kurds relentless struggle against the antihuman terrorist organization ISIS has been an inspiration to all.

My purpose in writing this, of course, is not to tell these stories in full. What I want to say here is that the Kurdish struggle for freedom has an international and national dimension.

It is no coincidence that the world, especially the United States and the EU, is indifferent to this persecution of the Kurdish people this is a long-term policy. However, we can counter these policies through organizing such as the huge movement of international solidarity that emerged when Koban was attacked in 2014. You may remember that this resistance was the beginning of ISISs defeat.

However, the defeat of ISIS was not something that Turkey, which supports the jihadists, wished for. Although Turkey has tried to appear to be against ISIS, it has always supported ISIS: the killing of ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi right next to Turkeys borders, and the salary given to a paramilitary force of jihadists, should be considered in this context. Ultimately, Turkeys support of organizations like ISIS and its derivatives continues as before.

It would be wrong not to consider the repression of Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) politicians for calling for solidarity against ISISs attacks on Koban in 2014. The Turkish state targeted these politicians as terrorists another case of Turkeys support for ISIS.

In Turkish territory, home to more than twenty million Kurds, it was a necessity for political leaders to call for solidarity with their brothers and sisters on the other side of the border against a barbaric organization like ISIS. It was also a humanitarian responsibility that the HDP did not remain indifferent to this situation. All parties should oppose ISIS attacks; attempting to prosecute those that do shows how brutal the Turkish state is in response to the Kurdish struggle for rights and recognition.

The dialogue process between Abdullah calan, imprisoned leader of the Kurdish freedom movement, and Turkish state representatives was ended by Recep Tayyip Erdoan in 2015. With this, calan was subjected to absolute isolation.

During this period, a regime of repression was established that exceeded those previously carried out in the history of the Turkish Republic: the will of the Kurdish people was hijacked when mayors, lawmakers, and tens of thousands of Kurdish politicians were detained and arrested, and Kurdish institutions were closed and trustees were appointed to govern municipalities. The repressive regime and colonial law in Kurdistan have led to the elimination, detention, and arrest of those opposed to power in the western part of Turkey.

Using the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, as an excuse, Erdoans government turned this process into a coup against society and led it toward the construction of a monotheistic, bourgeois, sexist, religious regime under the name of the presidential system.

It would be no mistake to describe this situation as the Second Republic which is, in fact, often said without hesitation or irony by the governments supporters. Erdoan himself has said, We will make a new constitution meaning that the Second Republic will complete the construction of the Turkish Republic, under an oppressive roof.

To the Turkish state, the only obstacle to the establishment of this repressive regime is the Kurdish political movement and the HDP the unified forces of freedom and democracy in Turkey. In this context, since 2015, pressure on the Kurds and the HDP has been continuous, as they have hampered the planned tyrannical regime. Therefore, the judicial machine has fallen under the yoke of power and international conventions and law have been trampled upon.

As far as the Kurds and their friends are concerned, Turkish law is interpreted in arbitrary ways. After all, the European Court of Human Rights decided in favor of jailed former HDP coleader Selahattin Demirtas; his imprisonment was ruled to be in suppression of political pluralism. Yet he remains in prison and the Turkish state has only escalated its persecution of opposition politicians.

President Erdoans statements We do not recognize the decision of the ECHR were accepted by the Turkish courts as an order. Ankaras 22nd criminal court declared that they would not comply with the ECHR decision before the proceedings began. This shows the governments influence on the judiciary.

The trial regarding HDP politicians support for Koban, which began in Ankara on April 26, was carried out in the shadow of earlier instructions given by the government to the justice system. Our lawyers werent allowed in: they said the door was locked. The president of the court appears to have been involved in this case in order to pursue a political career in the future.

It has been revealed that the Koban case was a revenge case, an attempt to throw the HDP out of democratic politics; it had nothing to do with uncovering the truth and serving justice. It was clear that the judicial system has been tampered with by the Turkish state, with political instructions given by the government and partisan court officials and judges appointed by politicians.

Well, what are we going to do?

We will resist the way we have resisted for a hundred years. We will continue to defend the struggle for democracy, ecology, womens freedom, human rights, democratic justice, equality, and peace.

At the same time, we will continue to resist and struggle to establish the foundational principle of HDP: free life. While we are fighting, we invite our friends, all those who are in favor of equality, freedom, democracy, and peace, to show solidarity.

Read the original:

Erdoan Will Never Defeat the Fight for Democracy in Turkey - Jacobin magazine

With the Coalition proving a willing audience as the Australian Christian Lobby once again starts flexing its political muscles, we asked readers if they were worried about its influence on our politicians. The answers came thick and fast.

Stephen Kimber writes: One can hardly be anything other than worried about the increasing influence of politically conservative and divisive religious lobbyist groups on our federal government, particularly one with an avowedly Pentecostal PM. Church and state should be separate, as I recall, not seeking to reinforce known narrow discriminations on a multicultural and multifaceted populace. You do not protect your people by protecting religious bigotry.

Gloria Delahunty writes: I agree with everything ACL and Martyn Illes is doing. We need more religious freedom and less indoctrination of our children into LGBTIQ agenda. The confusion and sexualisation of our preschool children is a disgrace to our society. I pray for our nation and our politicians to have their eyes opened to the damage they are causing to our innocent young children, which should not even be thinking about the things they are being fed.

Bill Buke writes: Yes I am very worried about the extremist group ACL. It wants to turn back time not only against women but educated thinking. It is just as bad as the QAnon group.

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Greg Crome writes: The best values of Western civilisation flow from the Christian gospel, the Judeo/Christian ethic. Why would that ever be a threat? Why do people want to expunge our society of Christian influence? Christians arent going away, and will not be silenced

Tim Reynolds writes: Everybody is entitled to their beliefs but it should be private and never used as a tool to coerce others or be introduced into politics We have diverse religious beliefs in Australia, including those who have no religious leanings. So what right does the ACL have to preach to and attempt to enforce its very biased beliefs on those of other or no religious beliefs?

Lindy Pienaar writes: [Am I] worried about the influence the ACL has on our politicians? Absolutely not. It is time that all voices get a fair opportunity to voice values, norms, science, history and place it in the pool of knowledge for discussion. This generation has radically changed due to big tech and censorship and the propaganda we are spoon-fed The culture we live in is empty and utterly self-centred, it is a void So bring it on, ACL!

Dr Meredith Doig (president of the Rationalist Society of Australia) writes: All Australians ought to be worried about the aggressive push for religious privilege being conducted by the ACL which is a lobby (so how come it gets charity status?) but is certainly not Christian. At least not according to the vast majority of Christians in this country. The Rationalist Society has just published a major report called Religiosity in Australia, which shows that the level of support for religion in Australia has been grossly misrepresented and the views of religious leaders are largely out of touch with those of the Australians they claim to represent Legislators and governments would be wise to keep clearly in mind these revealed facts about Australians real attitudes rather than listening only to the countrys most outspoken religious conservatives. Failure to do so would not only be an affront to democratic principles but will increasingly lead to electoral backlash.

Graeme and Val Wicks write: We are far more concerned about the influence approximately 2% of the population (LGBTIQ) has over politicians!

Lesley Knapp writes: I am deeply concerned about the influence of the ACL on our politicians. I am watching the last season of Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale and understand that the horrific subjugation of women and the religious ideology that enables it that she writes about is not fantasy, but has happened somewhere in the world at some point. The story resonates too loudly and we need to be alert and afraid.

Robert Henderson writes: The ACL certainly does not speak for me, an 80-year-old lifetime follower of Jesus teachings. For me, Jesus was a revolutionary thinker who sided with and reached out to the most marginalised people and was predominantly focused on breaking down barriers between all people and proclaiming a gospel of universal love and justice and equity. His outspoken opposition to the powerful religious authorities of the time led to his own death. Any similarity that the ACL has to Jesus actual teachings is exceedingly difficult to detect.

Jo Lewis writes: Perhaps there should be an all-religions and nonbelievers lobby developed, aimed at excluding nobody and calling for equality, and ensuring fairness in all situations and legislation. I think we are heading in the right direction and would hate to see any development that excludes people for religious reasons and causes racial and ethnic and sectarian separation that can develop into hatred and violence.

Steph Mitchell writes: I for one am glad that the ACL is helping to spread the message to our politicians that there are people who still hold to traditional values, even some who wouldnt even consider themselves Christian but are influenced by many of Christianitys basic beliefs At the last federal election, it was the quiet Australians who dont like the way much of society is heading who voted for Scott Morrison and helped pull off the miracle result. Much prayer was offered for such a result and will be again for the election next year.

Liz Thornton writes: I am appalled at the prospect of further push into government from so-called Christians. People are welcome to worship any god they like but when the beliefs held by people like our prime minister enter into law making it becomes a danger matching other countries that we would declare autocratic. The fact that some Christians already in government have no morals or ethical standards is clear warning that voters need to be conscious and not sleepwalk into electing more slack decisions guided by the ACL.

John Amadio writes: The ACL represents only a small segment of the whole Christian community let alone the wider one and holds a very narrow, quite intolerant focus. Christianity and other religious beliefs are far from discriminated against within society The ACL agenda is clearly to gain influence and power within Parliament and the government to prosecute a narrow agenda that provides disproportionate power to a group that would seek to undo many of the human rights we enjoy.

Ben OBrien writes: No I am not concerned at all. Australia was built on Christian influence and belief in the sanctity of human life Christian values are actually helpful for society to function. Why? Because God knows what hes talking about.

Richard Staples writes: Australian politicians should think hard about the consequences of Australia having anything other than a secular constitution and government. Indonesia has a population of some 270 million, of which about 90% embrace Islam. Nevertheless the Indonesian constitution and government is secular In general, diversity of faith is not just tolerated but respected. Even Christmas Day is celebrated as a national holiday. Any moves away from secularism in Australia would not go unnoticed in Indonesia, Malaysia and elsewhere. It would give ammunition to religious zealots everywhere.

Sue Holdsworth writes: The ACL appears to have a disproportionate influence not only on our government but also among conservative Australian Christians. The ACL is not a church leader, although some Christians are all too willing to look to it for leadership on social issues. Many Christians (myself included) are uncomfortable with its very name, which implies it represents all Christians. Many of us are disappointed with its obsession over Israel Folau and its stance on moral issues, including same-sex marriage and transgenders. I want Aussies to know the ACL does not represent all Christians.

Stanley Burgess writes: I feel that I must register my disappointment at the cynical tone of your story on the ACL. What is wrong with more Australians taking an active part in our democracy? We are generally an apathetic lot so a little passion is very welcome, surely. That ungodly mob GetUp is an organised activist lobby at the other end of the political spectrum. It belongs to the church of woke within whose doctrine there is no redemption. So onward Christian soldiers indeed, and God bless them and you.

Jeff Canning writes: Arse clown loopies. Thats what ACL stands for.

Fiona Colin writes: We have seen in the disUnited States how effectively the religious right mobilised the forces not only of mainstream religion but of all its tributaries. Im thinking anti-sciencers in general, but the list includes climate change deniers, anti-vaxxers, conspiracy theorists, Holocaust deniers, and even Pentecostalists. What worries me is that not only are we not progressing to a more enlightened civil society but we are going back to a time of great division, superstition, irrationality and suspicion to Salem.

Simon Barnett writes: All the information supplied regarding the lobbying of the government by ACL staff seems routine, and exactly as one would expect. Big business, small business, farming groups, trade unions, aid agencies, and lobbyists from the LGBTIQ groups you mention are all surely lobbying politicians in exactly the same way? This appears to be an example of our democratic process working as it should Regarding Folau being supported by ACL again, there was an implication that there was something wrong in this. In the opinion of many, including myself, it is disgraceful that any man in Australia should lose his job for simply expressing a different opinion from that of his employer. The argument that someones feelings could be hurt by him doing so is ridiculous on every level, and should be called out by Crikey and other news groups for the baseless, whining, and manipulative bullying tactic that it is It should not be necessary to compel everyone to express the same opinion, and it will be a much poorer society should we do so.

Colin Bright writes: The ACL continues its oppression of LGBTIQ people, just as religious groups and leaders have for many centuries Theism is the No. 1 conspiracy theory, and people with such delusions should not be eligible to be elected to government in my humble opinion.

Our media landscape is amongst the most concentrated in the democratic world. Big media businesses are marred by big media interests. If you want the full, untainted picture on important issues our environment, corruption, political competence, our culture, our economy Crikey is required reading.

I am a private person that takes online privacy very seriously but I wanted to contribute my words to this campaign as I genuinely believe that we will improve as a country if more people read publications such as Crikey.

Josh

Sydney, NSW

Subscribe before June 30 and choose what you pay for a year of Crikey.

Continued here:

Are people worried about the Australian Christian Lobby's influence? - Crikey

Rania Batrice, Opinion contributor Published 7:00 a.m. ET May 30, 2021

I may not live in Palestine, but the trauma I have to go through in order to go see my family and friendsis painful and enraging.

Rania Batrice in Dallas, Texas, in October of 2019.(Photo: Family handout)

To be Palestinian is to be perpetually gaslit. Each and every day, choices are made that all but ensure that the imbalance of power and continued oppression lives in perpetuity. From the nearly $4 billion per year handed over from the United States government to the Israeli government with no humanitarian strings attachedto thepropaganda machine of the Netanyahu regime the Israeli government has no motivation to stop oppressing and brutalizing my people.

This situation isn't complicated. In fact, its only 73 years old. My dad is older than the state of Israel. He was in his first year of lifeduring the British Mandate, when the British government supported "a national home" for Jewish people,leading to the creation of Israel. My people call the 1948 war that uprooted Palestinians from their home"al Nakba". The rest of the world doesnt have a name for it because its rarely even acknowledged.

With the Israeli governments feet pressed firmly on our necks, they still find ways to stab us in the heart. Members of the so-called progressive left still fail to see their own hypocrisy.

A photographer captured the moment a missile attack destroyed the 14-story al-Sharouk Tower in Gaza city. USA TODAY

Im a proud Palestinian and an American and Ive worked in politics and advocacy for over two decades. My work has always centered justice, equityand fairness. And the same people who call to ask me how to best ally with Black communities in their fight for self determination and how to provide support to Native peoples in their continued fight for sovereignty, tell me that I dont understand history and the rise in support of Palestinian people is about popularity. The gaslighting is as blinding as it is maddening.

I grew up in Texas, and I have a lighter complexion than the rest of my family. Which means that for my entire life, Ive been Arab-undetected. That means people feel comfortable saying things in front of me they wouldnt to the rest of my family: theyve called me, my family, my people terrorists. Theyve quoted the Bible at me as justification for the persecution of Palestinian people. Theyve disparaged those people and assumed I would agree.

I often let them dig the hole just deep enough before I reveal that I amPalestinian and that the majority of my family is actually Catholic. Because, yes, there are Palestinian Christians Jesus Christ was Palestinian.Not that religion should matter in fighting bigotry and oppression, but it is an ignorance that must be named.

The problem, in part, lies in the inability or refusal to separate true antisemitism from the legitimate critiques of the oppressive Israeli regimes that have reigned over Palestinians, carrying out human rights abuses that would not be justified in almost any other circumstance.

Ruins from Kafr Birim, a Palestinian Christian village, where the Batrice family began.(Photo: Family handout)

Lets start with the fact that Palestinians, and Arabs, are actually Semitic people. So the attack itself is not even accurate. Last month, Human Rights Watch released a report outlining the atrocities carried out against Palestinians and concludedthat Palestinians are in fact living under apartheid.

Israelis want to live without fear: Israel is the Jewish people's ancient home. We will always defend ourselves from Hamas.

The accusations of antisemitism began immediately an intentionaltactic to distract from the truth. Even Jewish people who dare to speak out against this oppressionare being attacked and labeled antisemitic. Meanwhile,Jewish settlers, bolstered by the Israeli government, are forcibly displacing Palestinian familiesfrom their homes.These details areconveniently forgotten while claiming Israels right to defend itself.

The bottom line is standing up for Palestinians isnt the same as antisemitism. Arabs are Semites too, and ethnic persecution is ethnic persecution.

I may not live in Palestine, but the trauma I have to go through in order to go see my family and friendsis painful and enraging. I have dual citizenship because of my parents forced Israeli citizenship. But I was born in the United States.

Why am I being attacked?: I'm a Palestinian living in Gaza. No matter when it is or where I am, I know I'm not safe.

When I fly to Tel Aviv, my U.S. passport is literally useless. I have beendetained for hours on end. My family doesnt know when to pick me up because my release is based on the whim of that particular day's security agents. I have beenstrip searched.My bags and electronics have been ripped apartand scanned and then scanned again and again.

The security agents shuffle me from office to office and ask me absurd questions like when was my grandfather born? What was my great grandmothers maiden name? Why dont I speak Hebrew?

This entire process is meant to anger and intimidate and remind me that Im notequal. If my American citizenship can't protect me, imagine how vulnerable every Palestinian livingfrom the West Bank to Gaza feels.

Rania Batrice is a first-generation American, born to Palestinian parents, and the founder ofBatrice & Associates, a communications, advocacy, organizing, and legislative strategy firm. She has worked formany elected officials and electoral entities includingSen. Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign and the Democratic National Committee. Follow her on Twitter: @RaniaBatrice

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I'm a Palestinian American and my dad is older than the oppressive state of Israel - USA TODAY

VANCOUVER (NEWS 1130) Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart is responding to the disturbing discovery of the childrens bodies in Kamloops.

In a statement released Sunday, he says mourning is not enough.

We must continue to seek the full truth of what happened at these so-called schools, as well as other systems of oppression created by our government to destroy Indigenous peoples, he says.

Stewart says hes calling on the Government of Canada to provide necessary funding and support to Tkemlps te Secwepemc to help identify lives lost.

Hes also calling on all residential sites in Canada to be expertly examined under the guidance of local First Nations.

The flag at Vancouver City Hall has been lowered to half mast.

Meanwhile, in Surrey, a memorial was underway Sunday afternoon to honour and mourn the childrens lives lost.

Organizers said participants planned to gather at Holland Park to pay their respects, light candles, and take part in a drumming tribute.

Memorials are happening across the Lower Mainland, including 215 pairs of shoes displayed on the steps of the Vancouver Art Gallery to mourn and honour the children.

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Vancouver Mayor calls on feds to provide funding to Tkemlps te Secwepemc - News 1130

Introduction

From the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were concerns about what would happen in Myanmar, given its extremely weak health infrastructure, its long history of conflict and political instability, and its large impoverished and at-risk population. The low spread of the virus in Myanmar through the first half of 2020 however led some to believe that the Myanmar government was getting it right. The World Health Organisations country representative in Myanmar boasted in July 2020 that Myanmar has done extraordinarily well so far. He cited Myanmars whole-of-government approach, adding: So the country has really gone all out to strengthen the public health side and preparedness and response, which has been critically important to try and make sure we have as few cases as possible in Myanmar.

Although the Myanmar governments COVID-19 Economic Relief Plan (entitled Overcoming as One) made claims about being a coordinated action leaving no-one behind, many of the positive actions of the government have not reached the entire population. Aid and support have remained insufficient in most rural areas, like that of Southeast Myanmar, which is largely populated by ethnic minorities who are already vulnerable due to protracted and on-going conflict, displacement, and ethnic oppression by the central government. Thus Myanmars success should and can only be gauged through a closer look at COVID-19 response and impact in rural ethnic areas.

Very early on in the pandemic, despite the relatively slow spread of the virus, political fractures and infrastructure weaknesses due to Myanmars long and on-going history of conflict could be seen not simply in the governments response, but that of other stakeholders, like Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), locally based civil society organisations, and NGO/INGOs. In a brief report on the situation in Southeast Myanmar during the first wave of the pandemic, KHRG noted the poor coordination and collaboration between stakeholders and the delayed and uneven response to the crisis. KHRG argued that the lack of coordination between political stakeholders has meant that villagers and local leaders have struggled to obtain information and consistent training and regulations, and has left too much of the responsibility of figuring out what to do in the hands of those who lack information and resources to effectively organise awareness and prevention. Not only did this poor coordination result in the forced removal of screening checkpoints by the Tatmadaw, KHRG also found the rise of conflict and tension between villages, increasingly critical challenges to livelihood, as well as the breakdown of local systems of mutual aid.

Given the early indications that COVID-19 response and support were failing in some of the most vulnerable areas in Southeast Myanmar, KHRG continued to monitor the situation to more fully assess the structural weaknesses and barriers that might lead to crisis as the pandemic entered a second wave of outbreaks beginning in August 2020. Increased threats of infection in rural areas did in some cases lead to new efforts at awareness and prevention, but in general sparked heightened restrictions by both the Myanmar government and the Karen National Union (KNU). Thus rather than working to increase individual knowledge and responsibility on the part of villagers, most measures ended up being in the form of broad restrictions like travel bans and school closures that have had significant negative impact on villagers lives. These restrictions also seemed to be matched by a reduction in the range of stakeholders providing services and aid. Although the government has provided small amounts of financial and material assistance to households in need, villagers living in KNU-controlled and some mixed control areas have been excluded, leaving local authorities and CSO/CBOs to figure out solutions to support these communities.

Most rural areas in Southeast Myanmar have not (yet) experienced widespread local transmission of the virus, and thus impacts have been more clearly tied to restrictions and prevention measures as opposed to the full-on health crisis seen elsewhere. But because of the already extremely vulnerable situation of many rural communities, the livelihood impacts are themselves at risk of creating a humanitarian crisis. The poor handling thus far of information and prevention, as well as of testing and treatment, may also have wider implications if outbreaks start occurring in the more remote areas.

On February 1st 2021, the Myanmar military seized power by staging a coup against the newly elected government. Although this report focuses on the situation prior to the coup, the infrastructure and services (albeit insufficient) that the central government, EAOs and other stakeholders have put in place over the past year are in the process of being dismantled. Public healthcare services in some areas have come to a halt, and there have been major disruptions to communication, transportation, supply chains, and banking services. COVID-19 testing has been largely reduced, with little reporting now taking place. Any plans for widespread vaccination seem to have been entirely interrupted.

If rural areas of Southeast Myanmar have not yet faced widespread problems of infection, all of this is likely to change. As local doctors have pointed out: Since the military takeover, the COVID-19 response has stalled. Mass public rallies and protests are both serving a critical function for resistance and unity, but also as likely superspreader events for virus transmission. Without adequate testing, public compliance and goodwill for isolation, access to acute clinical care, and continued immunisations, the implications for COVID-19 spread, morbidity, and mortality are substantial. Thus, there is need more than ever to find solutions to bring support and aid to rural villagers, whose situation has already deteriorated and become more precarious over the past year. With the military now in control, there is even less likelihood that support and services will reach rural ethnic communities.

Although this report covers the period prior to the coup, and describes an infrastructure that may now barely exist, the problems created by COVID-19 and the governments response have not disappeared, and will need to be addressed. Furthermore, the underlying political dynamics that impede the development of a support infrastructure capable of addressing the needs of rural ethnic minorities continue to play out. The report thus begins by providing a brief overview of the political dynamics that have shaped access to services and COVID-19 response. Followed by that is a discussion of COVID-19 reporting and testing, and the prevention measures that have been put in place to address the rise in COVID-19 cases. The discussion then turns to impacts on livelihood, access to different forms of support, and the situation of healthcare and education.

Read more:

Left Behind: Ethnic Minorities and COVID-19 Response in Rural Southeast Myanmar - Myanmar - ReliefWeb

The bill allows state leaders to withhold funding for schools that teach lessons on racial issues, racism and other social issues.

NASHVILLE, Tenn. Governor Bill Lee signed a bill on Tuesday that allows state leaders to withhold funding for schools that teach about social, cultural and legal issues related to race and racism.

The bill, S.B. 0623, includes several routine policies for educators across Tennessee. An amendment introduced by Representative John Ragan (R - Oak Ridge) also includes a policy prohibiting schools from giving lessons on a series of 14 topics.

The topics focus on racial issues, as well as power dynamics that could affect people in the U.S. Opponents of the bill said that some of the topics can be vague and difficult for teachers to follow.

It also prevents educators from discussing a common critique of meritocracy, which is a form of government supposing that people move into positions of power based on their abilities.

Those topics educators cannot cover are listed below:

The amendment also specifies that schools can teach about ethnic groups' histories as described in textbooks and instructional materials. Educators can also only teach about controversial aspects of history, such as racial oppression or slavery, as long those discussions are impartial.

Educators who violate the amendment can risk losing state funding for their schools, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee.

With the stroke of a pen, the governor has silenced constructive dialogue that would educate individuals on the discrimination and systemic barriers that people of color still face in this country including long-term inequalities in educational outcomes, incarceration rates, economic advancement and health outcomes as well as ways we can move forward together," said Hedy Weiberg, the executive director of the ACLU of Tennessee.

In a statement Wednesday, Ragan compared teaching the education topics listed above to "Marxist/Alinsky style indoctrination."

"In short, this indoctrination wastes valuable education time that could be better used in upgrading literacy or numeracy in our schools," he said. "Such political philosophies are not designed to bring people together. Rather, instruction using these tenets is intended to sow hatred, division and discord."

Governor Lee signed the bill after it was sent to a conference so that differences between two versions of the bill from the House and Senate could be resolved. The majority opinion in the conference said that the amendment should be adopted.

"The governor appears to have amnesia about his own words: history without understanding is quickly forgotten,'" said Weiberg.

The bill will apply to the 2021-2022 school year.

Originally posted here:

Gov. Lee signs bill with amendment that prohibits lessons on racial issues and racism - WBIR.com

LAHORE - Punjab Governor Chaudhry Mohammad Sarwar has said that if India wants peace in the region, it should halt oppression and abuse of human rights in Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (IIOJ&K) and resolve the dispute in accordance with the UN resolutions.

In a statement issued here on Sunday, he said that Indian Army Chiefs acknowledgement of Pakistans efforts for peace was a victory of Prime Minister Imran Khan, the Pakistan Army and 220 million Pakistanis.

He said that the Pakistans Armed Forces were the pride of 220 million Pakistanis, adding that those who criticise the national institutions could not be the well-wishers of the country.

Governor Sarwar said Pakistan got rid of terrorism only due to the sacrifices made by the Armed Forces.

He said every Pakistani should give priority to the national interest over personal interest.

He said the strength of Pakistan lies in the strength of the national institutions, and conspiracies to destabilise the country would fail. Every Pakistani stands united with the Armed Forces. We are proud that Pakistan has one of the best army in the world, that has the ability to give a befitting response to enemies on every front, he added.

Sarwar said that today Pakistan was moving in the right direction in every sector. We all have to work together to strengthen all the institutions including the defence of Pakistan, because only the strength of the institutions will make Pakistan strong and prosperous. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-insaf (PTI) government was taking practical steps for strengthening of institutions, he added.

The Governor said that the sacrifices, offered by the Pakistans institutions for regional peace were acknowledged at international level.

Pakistan would continue to highlight Kashmir issue on every international forum under the leadership of Prime Minister Imran Khan, he added.

Continued here:

India must stop oppression, HR abuses in IIOJ&K: Governor - The Nation

The prevailing perception about Bihari women in a sub-urban or rural setting reduces the different dimensions of their persona into fossilised gender identities like left-behind women. In other words, they are mostly considered as the passive recipient of exploitative patriarchal actions in a traditional, patriarchal society of Bihar.

However, a closer look at the society of Bihar would suggest that the role of the women of Bihar is far more dynamic and powerful than a mere passive victim of patriarchal hegemony. A history of migration of males of Bihar in search of better livelihood has resulted in an environment for women where they are not under the constant and direct control of their male counterparts and it provides for a space where they assert themselves more freely in both private and public space.

Changing gender dynamics

To start with, the conviction stems from the immediate lived realities as I saw my mother started to assert herself after my father left home (in Darbhanga) to work as a migrant worker in Delhi and then in far-off Naxal affected areas from where it was difficult to come back home on a regular interval. In the wake of such a situation, she, a left-behind woman, took upon herself the responsibility to not only run her family (which entailed doing the usual household chores such as cooking and cleaning, getting weekly rations from the ration shops, deciding and providing the standard of education and healthcare for us etc.) but also managed to run the small-scale business (a Xerox shop) that my father had.

This story symbolises how the women of Bihar are increasingly claiming agency as is buttressed by a report of National Family Health Survey (2019-20) on Bihar. According to the report, 84% of married women (87% in urban area and 86.5% in rural area) take part in the household decisions and 76.7% of women (as opposed to 26.4% in 2015-16) have bank accounts or saving accounts that they themselves use.

Qualitatively, the degree of participation may vary family to family, but the sheer number does show that there has been a gradual shift in the gender dynamics of the region. In any relationship involving power dynamics, the power is always negotiated and re-negotiated by people who are at the receiving end of oppression. In the case of Bihar, what we are witnessing is that the women are constantly re-negotiating the power in their own ways.

Based on my interactions with women and other family members across caste and community in certain pockets of Darbhanga, I found that in almost every household it is the women who want the males to go out in search of better livelihood as they believe that males being idle choose to spend their time in doing activities like gambling or drinking. Moreover, they choose to stay back as for them staying back is more cost-effective and the sense of familiarity with the neighbourhood (and their own local network) gives them a leverage in accessing employment for themselves in the same neighbourhood.

Also read: A Year Since the Lockdown, Women Migrant Workers Remain Unrecognised

Calling them left-behind women negates their agency in deciding the migration of the male counterparts. Of course, for them the mobility remains limited in nature due to illiteracy and exposure and a lot of times the resistance/claiming of agency is often met with violent and barbaric response. This is especially true for Dalit women who have often been the victims of Brahminical patriarchy as they suffer from multiple axes of oppression which include gender and caste. But does it mean there is no resistance on their part?

According to Scotts theory of Everyday Forms of Resistance, resistance exists among all kind of subalterns and it is a matter of the less visible and small actions by subalterns. In other words, there is a form of resistance that happens at a public front and there is resistance that lies in private sphere, in everyday actions.

The folk songs of Bihar composed and sang by women (not the ones which are performed by males in first person feminine) and the paintings (in particular, Mithila paintings) are such response of Everyday Resistance to the norms of patriarchy and the perception of women as a victim of patriarchy.

In the folksongs (womens genres), women are shown to demand sexual autonomy and keep unpacking the behaviour of men and their nature, and in songs on migration such as Jhoomar and Jatsaaris, they are shown to celebrate the life cycle occasions and accepting male migration as the part and parcel of their life. This is in contrast to the general perception that they are always in a lamenting and pleading mode when the males are away from them.

Representative photo of women voters in Bihar. Photo: PTI

Similarly, the Mithila painting, being mastered almost exclusively by the women, has always represented the women in a powerful fashion and celebrates the femininity of women. Shalinee Kumaris Women can do everything and Rani Jhas Breaking through the Curtains are prominent examples wherein the women are shown to assert their subjectivity and autonomy.

In the narration of the empowerment of women of Bihar, the NGOs and the development drives of the government are largely credited for their empowerment in the popular narrative. In this context, it is important to critique the role of NGOs and the empowerment it seeks to bring about. The modus operandi of the NGOs has largely been to make the women small entrepreneurs by convincing them to make the products which are more palatable to the needs of the market and thus to bring them within the fold of market-led development drive. It doesnt help women to improve themselves according to their own priorities.

Such neo-liberal agenda of these NGOs and their constant rhetoric of empowerment suggests that the women themselves, and not the patriarchal fetters, exploitative mode of production and the government, are responsible for their oppression. In other words, the burden is shifted on the women for their own development instead of questioning the fundamental societal structures which inhibit them from actualising themselves.

All of this is not to say that the patriarchy doesnt rule the roost in the state of Bihar and that the men have stopped exercising dominant control over the family. The idea is not to do chest-thumping and paint a rosy picture of Bihar where there are only few glimmers of hope. The idea is to take note of the changing dynamics as the women grapple with the institutions of patriarchy and not to box them within the narrow idea of being a left-behind women, a putative inferiority that serves no purpose but to other the women of Bihar and to disparage their struggles for emancipation.

Mayank Labh is atNALSAR University of Law,Hyderabad

See the article here:

How Migration of Men Led to Bihar's Women Upending Gender Dynamics - The Wire

Caste is not well understood in the United States, even though it plays a significant role in the lives of Americans of South Asian descent. Two recent lawsuits make caste among the South Asian diaspora much more visible. They show that oppressed castes in the United States are doubly disadvantaged by caste and race. Making caste a protected category under federal law will allow for the recognition of this double disadvantage.

Caste is a descent-based structure of inequality. In South Asia, caste privilege has worked through the control of land, labor, education, media, white-collar professions and political institutions. While power and status are more fluid in the intermediate rungs of the caste hierarchy, Dalits, the group once known as untouchables who occupy its lowest rung, have experienced far less social and economic mobility. To this day, they are stigmatized as inferior and polluting, and typically segregated into hazardous, low-status forms of labor.

The Indian government has many laws to combat caste prejudice and inequality. But attempts to provide oppressed castes with protection and redress through affirmative action, for example are met with fierce opposition from privileged castes. The past 20 years have also witnessed the rise of Dalit political movements and the emergence of a nascent middle class that has benefited from affirmative action. However, oppressed castes claims to dignity, well-being and rights are still routinely met with social ostracism, economic boycotts or physical violence.

Caste continues to operate in America, among the South Asian diaspora, but in a very different legal and economic context. Immigrants from India and other South Asian countries began arriving in large numbers after restrictive immigration policies based on rigid racial hierarchies were changed starting in the second half of the 20th century. These reforms provided opportunities mostly for privileged castes, like our own families, who have used their historical advantages to become an affluent and professionally successful racial minority in the United States.

Oppressed castes are a minority within this minority, and they continue to be subject to forms of caste discrimination and exploitation, as the two lawsuits make clear. Together, these cases show how caste operates within Americas racially stratified work force to create largely hidden, yet pernicious patterns of discrimination and exploitation. In both, the litigants are members of the oppressed caste Dalits.

One case is a discrimination suit filed in June 2020 against the technology conglomerate Cisco Systems Inc. and two supervisors by the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing on behalf of a Dalit engineer. According to the lawsuit, Cisco failed to adequately address caste discrimination by two privileged-caste supervisors. The Dalit engineer alleges that one of the supervisors outed him as a beneficiary of Indian affirmative action. The lawsuit says that when he complained to the human resources department, both supervisors retaliated by denying him opportunities for advancement.

The plaintiff and one of the supervisors are graduates of the Indian Institutes of Technology, a set of elite public technical universities. When the Indian government extended caste-based affirmative action to these colleges in 1973 and 2006, students admitted through the quotas were met with fierce opposition and stigmatized as unworthy of an elite education. The fear of exposure has forced many Dalit students in India to pass as non-Dalits.

The Cisco case appears to shed light on the same patterns of caste discrimination in the U.S. tech sector. By allegedly outing the Dalit engineer, the supervisor marked his caste and, in effect, deemed him unworthy of his position at Cisco. The company has denied the allegations and said that its investigation found no grounds to support claims of caste discrimination or retaliation.

The other case shows how stark differences of caste power and status may be carried over from South Asia to America, a situation that can lead to labor exploitation. In May 2021, lawyers representing a group of Dalit workers filed a lawsuit against the Hindu sect known as BAPS (Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha) and related parties. The workers allege that they were brought to the United States on visas designated for religious workers to help build a temple in New Jersey. They claim that they were forced to work for more than 87 hours a week for $450 a month, or less than $2 an hour. Furthermore, they said they were not allowed to leave the temple property unaccompanied, were constantly monitored and were threatened with pay cuts, arrest and expulsion to India if they spoke to outsiders. BAPS has denied the allegations.

If the charges are proved to be true, BAPS will have weaponized the American visa system to violate U.S. labor and immigration law and engage in caste exploitation. But the situation is different in South Asia than it is in the United States. In South Asia, there is legal recourse for oppressed-caste rights. In the United States, however, there is little recourse. The lack of explicit legal protection for caste creates the conditions of impunity for caste exploitation.

Making caste a protected category is a critical step toward addressing the problem of caste in America. To protect oppressed castes in the United States, we have to be willing to insist that civil rights extend to communities whose oppression is still hidden.

Paula Chakravartty is a professor of media and communication at New York University who has written extensively about race, migration and labor in the United States and India. Ajantha Subramanian is a professor of anthropology and South Asian studies at Harvard University and has written extensively about caste and democracy in India.

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Opinion | Why Is Caste Inequality Still Legal in America? - The New York Times