Category Archives: Freedom

This is a lightly edited excerpt from Guerrilla Radios in Southern Africa: Broadcasters, Technology, Propaganda Wars and the Armed Struggle (Wits University Press, 2021), edited by Sekibakiba Peter Lekgoathi, Tshepo Moloi and Alda Romo Sate Sade.

Since the 1950s radio has been the predominant medium of mass communication in Africa. Not only was radio broadcasting employed by the colonial states in the service of empire, but the liberation forces also appropriated it as a weapon in the struggle for independence. With the turn to the armed struggle and movement into exile in the early 1960s, access to a radio station became a top priority for the nationalist movements in southern Africa. Through radio, the guerrilla movements sought to maintain a sonic presence among their supporters at home. It was a means through which they could shape their supporters political views and behaviour and more especially their activities in resisting white rule.

The liberation movements also, of course, used other media (particularly print), but radio occupied a very special place in the struggle for independence in southern Africa. Sound had the most appeal. Through radio, the liberation movements could address their supporters instantly and directly behind enemy lines. They could maintain their presence at home without being physically present. The appropriation of radio by the nationalist movements nevertheless caused severe nervousness on the part of the white minority regimes in the region, unwilling to surrender their monopoly over the airwaves.

Radio first came to Africa as a tool of empire. This was true of radio throughout southern Africa, where this modern technology was inaugurated, as Mhoze Chikowero writes in chapter four of this volume, as an instrument of contending European imperial propaganda wars against each other and on colonised Africans. Radio symbolised a European presence.

The first broadcasting stations were mainly in European languages and directed primarily at white audiences in the colonies. The first propaganda radio that made a concerted effort to influence political opinion in southern Africa was the Nazi station Radio Zeesen. Broadcasting in Afrikaans in the 1930s, before World War II, this radio was aimed at certain elements in Namibia and South Africa that were sympathetic to the Nazi cause. Radio broadcasting in African languages was first established in the early 1940s, against the backdrop of growing interracial mistrust during the war. There were growing fears among the white rulers at the time that Africans would scupper the war effort unless they received regular war communiques, in their own languages, that urged support for the war. Those who championed radio broadcasting in African languages saw it as the most effective tool for educating the masses and instilling loyalty to the empire.

In South Africa during the apartheid era, as Sekibakiba Lekgoathi argues, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) introduced African language radio stations that were ethnically divided. Collectively named Radio Bantu, radio in African languages was introduced to reinforce the Bantustan policy of ethnic separatism. Radio became a critical tool of modern technology for achieving the ambitions of those who were determined to govern the Black population by domination rather than consent. It was in the interest of those in power to control and contain African access to radio, and when African nationalist movements flipped the script and adopted radio as a means for contesting colonial domination and attaining liberation, a protracted warfare of the airwaves ensued.

Radio played an inimitable role in the liberation struggle in southern Africa, particularly after the turn to the armed struggle. It became a tool for pushing the liberation struggle propaganda and galvanising opposition against white minority rule. Yet no substantial work has been conducted that has made an effort to situate guerrilla radios within a broader regional context apart from some cursory hints in the voluminous body of essays, memoirs, biographies and autobiographies of former activists and political leaders in southern Africa about the role that radio played in the liberation struggle. Most of the works produced tend to be parochial in approach, analysing each guerrilla radio within the framework of the nation-state. There has been very little sustained research to provide historical and social analyses of the use of sound in the liberation struggle in the region as a whole. We know very little about how the nationalist movements were able to engage in a war of the airwaves against the white minority regimes, or to capture the hearts and minds of the people from their bases in exile. We know even less about content production and reception of the messages broadcast on these radio stations.

Guerrilla Radios in Southern Africa is a collection of chapters on the histories of the radios attached to the armed wings of the liberation movements in the region. It is about the experiences of the broadcasters and listeners during the era of the armed struggle. Using archival sources such as sound recordings of the guerrilla radio stations, together with interviews conducted with former broadcasters and listeners, the chapters contained in this volume ask complex questions about the social histories of these stations. They explore the workings of propaganda and counter-propaganda and probe the effects the radios had on the activists and supporters of the liberation movements and, on the other hand, on the colonial counter-insurgency projects. The chapters also examine the relationships that these radios forged at their multiple sites of operation in host countries, and look at international solidarity and support, specifically for radio broadcasting initiatives. In the end, this book pushes the frontiers of knowledge production beyond exploration of broadcast content toward a more nuanced conception of radio as a medium formed by social and political processes.

Guerrilla radio broadcasting, we argue, became a very powerful technology for disseminating insurgent propaganda messages of the liberation movements and for mobilising African workers, peasants, students and youth in the struggle against white minority domination in the entire region. From Angola to Mozambique, and from Zimbabwe to Namibia through to South Africa, the modern technology of radio provided the liberation movements in exile with a platform for an aural or sonic presence among the followers of the liberation movements back home. It became an effective instrument for propagating the ideologies of the liberation movements and for countering the propaganda messages of the oppressive white minority regimes.

The cheapest and most direct medium of communication, guerrilla radios transcended boundaries and were widely listened to, albeit illegally. These radio stations existed, according to Marissa Moorman, beyond the jurisdiction of colonial law but within the broadcast range of the colonial state and the territory it claimed. Their public and legal operation behind enemy lines and outside the reach of the colonial or apartheid laws, coupled with the reality that many people within the colonial territories tuned in, caused severe anxiety on the part of the state. We borrow the concept of the nervous condition of the colonial state from Mhoze Chikowero (in this volume), who in turn coined the term from Nancy Rose Hunts work on the condition of the Belgian colonial state in the Congo. Because of the invisibility and transience of sound and the insecurity of the authorities, the police and the military were put on the defensive. As Moorman shows in chapter three of this volume, the colonial state listened in to the guerrilla radios and transcribed the broadcast messages and arrested and prosecuted anyone caught listening. Quite commonly, as Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu illustrates in chapter nine, the white minority regimes sought to counter guerrilla radio propaganda with their own propaganda disseminated through state channels such as Radio Republic of South Africa (Radio RSA). Simultaneously, surveillance was put on guerrilla radios and their frequencies were jammed.

The support that the independent African countries (Egypt, Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Tanzania, Zambia, Congo-Brazzaville, Congo-Kinshasa and Angola, among others) and other international solidarity groups and governments gave to the southern African liberation movements in exile was immense. Yet the existing studies on the liberation struggles only provide perfunctory hints, at best, of this. Very few historical works have uncovered the multi-layered histories of these radios and analysed the dynamics of the relationships fostered at the points of operation in exile. The paucity of regional scholarship on the liberation struggle generally, and on broadcasting in particular, is unfortunate given the regions shared experiences of white minority rule, the continental initiatives to fight against it, and the growing significance of radio as a medium of mass communication in the era after World War II.

In his chapter in this volume Lekgoathi shows that substantial financial and logistical support was advanced to the African National Congresss Radio Freedom by governments, solidarity groups, and civil society organisations in eastern and western Europe (the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic, the Nordic countries, the Netherlands and others). While the fight against the injustices of the apartheid system was important, these countries and support groups also had other underlying motivations. During the Cold War, the communist bloc supported the liberation movements in order to expand their ideological influence in Africa. The Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands saw support for Radio Freedom as part of a larger struggle against state monopoly of the airwaves and the promotion of media pluralism and democracy. Informed by their pan-Africanist outlook and commitment to a decolonised Africa, sovereign African countries such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Tanzania and Zambia (despite their own struggling economies and sociopolitical challenges) accommodated these radios on the external services of their national broadcasters. The sacrifices they made were significant. Some endured spates of military incursions and air bombardment by the South African military that destabilised the entire region. Radio Freedom, Voice of the Pan Africanist Congress, Voice of Namibia, A Voz da Frelimo, Voice of the Revolution, Voice of Zimbabwe and others benefitted greatly from such magnanimity by the frontline states.

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New Books | Radio in the fight for freedom - newframe.com

Police officers and protesters clash during Parliament demonstration. Video / Supplied

OPINION

It could be assumed that in New Zealand, the fourth safest democracy in the world in 2021, freedom is everywhere.

Apparently not according to many disparate and unhappy groups of people in this country.

The country, for weeks, watched as several thousand Kiwis have mobbed together to assert their loss of freedom in various parts of Aotearoa, particularly in Wellington at Parliament recently, the very seat of our safe democracy.

A haven for freedom.

Freedom is a word that means many things to different people. To me, it means living in my beautiful homeland safely, without the prospect of war, enjoying my rights and responsibilities as I personally choose.

I am free to do what I wish, within reason.

As long as I do not impinge upon the freedoms of others in my community I am pretty much left to just get on with things.

Live my life as I wish according to my personal values and views. Not hard, really.

There are some areas in life where we are not free to do as we wish.

27 Mar, 2022 09:00 PMQuick Read

13 Mar, 2022 08:00 PMQuick Read

27 Feb, 2022 04:00 PMQuick Read

In this country, we all have to drive on the left side of the road. No ifs and buts, we must.

That is the law, in place to keep us all safe. No one I know disagrees with that or purposely disobeys that rule.

We are not free to wander uptown naked. We can do it, but it is likely someone will take us aside and point out to us that this behaviour is, at the least, inappropriate.

We might even have to talk to a judge about it.

Some would argue it is their body, they should be allowed to. They maybe do not understand that others may find their behaviour offensive.

As we all watched the mob express their freedoms by abusing and threatening others on the streets around Parliament for having the freedom to wear masks to protect themselves and others, most of us would have seen the wrong-headedness of their actions.

The fact that these people were free to be able to behave the way they did argues against their cause, whatever that may have been.

In most places in the world, the official response would have been quick and very brutal. Not in little old Welly.

The local cops rolled up, tried a few tactics, decided that this was too dangerous bearing in mind the makeup of the crowd including young children and older people, so settled for the long game.

Let's wait them out. Only in New Zealand.

Photos of police doling out lollies, laughing and chatting with the mob, trying to keep all safe flashed around the world showing a tolerant society.

Some would say a little too tolerant.

As time drifted by, the loos backed up, the ground became a fetid swamp and sickness began to take its toll. Many drifted away to fight another day.

The faceless leaders of some of the groups present also abandoned ship when they realised they had nothing further to gain. They left their deluded followers to their fate.

I concede that some in the mob held sincere opinions, however wrong, about their freedoms being impinged. The thought process that made this happen is interesting.

New Zealanders have never been compelled to be vaccinated by law.

It has been left as a choice to our population, at least 94 per cent of the population who qualified chose to exercise that choice.

This majority did this for their own protection and for the protection of others, a community responsibility shared. Something New Zealanders should be very proud of.

Some of those who chose not to be vaccinated suffered the consequences of their decision.

They lost jobs and maybe homes. These people chose this course, knowing the possible outcomes.

How then has their freedom been taken from them?

How has a Government who, overall, managed the Covid pandemic very well compared to other governments, taken freedoms away from New Zealanders?

These people took their own freedoms away.

Let's be honest - no one likes the mandates.

Most have ended with our borders slowly re-opening to the world and us all learning to live with some form of endemic Covid-19 together with yet another annual vaccination going forward.

But losing freedoms? Really?

Freedom includes various rights, but with rights, come responsibilities - to ourselves and others. Most people understand this but a few simply cannot.

The causes displayed in the Wellington mob were wide-ranging with some strange bed-fellows sharing time together.

It seemed every unhappy soul in the country got together for a major whinge. Many with very strange agendas and views, many perhaps simply not well.

Watching the mob fight each other at times said it all, really.

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Rob Rattenbury: Freedom comes with responsibilities - New Zealand Herald

Regarding As Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson makes history, Ted Cruz and John Cornyn call her a threat to freedom, (April 7): It is highly ironic that Sen. Ted Cruz would call Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson a threat to freedom. On Jan. 6, Sen. Cruz led the insurrection caucus in the Senate in their attempts to shred American democracy by overturning the will of the American voting public in the 2020 presidential election.

The junior senator from Texas has refused to state unequivocally whether he had been in communication with his longtime friend, conservative attorney John Eastman, who was promulgating the bogus theory that Mike Pence could stop the certification of the election for Joe Biden, in an attempt to coordinate a multi-pronged strategy for undermining American democracy.

As Republican Rep. Liz Cheney has observed of Cruz, It was a very dangerous proposal, and, you know, could very easily have put us into territory where we got to the inauguration and there was not a president. And I think that Senator Cruz knew exactly what he was doing. I think that Senator Cruz is somebody who knows what the Constitution calls for, knows what his duties and obligations are, and was willing, frankly, to set that aside.

Andrew Edmonson, Montrose

Regarding Ted Cruz and other Republicans walk out during applause for Ketanji Brown Jackson, (April 7): Once again, Sen. Cruz is unable to help himself in displaying the antics of an immature fifth- grader. News flash senator: regardless of ones political beliefs, its called class look it up, you might learn something. By the way, it reminds me of the same amount of class you displayed when you threw your daughters under the bus upon your return from your ill-fated trip to Cancun.

Chris Brown, Houston

Regarding Republicans find defining woman not so easy, (April 8): Once again, the Supreme Court confirmation hearings did not disappoint in providing entertainment, compliments of Rep. Madison Cawthorn, Sen. Josh Hawley and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene.

A simple definition for woman became the weapon of choice for the strategy to bring down Supreme Court nominee, Ketanji Brown Jackson. Columnist Monica Hesse summarily exposed each simple definition to be under-prepared and, at best, failing to prove whatever point they were trying to make.

It would be even more entertaining to hear these same individuals simple definition of man, providing it be given in complete humility.

K. Salstrom, Sugar Land

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Opinion: The only threat to freedom here is you, Senator Cruz, not Justice Jackson - Houston Chronicle

Aaron Ramsdale lamented a very tense and slow performance as Arsenal suffered a hugely damaging 2-1 defeat at home to Brighton.

Coming into the game off the back of Mondays 3-0 defeat at Crystal Palace, manager Mikel Arteta had emphasised a need to put things right immediately but the Spaniards tactical decisions seem to throw his players off their game as they produced a horribly cumbersome showing.

Despite problems of their own in recent months, Graham Potters side had little problem containing Arsenals attacking unit and on the break they showed a ruthless side as Leandro Trossard and Enock Mwepu finished off slick moves either side of half time.

Its not good enough, Ramsdale told Arsenal.com. Two games on the spin where the first 45 minutes has got away from us. You make it an uphill battle against any team in the Premier League if youre losing at halftime.

We were not in the rhythm of the game, thats unlike us, especially at home where weve normally started really well all season. It was a really poor performance and as I said we, went to the end but thats a given at any club, especially this club. When you give a team a step up in the Premier League its always hard to get back in the game.

One-nil down is tough enough, two-nil down in the Premier League is even harder, so if wed have got the first goal back even earlier we might have pushed and pushed but there was too much to do in the end.

Todays defeat means Arsenals hopes of qualifying for the Champions League are no longer in their own hands. Whats more with a daunting run of games ahead, its going to be a real scramble to even secure a place in the Europa League.

The manager said afterwards that his players lacked purpose, created a cold atmosphere and are currently on a road that is taking us nowhere.

If the pressure is on, Ramsdale is keen for the players to try and strip things back to basics.

This was supposed to be the reaction game but it wasnt, he said.

Weve lost and not managed to pick up any points and next week is even bigger. I think we just need to go out there and be free and play our game, you know?

Its a game of football and I think in the first half we were very tense and slow so we just need to go out there next week, trust what the manager and the coaching staff are saying and go and play our football, which weve done all season.

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Ramsdale calls on "tense" Gunners to play with more freedom - Arseblog News

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The people of Ukraine simply yearn to be free, to live where and how they want, and to choose their government in the pursuit of justice and equity. The basic rights for which Ukrainians have been fighting since 2014: life, liberty and personal security, are fundamental rights that many Americans might take for granted every single day. Most Americans couldnt ever imagine their basic freedom to live being stripped away. Good fortune, perhaps. And maybe some navet about the fact that basic rights dont just happen they are earned and defended. But freedom, it seems, isnt free. Each of us, as global citizens, has an obligation to stand up and defend these rights. Even if they dont apply to you. We must not stand by as the people of Ukraine and their freedom - perish.April 10, 2022

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Velshi: We must not stand by as the people of Ukraine - and their freedom - perish - MSNBC

The wind was whipping, and the sun was still bright when Ken Johnston and Deborah Price started a 165-mile "Walk to Freedom" from the beach at Cape May, New Jersey, at the Sunset Pavilion last Saturday afternoon.

They are walking to Burlington, New Jersey, in a "segment-walk" over the next several weekends and expect to finish by May 8.

"The goal is to resurrect the voices and memories of the people who history has forgotten, and to recognize the families that were separated and reunited by their love for each other and their quest for freedom," said Johnston, who lives in West Philadelphia, near Cobbs Creek.

Johnston, 60, has completed several long-distance walks over the last five years. His first walk in 2017 in Massachusetts where he once lived, was for health and personal reasons.

In 2018, he completed a 400-mile solo trip from Selma to Memphis, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. It was his first "Walk to Freedom" march.

In 2019, he walked 71 miles across Northern Ireland, from Belfast to Derry, commemorating the 1969 "People's Democracy March."

And at Christmas 2019, he began an earlier walk following Harriet Tubman's journey from Maryland to Philadelphia. Because of COVID-19, he did not complete his walk to Harlem in New York until 2021.

Johnston embarked on the latest walk to honor Tubman because this year marks the bicentennial anniversary of her birth in March 1822.

They will follow the general routes of people who were "freedom seekers," not "runaway slaves," as most historians have called those fleeing from captivity.

But Johnston said he also wanted to call attention to the people whose names and stories are not remembered as much as Tubman's.

For instance, their walk will include stops by the Peter Mott House in Lawnside, where Mott, a free Black American preacher, and his wife, Eliza, gave shelter to freedom seekers.

They will also stop by Jacob's Chapel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Mount Laurel, and at the historic Timbuctoo Village, where free and formerly enslaved people formed a Black settlement in 1826.

There will also be visits to sites in Salem and Elsinboro Township in Salem County and Greenwich, including Springtown, in Cumberland County.

Johnston said there were abolition activists, free Black men and women, Quakers and Native Americans who provided shelter and food to those escaping slavery.

People can keep up with the 165-journey by visiting Johnston's "Our Walk to Freedom" blog, at ourwalktofreedom.com/blog/.

There is evidence freedom seekers from Maryland crossed the Delaware Bay and landed at the beach near Sunset Pavilion.

But there is no evidence Harriet Tubman crossed the bay with them, said Cynthia Mullock, the executive director of the Harriet Tubman Museum in Cape May.

"We do have evidence that she was working here in 1852 as a domestic worker and cook for families and hotels."

It was more likely that Tubman worked most closely with Philadelphia-based abolitionists, such as Stephen Smith, a wealthy lumber company owner, who had a summer house in the beach town, across the street from the current Harriet Tubman Museum, at 632 Lafayette St.

Mullock said although Tubman may not have crossed the bay -- something some historians have not ruled out -- it is more likely Tubman and other abolitionists helped those who did land at Sunset Pavilion beach to make their way north through New Jersey and on to New York or Canada.

At the Harriet Tubman Museum, Johnston and Price were joined by two other walkers, Rebecca Perrone, a Willingboro City Council member and William Calvin, her fiance.

They left the museum by 6 p.m. last Saturday for the hard part of the 15-mile journey to Cape May Court House.

An Inquirer reporter found them along Route 9 heading north about 8 p.m. It was dark and traffic whizzed by.

They didn't arrive in Cape May Court House until about 11:30 p.m. that Saturday, Johnston said Sunday.

Johnston said the first leg of the 165-mile trip from Cape May is the only segment that was scheduled to be conducted at night.

"We wanted to simulate the way the freedom seekers would have traveled," Johnston said. "They would have traveled by night to avoid being captured."

Just three months ago, Johnston and Price, who lives in Willingboro, were strangers.

They met when Johnston, who works in human resources, visited the Underground Railroad Museum in Eastampton, near Mount Holly, to research his South Jersey walk.

Price, 65, who has worked as a bank examiner and regulator, volunteers at the Underground Railroad Museum.

Price was so intrigued as Johnston described his plans that he invited her to come along.

Last Sunday morning, Price and Johnston started out from Cape May Court House with the sky overcast and a few sprinkles of rain. They were joined later by Perrone and Calvin, who caught up with them while they were stopping to talk to people along the way.

As they began walking, they decided to walk only 8 miles to Dennisville, rather than the previously announced 15-mile destination to Delmont, New Jersey.

From the road, as they approached Route 47, Price said, "This walk is becoming very therapeutic for me. We are looking at the environment, looking at the greenery that's out here. The color of the muddy waters."

"It's been beautiful," she said. "People have been supporting us by flashing their lights, or stopping to talk with Ken."

They met one woman picking dandelions who talked with them about the walk.

For Price, the walk meant reflecting on how the past, the meaning of the walk to freedom by people who had been enslaved, has meaning for news of today.

"I found myself not only think about Harriet, but a lot of the folks who are on the same mission trying to get freedom today."

"I thought about the Ukrainian women, carrying their children and trying to escape the war, I thought about the people in Mexico, trying to cross the border and the people in Haiti, all needing freedom. So many things cross your mind."

Read this article:

To honor Harriet Tubman and others, this 165-mile 'Walk to Freedom' traces South Jersey Underground Railroad routes - Jefferson City News Tribune

Published:9:27 AM April 10, 2022

A long-serving councillor and three-term mayor of Great Yarmouth is to be awarded the honorary freedom of the borough at a special ceremony.

MichaelJealwill be formally recognised at a council meetingon Thursday April 14.

A special ceremony where Mr Jeal will be awarded the Freedom of the Borough is to be held at Great Yarmouth Town Hall on Thursday.- Credit: Archant 2011

In 1974Mr Jeal joined the Norfolk Fire Service and served in Gorleston for 10 years before joining Great Yarmouth Fire Department where he worked for three decades.

After leaving the fire service in March 2004,Mr Jeal joined First Move Furnishaid -a Great Yarmouth charity who redistributes furniture and household appliances to families in the local area at affordable prices.

Although originally the post was for six months in 2006,Mr Jeal still works there today.

Mr Jeal's political career began when he was elected to serve the Nelson ward in 1986. During his 35 years of service,he has held a number of key council posts, including the mayor's consort to Susan Robinson in 2006/7, the mayor in 2010/11, 2019/2020 and 2020/2021 and cabinet member for economic development from 2012 to 2015.

Mayor of Great Yarmouth borough Adrian Thompson said Mr Jealis an "extremely worthy beneficiary" of the Freedom of the Borough..- Credit: DENISE BRADLEY/Archant2022

Great Yarmouth borough mayor Adrian Thompson said: "Mr Jealhas served three terms as mayor, after he stayed on an extra term during the height of the pandemic, and is an incredibly experienced councillor and civic representative.

Awarding Freedom of the Borough is one of the ways we can honour those who have contributed to their community and life in the borough in a big way and Mr Jealis an extremely worthy beneficiary.

FLASHBACK: Michael Jeal as Great Yarmouth borough mayor in 2021.- Credit: Archant

Mr Jealsaid: I am honoured to join myfellow former mayor and long-serving councillor Cora Batley -the first ever woman to receive the award in 1997 -in receiving this admirable award.

The privilege is given to those who the council feel has provided the borough with invaluable services over many years. The first ever record of Freedom of the Borough dates to 1312 when it was granted to John Fraunceys of Caister, and recipients include Admiral LordNelson back in 1800.

As well as individuals, it has also bestowed on several organisations with strong links to the borough, such as the East Anglian Regiment in 1963, HMS Yarmouth, Great Yarmouth & Gorleston Lifeboat and Caister Lifeboat in 1984.

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Three-term mayor to be granted prestigious Honorary Freedom of the Borough - Great Yarmouth Mercury

Happy Wednesday, folks. Its a Champions League day both in Europe and North America, so while you get set for the day of soccer, lets catch up on some news.

First, it looks like D.C. United could be signing another Homegrown Player. This time, its midfielder Jackson Hopkins.

The youth movement is in full effect at Audi Field.

Football Union of Russia withdraws appeal over FIFA ban - ESPNFC

Russia has dropped its appeal of its ban by FIFA, and all eyes turn to whether they will be removed from UEFA Nations League in June.

Potential 2022 friendly opponents for the USMNT - SSFC

The USMNT has a chance for up to 4 friendlies between now and the start of the World Cup. We examine some options for teams that could give the USMNT a good test.

Adrien Perez has reportedly suffered a setback in his recovery:

Former UEFA president Michel Platini files criminal complaint against FIFAs Gianni Infantino - ESPNFC

Michel Platini has filed a criminal complaint against FIFA president Gianni Infantino, alleging that Infantino peddled influence using the weight of his office. We will see if anything actually happens.

Sebastian Salazar spoke with Madison Shanley, who wore a You Knew shirt while singing the national anthem before last weekends Portland Timbers match. A Timbers employee tried to coerce her not to wear the shirt, but she resisted and wore it anyway.

MLS players who could push onto USMNT and CanMNT Nations League rosters - MLS

Some MLS youth could be poised to make a leap onto the USMNT and Canada. MLS presents a short list of those players who could find themselves on Nations League rosters this summer.

Enjoy the soccer, everyone.

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Wednesday Freedom Kicks: D.C. United to add another Homegrown Player, Russia withdraws appeal of FIFA ban - Black And Red United

Jon Batiste took the stage at the 2022 Grammys tonight. He played a brief piano interlude while dressed in a black cape before hopping center stage, ditching the robe to reveal a sparkling suit, and performing his hit song Freedom from his 2021 album We Are. Batiste enlisted a full band for the set, as well as backup dancers in colorful outfits. For the songs end, they walked into the crowd and Batiste climbed atop Billie Eilishs table while belting out the final chorus. Watch it all happen below.

Batiste won five of the 11 Grammys for which he was nominated at this years ceremony, the biggest of which was Album of the Year for We Are. Batiste also took home awards for Best Music Video (for Freedom), Best American Roots Performance (for Cry), Best American Roots Song (for Cry), and Best Score Soundtrack for Visual Media (for Soul, which he won alongside Trent Reznor and Atticus Ross).

Follow all of Pitchforks coverage of the 2022 Grammys.

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Watch Jon Batiste Perform Freedom at the 2022 Grammys - Pitchfork

If youre a fan of Strictly Come Dancings Johannes Radebe, this first solo theatre outing is a must-see show. But even if youve never seen Strictly, its safe to say you will be a fan of Radebes by the end of the night. Its rare to see a show this personal, as if youre watching someone realising their dream right in front of you. South African Latin dance champion Radebe is a lovable personality and fierce performer who leaves it all on the floor. And from his arrival on stage, where the cast parts in two and Radebe majestically sweeps forward wearing ceremonial Zulu costume, its clear theres a star in our midst.

Freedom packs in everything meaningful to Radebe, from his township childhood, delving into South African dances kofifi and pantsula, to the clubs of Johannesburg, the snaking bodies of tango-like kizomba, mixing up Latin, club and various African styles, and then a whole Bob Fosse section. Not every dancer in the energetic young cast is expert in every style. They can dance it, but their bodies dont have that deep inculcation. Radebe, however, inhabits it all, with plenty of his own fabulous flair thrown in. Hes a dancer of speed and sass, and his tall frame is precise in its articulation; he really commands the stage.

Radebe also takes the mic and proves a charming MC, telling his story from post-apartheid Zamdela to 2020s London, thanking many of the people who helped get him here, and appealing for freedom for everyone to be able to be who they are, not just pointing out there are 70 countries in the world where homosexuality is still illegal, but then sweeping on stage in an outfit of gold shimmer with a flowing train made of flags from those countries. The politics is heartfelt, the delivery inspired.

The second half of the show relives some of Radebes favourite Strictly moments and then heads off into rousing and carnivalesque party territory. Its frequently OTT they must have bought up the citys entire sequin stock but performed with complete conviction, and there is simply unbridled joy in witnessing someone living their best life.

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Johannes Radebe: Freedom review Strictly star leaves it all on the floor - The Guardian