Category Archives: Freedom

OPINION: In retrospect, almost every era may be viewed as an age of giants as exemplified by the glorious history of the Struggle for liberation in South Africa. It is in this regard, therefore, that Charlotte Maxeke stands out like a cathedral in a citadel, writes Dr Vusi Shongwe.

The present generation may rewrite history, but it does not write it on a blank page. (Maurice Halbwachs).

This work is not for yourselves. Kill that spirit of self and do not live above your people but live with them and if you can rise, bring someone with you. Charlotte Mannya- Maxeke Institute.

Addressing his people, President Igor Smirnov of Transnistria, near Ukraine, once said: We must save the heritage of our heroic senior generation. Their feat will remain for centuries as a caution for our descendants, as a lesson of courage, of selfless service to the Fatherland, of fidelity to the ideals of good and justice.

So, similar sentiments can be expressed in relation to Charlotte Maxeke who by all measure and standards of the time was a woman of great stature.

American civil rights woman activist, Fannie Lou Hammer, teaches us that there are two things we should always care about. Firstly, we should never forget where we came from and secondly, we should always praise the bridges that carried us over.

Regrettably, apathy has made it possible for South Africans to forget the bridges that carried them over to where they are today as a nation. There is, as it were, an apparent forgetfulness that our progress is a march that started with the fallen heroes and heroines.

As we progress, these heroes and heroines hear every footstep and misstep we make. It is against this backdrop that Maurice Halbwachs reminds us that the present generation may rewrite history, but it does not write it on a blank page.

So, Charlotte Maxeke is one of those bridges and also one of those heroines of our Struggle for freedom whose motive to join the Struggle for freedom was to improve the quality of life of the downtrodden rather than personal aggrandisement.

So, it can be gleaned from the above explication on the question of forgetfulness that many magnificent human beings who achieved so much in the past are now almost totally forgotten. Ironically, their contemporaries would have expressed astonishment at their present anonymity.

Thus, in retrospect, almost every era may be viewed as an age of giants as exemplified by the glorious history of the Struggle for liberation in South Africa. It is in this regard, therefore, that Charlotte Maxeke stands out like a cathedral in a citadel.

It needs to be conceded though that there is always an element of danger involved in seeing the past through the present.

Thus, although the contemporary glass through which we review the past may show us new aspects, it may also discolour or distort it. So, if we are to avoid errors, we must try to see Charlotte Maxeke in her own context within which she displayed all the qualities of a great leader.

Arguably, the fact that unlike in the case of other eminent ANC leaders, Charlotte Maxekes history has not spawned a virtual cottage industry of books and commentary despite the rich history she bequeathed us with, has for many years, been an indictment on the ANC as a party for its perhaps unwitting disregard of her monumental achievements.

Our recognition of this historiographical omission which, when correctly construed, should steer us towards rescuing Charlotte Maxeke from the threat of global anonymity and restore her to her deserved position in public esteem.

Indeed, the government needs to be commended for removing Charlotte Maxeke from both the periphery of the discourse of the Struggle for liberation and anonymity by declaring 2021 as the year of celebrating the anniversary of 150 years of the birth of Charlotte Maxeke an icon of the role of women in the Struggle for liberation in South Africa.

She is, therefore, to be conceived of as a towering figure and extraordinary black female intellectual and activist who made superhuman efforts to improve the human condition.

Who was Charlotte Mannya Maxeke?

Charlotte Maxeke was born Charlotte Mokgomo Mannya Maxeke in Botlokwa Ga-Ramokgoba in Limpopo (Polokwane) in 1871. Her mother was a teacher and her father was a foreman on road gangs. Her father was also a lay preacher in a Presbyterian Church.

In 1891, Mannya and her sister, Kate, were invited to join the African Jubilee Choir and toured Britain. The choir was invited to sing to Queen Victoria. Endowed with a beautiful mellifluous voice, Maxeke mesmerised the Queen with her solo performance. It was during her tour of England that Maxeke attended suffrage speeches by women such as Emmeline Pankhurst

Pankhurst was a British political activist. She is best remembered for organising the UK suffrage movement and helping women win the right to vote. Also, during the same tour, Maxeke met students from Wilberforce University.

She realised for the first time that in the United States there were opportunities for black students which were not available in South Africa. Eventually, the African Jubilee Choir toured the US. The tour collapsed owing to the abscondence of its leader, which left , Maxeke and the other members of choir stranded and penniless.

As faith would have it, Maxeke stayed in America, and she met Bishop Derrick of the AME Church, who arranged for her to study at Wilberforce University. She received a scholarship from Daniel A Payne. She excelled in all fields of academia. She also arranged opportunities for other African students to study at Wilberforce.

At Wilberforce she also met her husband, Marshall Maxeke, who had come to the university from South Africa in 1896. She was taught under the tutelage of pan-Africanist scholar and proponent Dr WEB Du Bois and received an education that was focused on developing her as a future missionary in Africa.

Charlotte achieved two very memorable things. She became the first black South African woman to earn a university degree (BSc. degree), and she was betrothed to a fellow countryman and graduate Dr Marshall Maxeke.

To graduate with a BSc degree was no small feat, especially at a time when colonialism, oppression, racism and sexism were considered the norm. It was an unimaginable achievement. Lest it be forgotten, It was the very same WEB Du Bois, the Harvard University graduate who, in 1903, said in his Souls of Black Folks - perhaps his most famous quote, The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the colour line.

With hope for the future, this was said during a time where Du Bois thought that this problem would be eliminated in due time. To underscore and appreciate the incredible academic achievements of Charlotte Maxeke, in 1930 Dr AB Xuma wrote an essay about Maxeke, Charlotte Manye Maxeke: What an educated African girl can do, in order to make an argument for higher education of our African women.

Interestingly, the foreword to the essay was written by Du Bois who described Maxeke as someone who has a clear mind, (a) fund of subtle humour and a straight-forward honesty (of) character.

He further explained, I regard Mrs Maxeke as a pioneer in one of the greatest of human races, working under extraordinarily difficult circumstances to lead a people, in the face of prejudice, not only against her race, but against her sex. To fight not simply the natural and inherent difficulties of education and social uplift, but to fight with little money and little outside aid was indeed a tremendous task.

Shortly after her return from the US, Maxeke helped found the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

It was around 1902, shortly after the end of the Anglo-Boer war, that Charlotte Maxeke, a towering and black female activist extraordinaire and human rights campaigner, took the first active steps in organised politics by attending the annual meeting of the SA Native Convention (SANC) or Ingqungquthela in then Queenstown.

The Cape-based organisation was formed in 1890 and was the early manifestation of efforts to cut across tribal divides and form the South African Native National Congress (SANNC). As pointed out by Zubeida Jaffer in her article, A woman ahead of her time: The Lesseyton moment, Maxeke must have had some inkling that arriving at this meeting would cause controversy. On the day of the meeting, Jaffer relates, Maxeke was the only woman present and said she needed clarity on the purpose of the congress and its objectives. She also asked if it was possible to have women forming part of the congress.

Shocked by Maxekes boldness, the congress nominated a committee to respond to Maxekes questions. As patriarchally expected, the committee tabled the matter and replied by saying the time was not yet ripe for women to lead delegations let alone to take part in civil movements. It further said that it was advisable for women to form their own movements, as women only.

Though she might have expected such a response from the committee, though is no record, as explained by Jaffer, on how Maxeke reacted to the decision of the committee; there is however no doubt that Maxeke was both shocked and disappointed that she could not be part of such a serious meeting because she was a woman.

However, as related by Jaffer, there was at least one man who publicly expressed a different view to that of the committee, and this man was none other than Sol Plaatje. Plaatje was outraged by the way Maxeke was treated. In an article in Koranta ea Becona, he wrote: what was the state of affairs at the Convention? Out of a gathering of 40 robust men, not one could boast of even a Kaffrarian degree, while Miss Charlotte, who was refused admittance on account of her sex is, besides other attainments, a BSc graduate of an American University and in a report covering more than nine columns of the Izwi, hers was the neatest and most sensible little speech We are great believers in classification, you know, but classifications of the right kind, not discrimination and just as strongly as we object to the line of demarcation being drawn on the basis of a persons colour, so we abhor disqualification founded on a persons sex.

The Convention would surely have benefited by the experiences of one, who though a woman, is not only their intellectual superior, but is besides leading an adventurous missionary life among the heathens of the Zoutpansberg, while they demonstrate their manliness by leisurely enjoying the sea breeze at the coast.

The details of Charlotte Maxekes life trajectory are recorded in the book, Beauty of the Heart, The Life and Times of Charlotte Mannya Maxeke, written by Zubeida Jaffer.

Historiographical Omission: A case of the Patriarchal Worldview. Wittingly or unwittingly, the historiographical omission in recording Charlotte Mannya Maxekes achievements cannot go unnoticed. Thus, without being unduly systematic, one would chronicle (without being necessarily exhaustive in this regard) Charlotte Maxekes achievements both as a political activist and intellectual as follows:

(a) In 1901: She was the first black South African woman that graduated with a BSc degree at an American University.

(b) In 1913: She led the first march against the Pass Laws which was the forerunner of the 1956 Womens March against the Pass Laws.

(c) In 1918: She founded the Bantu Women League which was the precursor of the ANCWL of 1943. In the very same year, she led a delegation to Prime Minister Louis Botha to discuss the issue of passes for women.

(d) In 1920: She participated in the formation of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU).

(e) In 1924: She was elected President of the Womens Missionary Society (WMS).

(f) In 1926: She was appointed head teacher at Lota High School at Idutywa in the Eastern Cape.

(g) In 1928: She attended an AME Church Conference in the USA. In the very same year, she addressed the All African Convention in Bloemfontein.

(h) In 1933: She was instrumental in the formation of the National Council of African Women and she became its first national president.

(i) In 1935: She addressed the All African Convention in Bloemfontein.

In recognising the importance of the National Council of African Women, the president general of the African National Congress of the time, Reverend Mahabane, invited Charlotte Maxeke to join an ANC deputation to Cape Town in 1939.

The overriding purpose of the trip was to interview the Minister of Native Affairs, government officials and several Members of Parliament on the socio-economic conditions of Africans. It is worth mentioning that the Council became the catalyst for articulating the struggle of women in changing the social, political and economic conditions of Africans, both in rural and urban areas.

In her perspicacious closing remarks, just two months before her demise, she said something that any person who is a leader should always guard against: This work is not ourselves. Kill that spirit of self and do not live above your people. If you can rise, bring some with you. Circulate your work and distribute as much information as possible, because this is not your Council, but the Council of African women from here to Egypt. Do away with fearful jealousy, kill that spirit and love one another as brothers and sisters. Stand by your motto: Do unto others as ye would that they should unto you.

Charlotte Maxekes extraordinary intellect and leadership led to her being invited by the South African Ministry of Education to testify before several government commissions in Johannesburg on matters concerning African education the first for an African of any gender. Her sagacity led to a number of job offers which were the first of their kind made by the white government to an African and this resulted in her being made a probation officer, and she was the first African woman to hold such a post.

Thus, in reference to the above explication, my view is that the neglect and overlooking of the role and contributions made by women in the Struggle for liberation can be attributed to the ingrained patriarchal world view which for many years has seen women being relegated to the margins of society. Not only did patriarchy nearly vitiate and overlook the incredible accomplishments and contributions of Maxeke, it almost consigned her into historical anonymity as exemplified by the limited reading material on her history.

Dale Spender, author of Women of Ideas and what men have done to them, argues that fundamental to patriarchy is the invisibility of women, the unreal nature of womens experience, the absence of women as a force to be reckoned with.

In his book, The Founders, Andre Odendaal brilliantly captures the absence or invisibility of women in the nationalist movement when he points out that, Women have generally been absent from South African narratives of nationalism and the nascent struggles for democracy before 1912. It has been accepted that those who started the struggle and the ANC were men, the founding fathers to use the language of patriarchy, and that womens involvement in politics postdates 1912.

Odendaal speaks of the tension regarding the nature of black womens publicness in the 1920s and 1930s.

Meghan Healy-Clancy, in her article In a world of their Own: A history of South African Womens Education postulates that while scholars have generally characterised women as marginal to African nationalism during this period, women were in fact only marginal to the realm of male-dominated political groups in which the ANC was prominent. Ironically, even leaders like Dr AB Xuma, who was one of the revered leaders of the SANNAC could not escape the pervasively prevailing, deeply and sub-consciously ingrained patriarchic influence. He referred to Maxeke as an educated native girl. This was not surprising to Maxeke because in those days, as she mentioned in her speech in England, women were but cattle. That is how distastefully toxic the pervasive influence of patriarchy was.

Indeed, Maxeke had to endure all the obstacles and challenges that were part of her daily life as an African woman living in a 19th-century colonial world which was also compounded by patriarchy.

Sadly, even in the 21st century, one still comes across patriarchal views even from internationally acclaimed and highly revered educated male scholars. For example, in his article entitled, Women and the Evolution of World Politics Francis Fukuyama asserts that women leaders endanger our world given their incomprehension of masculine world politics.

Some women like Margaret Thatcher, Indira Gandhi, and Golda Meir may play with the boys by curbing or overcoming their inherent disposition toward peace, love, and other caring emotions. But women, as a whole, are genetically incapable of handling a world rife with testosterone-charged aggression, hierarchy and violence.

He (Fukuyama) portrays, as observed by Youba Raj Luintels piece Do Males Always like War, that women are incapable of venturing into the realm of politics that has been male-friendly: aggressive, competitive, tough and force-demanding. Fukuyama, as observed by Lily Ling in her article, Hypermasculinity on the rise, again, claims that feminists seek to control men and so they should, given mens aggressive tendencies.

As if giving credit to women, the industrialised democracies, argues Fukuyama, score best with the greatest number of women in politics. Higher numbers of female politicians, officials, bureaucrats, and the like, ensure that a zone of peace is enjoyed by liberal democratic states only. Fukuyama cautions, though, that this feminisation of politics would work if and only if the world at large were to become so.

Since this is not the case, dangerous males like Mobutu, Milosevic, or Saddam require(d) steely masculinity, not warm and fuzzy femininity at the helm. In fact, argues Fukuyama, the feminisation of politics may pose greater dangers than stability in this context. Fukuyama continues to argue that despite the rise of women, men will continue to play a critical role, if not a dominant part in the governance of post-industrial countries, not to mention less-developed ones. The realms of war and international politics will remain controlled by men for longer than many feminists would like. Most importantly, the task of re-socialising men to be more like women that is, less violent will run into limits. What is bred in the bone, concludes Fukuyama, cannot be altered easily by changes in culture and ideology.

The grasp of the intensity of the oppression of women is further articulated by Spivak G in her piece Can the Sulbatern Speak: between patriarchy and imperialism, subject - constitution and object - formation, into a figure of woman disappears, not into a pristine nothingness, but into a violent shuttling which is the displaced figuration of the third-world woman caught between tradition and modernisation.

The negative impact of the patriarchal world view is also articulated by Clarisa Pinkola Estes in her acclaimed book entitled Women Who Run with the Wolves. The book is an essential read for men and women, a landmark publication on the female psyche and how through the centuries women have proved to be resilient and strong despite the conventional patriarchal oppression.

Fundiswa A Koka, in his article, A womanist exposition of Pseudo-Spirituality and the Cry of an Oppressed African Woman, points out that South African black women suffered the triple oppression of race, class and gender, and their struggle to challenge the patriarchal culture of insubordination is still pertinent for our context today.

During the liberation Struggle, women continued to perform tasks long associated with their gender they cooked, washed clothing and perform sexual services for the male guerrilla. Women were generally excluded from positions of power.

As Marx and Engels declared: the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle. Also, WEB Du Bois puts it aptly when he says, the meaning of the twentieth century is the freeing of the individual soul; the soul longest in slavery and still in the most disgusting and indefensible slavery is the soul of womanhood. Thus, argues Du Bois, the uplift of women is, next to the problem of the colour line and the peace movement our greatest modern cause.

Indeed, too often, women, including Charlotte Maxekes role in the rise of black politics is limited to a secondary status in which women are perceived as a support structure of the struggle.

Thozama April points out how the gendered oral archives of the narratives of the struggle have failed to account for Maxekes contributions in the authorship of the narratives of the struggle. The interviews Thozama April conducted only highlighted the supportive role of the women in organising political events and various organizations associated with the struggle for liberation from the 1920s to the 1930s. The struggle narratives are constructed around male figures. In short, many narratives overlook the involvement of women in both the formative years of modern politics and the role of women in the struggle for liberation. Indeed, the so called supportive role smacks of the patriarchal world view.

In these narratives, women featured as spouses who provided the much-needed support to the political prisoners. This trend continues to frame and describe the entry of women into the field of politics as mere supporters. The question then is, says April, how was it then that authoritative studies of black protest politics could omit womens theorisations of the political discourse of the twentieth century? And how could these movements have neglected their precursors in the work of intellectuals like Maxeke?

The conclusion we might draw from the survey of the scholarship of the 1980s is that oral narratives when used as a corrective measure in presenting first-hand accounts of womens lives, experiences, achievement and struggles alone do not suffice to overcome the flaws of the nationalist meta-narratives on women.

Written scholarly testimonies on Charlotte Maxekes Achievements

Some notable scholars have attested to the fact that Charlotte Maxeke was not only a prolific black leader, activist and a pan-Africanist who worked with all organisations of different persuasions, but was also a powerful and influential and inimitable intellectual figure who was highly revered even by her own oppressors. She was indeed a servant leader, a social worker and a resiliently brave woman in the face of adversity as she fought for voting rights, welfare rights, womens rights, economic rights, and above all, for a vision that would ensure the dignity of every person. Like Rosa Parks who is heralded as the mother of modern-day civil rights movement, Charlotte Maxeke is heralded as the mother of black freedom in South Africa.

Charlotte Maxeke, the 19th century African intellectual, wrote three very informative essays titled: The progress of Native womanhood in South Africa, The city mission and Social conditions amongst Bantu women and girls.

Masola is instructive in her article, On Black Excellence: Charlotte Maxeke, when she says, glancing at the titles alone one can only see the formidability in Maxekes voice and, she poignantly declares, the silence and erasure about Maxekes life is a travesty.

Maxekes story matters. The truth is, observes Masola, many young black girls do not know Charlotte Maxekes story and there is a danger in this. Masola is of the conviction that Charlotte Maxekes story is a reminder that as a woman she can create the reality she wants; she does not have to respond to the small space that is created for black women to occupy.

Masola further says that whenever she faces criticism for being outspoken about the black experience, she returns to Charlotte Mannya Maxekes words and story as a reminder that my soul is intact (from Nina Simones song Young gifted and black, inspired by Lorraine Hansberrys work) and that her world is straight.

Many scholars, especially feminists, argue that Maxekes name is sadly overlooked in the history of South Africa probably because of her gender - a point argued by Thozama April in her groundbreaking thesis. Indeed, Charlotte Mannya Maxekes stupendously remarkable story should inspire all young women to conquer all the obstacles they face in their personal and professional lives.

They, including men, dare not fail her. Charlotte Maxeke worked as a parole officer and court welfare officer in Johannesburg. She vouched for Hastings Walter Kamuzu Banda, who led Malawis independence campaign and who in 1966 became the countrys first president of Malawi, to secure a passport to enable him to journey to the United States to take up an AME church scholarship at Wilberforce University. With the imperturbability and authority of unshakable experience, she asked the magistrate to approve Bandas application.

With her widely known and highly revered reputation, her work carried great weight and the application was unreservedly and hassle-free approved. This was not surprising, as pointed out by former speaker of the National Assembly, Baleka Mbete, in her commemoration lecture on Charlotte Mannya Maxeke; the latter was a successful facilitator of racial relations across the racial spectrum. Mbete is of the view that Charlotte Maxeke embodies the struggle of a modern woman in her engagements with traditional structures to negotiate Western modes of life into a traditional rural society.

AB Xuma, one of the past presidents of the ANC, notes that Maxekes meaningful engagement with men in the chiefs council was due to her mastery of the customs. She also, despite the challenges, during her stay in Ramokgopa village, which was replete with traditional protocols - Maxeke adroitly navigated her way and laid a strong foundation for Christianity to grow by establishing a community school in the village. It is also widely acknowledged that the chiefs progressive stance towards education was a result of her stay in the village. She was also was one of the few women whose voice was heard and who had an influence in the council of Dalindyebo, Paramount Chief of the abaThembu at Idutywa.

Maxekes multiplex capabilities led to the bestowal of the honour of being the counsellor of King Sabata Dalindyebo. The ANC awarded her the Isithwalandwe, which is the highest honour of the ANC, awarded to those who made an outstanding contribution and sacrifice to the liberation struggle.

In his article entitled Charlotte Mannya Maxeke, advocate Modidima Mannya argues that if there was ever an opportunity for the ANC to have had a female president, Maxeke would have been the best the ANC would ever have. Could it be that advocate Mannya is advancing this argument just because he shares the same maiden surname of Charlotte Maxeke?

Be that as it may, it cannot be gainsaid that Maxeke was an overall pioneer and an incisive leader. Professor Tinyiko Maluleke surmises that the only reason Charlotte Maxeke was not elected the first president of the African National Congress was that she was a woman; for Maxeke herself, noted in her speech in England that in those days, women were but cattle. This was a serious indictment on patriarchy.

Given the colossally greatness of Maxeke, it is rather unfortunate that there is a dearth of scholarly work on the history of Charlotte Maxeke. There are, however, two substantive works on Charlotte Maxeke - the thesis of Thozama April-Maduma and the biography of Charlotte Maxeke by Zubeida Jaffer.

Thozama April-Madunas groundbreaking thesis, Theorising Women: The Intellectual Contribution of Charlotte Maxeke to the Struggle for liberation in South Africa examines the incorporation of Maxekes legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Womens section of the African National Congress.

Indeed, Dr Thozama April-Maduna and Zubeida Jaffer should be extolled for their engrossing, riveting and pioneering works on Maxeke.

Having read these two meticulously well researched and elegantly written works on Maxeke, one can attest without any shadow of doubt that Maxeke stands out as an international pedestal alongside her global contemporaries.

April sees Maxeke as the embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. It is regrettable, though, as April points out, that only prominent male intellectuals are often cited as central to the intellectual core of the liberation movement.

April points out that the Intellectual tradition of the 19th and the 20th centuries in South Africa not only flagrantly ignores Maxeke but neglects women intellectuals altogether. A good example of this is a book by Mcebisi Ndletyana entitled African Intellectuals in 19th and 20th Century South Africa.

This book in its surveying of the intellectual tradition of 19th and 20th century South Africa not only ignores Maxeke but neglects women intellectuals altogether. Instead of acknowledging their pivotal role in the struggle, women are only acknowledged for their reproductive abilities.

Charlotte would have been proud of the women of the Algerian society, who, according to Frantz Fanon in his book Year Five of the Algerian Revolution, in their fight for liberation, in their sacrifices that they were willing to make in order to liberate themselves from colonialism, and, probably from patriarchy as well, renewed themselves and developed new values governing sexual relations.

The women ceased to be a complement of men. They literally forged a new place for themselves with their sheer strength, resilience and unrelenting determination. In a nutshell, Maxeke unfolded a discourse that was in sharp contrast to the documentary trends of the nationalist narratives of the struggle for liberation. Her discourse also contrasted sharply with that of the state. But this fissure has unfortunately been omitted in the historiography of the liberation struggle.

Charlotte Maxeke the Mother of Black Freedom in South Africa passed away, joining her husband and her God, on October 16, 1939 at the age of 65. At her funeral at Kliptown, in Johannesburgs eastern periphery, her eulogy ended with the words She was everyones friend and no ones enemy.

It bears repeating, therefore, that to sustain her abiding legacy, a submarine, S102, is named after Charlotte Maxeke, and the former Johannesburg Hospital in Parktown was renamed Dr Charlotte Maxeke Hospital. A statue has been erected of the woman who has come to be called the Mother of Black Freedom in South Africa and this is in Pretorias Garden of Remembrance.

Conclusion

It is unfortunate that most members of the public remain ignorant of Charlotte Maxekes significance in the struggle for liberation in South Africa.

Hopefully, the celebration of her 150 year anniversary will help remove Maxeke from the periphery of the political discourse and place her in the epicentre of the scheme of things because that is where she belongs.

Known for her moral consistency, independence of judgement and the courage to express it, Charlotte Maxeke spoke from her soul with great feeling for all, and everyone listened. It could be easily said she cared deeply for all humankind.

As Zubeida Jaffer puts it in her article, Heraldine heroine: Why is Charlotte Maxekes Life such a blurry memory for South Africa, many will know that Charlotte Maxeke is the name of a heroine -class submarine. And a heroine she was. Jaffer says Maxeke has bequeathed a legacy that should no longer be absent from school and university curricula.

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Charlotte Mannya-Maxeke: The Mother of Black Freedom in South Africa - IOL

Andrew P. Napolitano| Special to the USA TODAY Network

"When the people fear the government, there is tyranny. When the government fears the people, there is liberty." Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826

As the world watches the disastrous ending of America's nearly 20-year occupation of Afghanistan, we cannot lose sight of what is happening here, just below the media radar.

I hope I am wrong, yet I see a time of great suffering coming soon for those of us who cherish, articulate and defend personal liberty in a free society.

I hear it coming in the media drumbeat over the spread of the delta variant of COVID-19 and the demonization of those who exercise their inalienable right to dominion over their own bodies by declining to receive a novel and largely experimental vaccine.

I feel it in the subtle and not-so-subtle hints of politicians attempting to discern which way the winds of change are blowing and beginning to conclude privately that the direction of those winds is toward another sheepish American acceptance of repressive governmental measures in the name of public health.

And I sense it in the outcomes and judicial rationales of the early stages of litigations in which numerous state judges and state supreme court justices in the past week have purported to find constitutional, and thus recognized, the decisions of officials in the executive branch of government the branch that exists to enforce the laws that the legislative branch has written to write their own laws, call them "mandates," and use force to compel businesses to close and healthy folks to wear masks on public and private property.

USA TODAY's view: Biden suffers self-inflicted wound in Afghanistan. Don't let it bleed into America's needs

The coming violations of basic freedoms the freedom of total dominion over one's own body including the face, the freedom to exercise personal liberty and to own and use private property without a government permission slip, and the right to a government that complies with its own laws, particularly the restraints imposed upon it by the Constitution will sorely challenge and, if unchecked, will severely weaken the values underlying our American republic.

Add to this the near certainty that the federal government will borrow trillions of dollars in the next three years, thus raising the price of everything and thrusting the obligation to repay those loans onto generations of taxpayers as yet unborn; and add to that the political pressures now being imposed on President Joseph R. Biden Jr. to reestablish U.S. military dominance near Afghanistan, a dominance that under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama was lethal, fruitless, catastrophic and cost $1 trillion in borrowed American money and tens of thousands of innocent lives, and which President Donald J. Trump wisely argued should never have happened and ought to be terminated, and you can see my fears.

We have seen all this before.

The principal values underlying our republic are that our rights are natural gifts from God and can only be taken away after due process, which requires that the government proves fault at a fair jury trial; that the government's existence is moral only when it derives from the consent of the governed; that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land; and that when governments abandon these principles and assault our liberties, it is the right and the duty of the governed to alter or abolish or secede from the government.

These are not the musings of a frustrated libertarian.

Rather, they are bedrock American law embedded in and integral to the Declaration of Independence in which Thomas Jefferson and all other signatories characterized our rights as natural and inalienable and insisted that no government is lawful without the consent of the governed and the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution in which James Madison and the Congress and the ratifiers recognized that our freedoms are too numerous to enumerate and thus the amendment commands that government shall not disparage any rights, even unenumerated rights, without due process.

Today, all persons in government take a solemn oath to uphold these documents, which include the Jeffersonian and Madisonian values underlying them. But you would never know that by observing their official behavior.

It seems that no matter which major political party controls the government, the government claims it can right any wrongs, tax any objects, regulate any events, suppress any liberties, kill any foreign foes (real or imagined) and help any of its patrons the Declaration and the Constitution and their values be damned.

Do you know anyone who has consented to a government that can by executive decree take away the very freedoms that the founding documents guarantee and the authors of the decrees have sworn to uphold? Do you know anyone who has consented to a government that can take away personal freedoms by legislation? Do you know anyone who has consented to the government, period?

Our only recourse is massive, peaceful, loud public resistance that meaningfully threatens peaceful secession from the government the same secession Jefferson and his fellow revolutionaries and signatories argued for in the Declaration of Independence.

Resistance even by a persistent and passionate minority can topple the mandates. But it must be resistance so ubiquitous and so loud and so serious that the government fears the people.

If you want to wear a mask, wear it. If you want the vaccines, get them. But keep the government off the backs of those don't.

Then our freedoms will be secure.

AndrewP.Napolitano, a former New Jersey Superior Court Judge,haspublished nine books on the U. S. Constitution.

Originally posted here:

Freedom in the time of COVID-19 - New Jersey Herald

To the Editor:

Re Texas Abbott, an Opponent of Mandates, Tests Positive (news article, Aug. 18):

So, let me get this straight. Gov. Greg Abbotts version of freedom plays out like this. Take advantage of all of the available protections for yourself, including those you have access to because you are in a position of power and privilege daily testing, vaccines plus a booster, treatment with monoclonal antibodies, access to premier health care while doing nothing to protect your constituents from the disease.

This isnt freedom; its institutionalized selfishness and irresponsibility. Shame on you, Governor, and I hope the people of Texas realize they deserve better.

Lisa ZeitzNew York

It is not over for the thousands of Afghans whose lives were destroyed by 20 years of violence and war, and whose future seems increasingly grim.

Nor is it over for many U.S. service members who sacrificed greatly in Afghanistan, or for their families.

It is also not over for the prisoners who continue to languish without charge or trial at Guantnamo, and those who have suffered U.S. torture and abuse in the global war on terror.

It is certainly not over for the 9/11 victims and families, who have been denied any justice for the murder of their loved ones.

President Biden may wish to move beyond the post-9/11 era, but we have a long way still to go. We must look backward before we can move forward.

Wells DixonNew YorkThe writer is a senior staff attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights.

To the Editor:

Re Lovely Weather Defined California, by Farhad Manjoo (column, Aug. 12):

After a few years in California, I learned that the four seasons are earthquake, mudslide, drought and Santa Ana winds.

John DienesBellevue, Wash.

Read the original:

Opinion | Governor Abbotts Selfish Version of Freedom - The New York Times

Photo: David McNew (Getty Images)

No. This isnt about freedom. This is about freedoms.

No, my friend, this is an entirely different subject. Everyone deserves freedom but freedoms are invisible things that only exist in white peoples imaginationslike rhythm...

Or not seeing color...

Or the tiny voice that whispers in unmelanated ears about what Martin Luther King Jr. would have wanted.

Whenever unshowered Americans are confronted with something they dont want to do, they immediately begin blabbering about their freedoms. Its like the race card for white people. While you and I know that the word freedom only makes one appearance in the Constitution, apparently theres a second Caucasian Constitution that I havent seen that clarifies this murky terrain.

G/O Media may get a commission

As you can see, it doesnt even have to make sense. More importantly, they will never say exactly which specific freedom they are talking about. They wont cite a specific law or clause in the Constitution that supports their position. Thats because there isnt one.

Inserting freedoms into a random sentence makes one seem more patriotic, like randomly mentioning the troops. Basically, freedoms is a conservative dog whistle used to justify police brutality, pro-gun legislation and even blackballing Colin Kaepernick.

Well, currently, anti-maskers, anti-vaxxers and people who are adamant about their right to inhale coronavirus-laced droplets are crying that mandates preventing the escalation of the COVID pandemic violate their freedoms. In the absence of any peer-reviewed evidence to support their conspiratorial claims that the CDC and Dr. Anthony Fauci are working with Moderna, the Illuminati and the New World Order to infect you with facemask-tainted carbon dioxide, the one-trick GOP ponies have resorted to their failsafe, citing their freedoms as the reason for their pro-coronavirus position. Im not saying theyre crazy...

Im just writing it.

See?

Which of our basic freedoms will be ruined by medical science? Most Americans were vaccinated at birth without their consent. Why were our parents so comfortable giving up their freedoms then? Why doesnt McDonalds no shoes, no shirt, no service policy erode these freedoms? Make it make sense!

As someone once said: Your liberty to swing your fist ends just where my nose begins.

Theres absolutely nothing wrong with asserting ones rights. These people absolutely have the right to not wear masks or refuse vaccines. Thats not what theyre arguing. Theyre arguing that they have the right to ignore science at the peril of others. Their kids right to go to facemask-free schools cant infringe upon the rights of parents who dont want their children to die coughing up coronavirus phlegm. They are insisting that their personal liberty is not just worth their health, its more important than your right to choose to be healthy.

Its the ultimate act of privilege because what they are essentially saying is: Give me liberty or give you death.

Because they are stupid.

You may have noticed that their explanations are curiously devoid of facts and science. Instead of listening to medical experts, researchers or data, they are willing to entrust their health to their political allies or random Facebook memes. Their arguments also are all strangely similar. None of them have presented a unique viewpoint that they came up with; theyre all spouting stuff they heard on Parler or at whatever the white peoples version of a barbershop is (Im pretty sure its antique shops). Theres no other fathomable reason for their positions except that they lack the ability to think critically.

Well, ultimately, its because of whiteness.

Generally, white people dont have to consider other people because they dont have to face the consequences of their actions. Its easy to oppose tax increases when you live in a country that ensures your children will get the best education. Youd probably back the blue if you never had to worry about police violence. If you didnt have to consider the possibility of your vote not counting, you might be willing to ignore voter suppression.

These people believe in law and order, except for when it applies to them. They genuinely think their kids have the right to attend school without abiding by the rules the school boards set in place. They want to open up the economy but they want toignore the COVID protocols businesses and cities have put in place to make sure the open economy is safe for everyone. They insist that COVID only affects kids with preexisting conditions, but dont want to abide by the laws that protect those children.

For white people, living in America is like having skin that cant burn. If you didnt have to worry about being consumed by flames, you might think fire codes are overregulated. Why should your hard-earned money be spent on a fire extinguisher if youre fireproof?

They are victims of what I call privilege envy. Using our previous analogy, imagine if you were rich enough to move into a neighborhood where all your neighbors had fireproof skin. You might start to think that the key to a nice neighborhood is not spending money on fire departments and sprinkler systems.

Sure, youd enjoy low property taxes, public parks, and good schools becauseinstead of paying for a fire department fire sprinklersthey put their money into education and playgrounds. Over time, you might start to believe that theyre right when say that the hullabaloo over fires is overblown. You might even forget that your skin is different and believe that protecting your family from the possibility of a fire should be a personal responsibility.

Maybe we cant.

They are impervious to fire, so we cant force them to care about the people who arent. But we also cant forget the fact that the role of government is not just to protect our individual rights; it also must protect our collective rights.

We pay taxes so that our children can be safe when theyre at school and those collective rights are just as important as our individual rights. The reason every individual has the right to vote is that a true democracy represents the collective, not just individuals. You dont pay school taxes so that your kid can get an education; you pay them so you can live in an educated community. You dont pay the cops to keep you safe. You pay police departments to keep your community safe. If your neighbor is robbed or killed, you should want the cops to catch the criminal so that your community doesnt become a high-crime area.

No one wants to wear a mask. We do it because we want to be safe. All children deserve to be protected from this deadly pandemic, and those who dont want to wear masks dont have the individual right to infect the children who cover their mouths for the sake of their fellow Americans health. Thats how a society works.

Oh, I cant say that I dont like freedoms.

When I get some, Ill let you know.

.

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'Freedoms,' Explained - The Root

The resignation of Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin follows months of political turmoil, economic hardship and a dramatic deterioration in human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression and assembly, Amnesty International said today.

On 16 August 2021, after a tumultuous 17 months in office, Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin resigned, yet will stay on as interim leader until a successor is appointed.

Following the Prime Ministers resignation, the next government must urgently restore respect for freedom of expression and assembly.

Over the past 17 months, the government has responded to a wave of public anger brought about by political infighting and official handling of the Covid-19 pandemic by curtailing free speech. In recent weeks, this also extended to peaceful assembly.

Amid an ongoing political crisis, the authorities have wielded repressive laws to investigate or arrest not only activists, journalists and protesters, but also members of political opposition and the general public to quell dissent. It is crucial that the next government learns from the past and ends attacks on peaceful critics.

Investigation and harassment of peaceful protestors

In recent weeks, the government has used excessive powers to enact a crackdown on freedom of assembly. Despite Muhyiddins resignation, police called in five people yesterday for questioning after they participated in a peaceful protest that called for him to step down. A journalist was also questioned over an article based on a press statement released by protest organizers.

A state of emergency was lifted on 1 August 2021, yet a strict ban on assemblies and gatherings remains in place as part of restrictions imposed to curb the spread of Covid-19. By implementing blanket bans on demonstrations and dispersing peaceful assemblies the authorities are failing to respect the right to peaceful assembly and expression.

While governments can legitimately impose restrictions on the right to peaceful assembly for public health reasons, these restrictions must be necessary and proportionate.

Dozens of people have been summoned for questioning after participating in the Lawan demonstration on 31 July 2021, which demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Muhyiddin amid continuing political turmoil and concern over the official handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. Hundreds of people attempted to march to Dataran Merdeka (Independence Square). After being blocked by police, participants resorted to gathering nearby.

Following the demonstration, police visited protesters homes and have so far called over 20 people in for questioning, including participants, organizers, journalists and other observers. In addition, commissioners from the National Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) were called in for questioning, prompting the public body to release astatement of concern.

Members of Parliament questioned over protests

Police are also questioning members of parliament over a demonstration held on 2 August 2021, after parliamentary sessions were suspended following the detection of several cases of Covid-19 among MPs and parliament staff. Parliament had only been in session for one week after its suspension in January 2021. As MPs tried to gain access to the parliamentary estate, riot police blocked the road to the Houses of Parliament in an intimidatory show of force.

Marching instead to Dataran Merdeka, MPs criticized Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and his cabinet for bypassing the King when they revoked the emergency ordinances a step they said broke usual protocols and ignoring repeated calls for parliament to reopen.

After the protest, police announced they would be questioning all 107 members of parliament who were present under laws including the Peaceful Assembly Act and the Prevention & Control of Infectious Diseases Act.

Besides MPs, at least 30 media workers have been questioned following the demonstrations, which represents a clear violation of press freedom.

The Malaysian authorities are employing tactics to intimidate activists, members of political parties, journalists and others who have participated in peaceful protests, by subjecting them to police questioning, investigations and visits to their homes and offices, Rachel Chhoa-Howard added.

The authorities must allow peaceful assemblies to resume in line with reasonable and proportionate Covid-19 prevention protocols. Parliament should also be allowed to sit and scrutinize government policy to ensure adequate oversight after being prevented from doing so for such a long time including virtually if there are concerns over Covid-19.

A wider crackdown on peaceful expression

Civil society activists, opposition politicians, journalists, and social media users have also been targeted by police and investigated under numerous repressive laws used to stifle dissent.

Those targeted include a high school student accused of breaching the peace after she posted a TikTok video criticizing a teacher who allegedly joked about rape in class in August, as well as four individuals who criticized the Chief Minister of Kedah on Facebook over a joke hetold about Covid-19 related deaths.

Since 13 August, at least seven activists linked to the Lawan demonstration have also been questioned by police in the past week over a possible upcoming protest.

Although these examples describe just a few cases, they represent a broader crackdown on freedom of expression that is sending a chilling message across the country and leading many to self-censor.

Freedoms have deteriorated ever since the Perikatan Nasional government assumed power in March 2020, and recently the situation has worsened, Rachel Chhoa-Howard said.

The next government must end the criminalization of peaceful expression, both on and offline, and also restore respect for the rights to freedom of association and the press.

The rest is here:

Malaysia: PM's resignation must restore respect for freedom of expression and assembly - Amnesty International

(Trent Nelson | The Salt Lake Tribune) Annice Sterling, one of a group of ICU nurses from Northwell Health who will support ICU teams at Intermountain Healthcare in Utah, expresses her thanks at a news conference in Murray on Tuesday, Aug. 4, 2020. Last April, Intermountain deployed two COVID-19 Response Teams totaling 100 caregivers to assist New York City-area hospitals during that states major surge of COVID-19 cases. Those hospitals planned to return the favor when their surge subsided, which it now has.

By Jen Solomon | Special to The Tribune

| Aug. 20, 2021, 7:00 p.m.

What is the magic number where everyone takes COVID-19 seriously? People remain undeterred by the statistics and wide-ranging consequences, unmoved by the repeated warnings and pleas from the medical community.

Doubters, unconvinced by studies illustrating both the efficacy and safety of the vaccine and mask-wearing, continue to proudly or complacently ignore both. Too many subscribe to conspiracy theories and misinformation from unreliable sources, placing trust anywhere but in the people whose expertise should be the only voices that matter: experts who have degrees and credentials and are created by years of formal education, study and hands-on experience, not hours of online research and anecdotal evidence.

As Americans, we value our personal freedoms. But at what point does ones freedom begin to infringe on those of others, especially when it comes to health? It takes incredible selfishness to tout personal freedom as being more important than the highest good of the community. Shouldnt the basic right to live come first?

Cooperating with a public mask mandate includes minor inconvenience, discomfort and pride-swallowing. I suppose theres also reconciling fears that this is just the beginning of a complete government takeover. (McCarthyism, anyone?)

Meanwhile, the worst-case scenario for inaction entails serious illness and death, as the Republican members of the Salt Lake County Council opted for in their decision to allow others freedom instead of optimizing safety for children like my 8-year-old son.

Lets take a quick look at American citizens past response to adversity. World War I saw voluntary rationing of food items that created a surplus to send to soldiers and starving Europeans. During World War II, our nation again banded together against a common enemy. 20 million victory gardens emerged, producing 40% of vegetables consumed. Rations were a part of everyday life. Women left their households, filling gaps in the workforce. Americans bought $185 billion in war bonds, averaging $2,000 per person in a time when the average income was $2,000 a year.

Today, many cant be inconvenienced enough to simply wear a mask in public places, protecting both themselves and others.

At polios peak in 1952, the virus killed over 3,000 children, infecting and paralyzing thousands more. Historys largest human medical trial was conducted by Jonas Salk, involving nearly 2 million children volunteered by their parents, resulting in the 1955 vaccine. (For reference, Pfizer and Moderna have 4,600 and 6,700 children enrolled in their vaccine studies, respectively.) In less than a year, vaccines were administered to 30 million children and cases were virtually halved.

Today, eight months into the vaccines availability, less than 60% of eligible Utahns are fully vaccinated and cases are again rising, in some places reaching previous peak numbers.

Its hard to ignore the results created when Americans were truly united. Where is that true patriotism now? Where are the proclamations of United We Stand, rather than USA chants in response to tantrums rewarded by the overturning of a mask mandate meant to protect children? Where is the true exemplification of Love thy Neighbor? Where is the display of real courage, not immature, oppositional behavior?

Every single one of us wants a return to normal life, and the solution is right in front of us. If you dont take the necessary precautions, you are responsible for the continued difficulties we all face, and whats more, your actions are essentially telling others that you just dont care if they get sick, live or die. I find it difficult to be kind and respectful to decisions that constitute the worst possible insult; this behavior doesnt deserve tolerance. You should be ashamed of your lack of compassion and disregard for life.

Benjamin Franklin, against his own inclinations, appeased his wifes fears and held off on having his 4-year-old son inoculated against smallpox, resulting in his sons death and the subsequent deterioration of his marriage.

In his autobiography, Franklin describes how he long regretted bitterly this mistake, stating: This I mention for the Sake of Parents, who omit that Operation on the Supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a Child died under it; my Example showing that the Regret may be the same either way, and that therefore the safer should be chosen.

Jen Solomon, Salt Lake City, is the mother of an 8-year-old boy and a 12-year-old girl and has been a nurse at the University Hospital for 20 years, most of those in the intensive care unit.

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Jen Solomon: When personal freedom infringes on the health of others - Salt Lake Tribune

People arriving from Afghanistan make their way through the Friendship Gate crossing point at the Pakistan-Afghanistan border town of Chaman, Pakistan, Aug. 19, 2021. (CNS photo/Saeed Ali Achakzai, Reuters)

by Ins San Martn

ROME There are an estimated 200 Catholics in Afghanistan a tiny minority within the minority of around 7,000 Christians and days after the Taliban took control of the country following the withdrawal of U.S. troops, a papal charity is sounding the alarm over their situation.

Aid to the Church in Need said it sees a black future for religious freedom in Afghanistan.

Zabihullah Mujahid, spokesman for the Taliban, declared on Twitter that its now officially the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Thomas Heine-Geldern, executive president of the pontifical foundation, expressed profound concerns about the seizure of power in the Central Asian nation.

During the rule of the previous Emirate of Afghanistan, the Taliban imposed a strict version of Sharia law nationwide, he said. We can expect that Sunni Islam will be the official religion, Sharia law will be reimposed, and hard-won freedoms for human rights, including a relative measure of religious freedom, over the last 20 years will be revoked.The Taliban ruled Afghanistan between 1996 and 2001.

This concern is shared by the Vatican, which on Wednesday ran a cover story in its newspaper asking about the future of women in Afghanistan.

Regardless of the reassurances of the insurgents, for the Afghan women this seems like the beginning of a new nightmare, says the cover story of LOsservatore Romano from Aug. 18. When they led Afghanistan during the second half of the 1990s, the Taliban led the country to total darkness: Women were in fact, canceled from society. And with the return of the Taliban, theres a concrete risk that the most extremist version of Sharia, the quranic law, returns too.

In its statement, Aid to the Church in Need (ACN) highlights that it had predicted the deterioration of the situation in its recent Religious Freedom Report, published in April 2021. Afghanistan has always been among the countries that most violates religious liberty, as documented both by ACN and the U.S. State Departments Religious Freedom Report.

Even before the Taliban took over on Sunday, the Afghani constitution established Islam as the state religion. According to the 2020 U.S. Religious Freedom Report, conversion from Islam to another religion is considered apostasy, punishable by death, imprisonment, or confiscation of property.

Although there are no explicit restrictions on the ability of religious minorities to establish places of worship or train their clergy, in reality, options for them are limited, notes the 2021 report from ACN. Some foreign embassies provide places of worship for non-Afghans. The US-led military coalition has facilities where non-Muslim worship can take place.

Theres only one Catholic church in the country, and its technically on foreign soil, as its located within the Italian embassy.

Christianity is seen as a western religion and alien to Afghanistan, the ACN report notes, adding that the military presence by international forces has added to the general mistrust towards Christians, a situation that forces Afghan Christians to worship alone or in small groups in private homes.

Despite a constitutional provision guaranteeing religious tolerance, those who are openly Christian, or convert from Islam to Christianity, remain vulnerable.

The situation has grown steadily worse for the 0.01% of the Afghan people who are not Muslim in addition to Christians, there are small groups of Hindus and Sikhs, as well as one Jew, who recently promised to remain in Afghanistan to protect the one synagogue.

Our analysis, unfortunately, does not leave much room for hope, says the statement released by ACN on Thursday. All those who do not espouse the extreme Islamist views of the Taliban are at risk, even moderate Sunni. The Shia (10%), the small Christian community, and all other religious minorities, already under threat, will suffer even greater oppression. This is a huge setback for all human rights and especially for religious freedom in the country.

The foundation also expressed regrets over the fact that a number of countries have already declared their sympathies for the new Emirate, which will not only legitimize the Taliban but also embolden authoritarian regimes all over the world, particularly in the region, spurring increasing violation of religious freedom in their own countries.International recognition of the Taliban will also act as a magnet for smaller radical Islamic groups, creating a new constellation of religious terrorist factions that could supplant historic formations such as al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, ACN warns. Among others, areas of concern include Pakistan, Palestine, and the province of Idlib in Syria. The situation for Christians and other religious minority communities already suffering oppression will further deteriorate.

The fact that most Western embassies are closing, and international observers are leaving, as they did in Syria in 2011, is not a good omen, the papal foundation added.

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Papal Foundation Warns of 'Bleak Future' for Religious Freedom in Afghanistan - The Tablet Catholic Newspaper

Freedom is so close now I can almost taste it. I'm on my third run of Road 96, and this time I find myself breaking into the back of a truck right at the border. As a teenager who's trying to flee the fictional dystopian setting of Petria, which is ruled by an oppressive and authoritarian leader, I'm trying to break free and start a new life. I feel very on edge in this truck, surrounded by boxes that hide my presence. This is a particularly precarious situation, since I have to get through checkpoints and hope I'm not caught in the process. I've gotten so far, and I'm so close to succeeding. I can't fail now. A guard brings the truck to a halt and declares they're using a movement sensor to make sure nothing fishy is going on. I catch myself freezing in place in my seat, trying my best not move my PC mouse a single inch. Once the guard is satisfied, I feel a little bit of tension subside, but I'm still not in the clear just yet.

This is just one of the many examples of how your road trip might unfold in developer Digixart's procedural experience set in 1996. With a branching narrative that plays out across your travels on the road, there are so many different chance encounters, routes, and scenarios you can come across as you try to make your way to the border, and you never know what might happen next. Each run of Road 96 sees you play as a different missing teen who's trying to make a break for it, and as every road trip comes to close, I'm all too eager to dive right back and see what awaits me next. Immersive and engaging with plenty of surprises in store, Road 96 effectively plays on the sense of discovery and possibility that comes with taking to the open roads in its own distinctive way.

Each road trip is made up of a series of pit stops you make as you travel to try and reach the border. You'll be presented with all manner of choices, such as how you choose to interact with a character, what actions you take, or what mode of transport you decide on to put more miles behind you. Your teen has an energy meter you need to be mindful of, since you don't want it running out entirely. The meter can go up or down depending on how you travel and if you can find yourself some food or drink, and there are also opportunities to get your hands on money that could potentially help you in a tight spot. Everything you choose to do can have an impact on your journey in unexpected ways, and may even bring your road trip to halt entirely. This element of unpredictability makes the experience of playing Road 96 all the more enjoyable since each run feels fresh and exciting.

There's an undeniable appeal about the prospect of hitting the open roads and meeting new people along the way. But in Road 96, you're taking a great risk by traveling to the border. In Petria, lots of teens are going missing, and tensions are rising in the government, which is currently under the rule of authoritarian president Tyrak. With more people trying to rebel, you learn about a group of protestors known as the Black Brigades, as well as Tyrak's opponent in the polls, Florres. Since the journey you're on can put you into dangerous situations, there are plenty of moments on the road where I feel tense, be it because of the atmosphere of the surroundings I find myself in, the company I'm keeping, or a particular scenario I'm presented with.

You will also come across quieter scenes where you can get to know a new found acquaintance a little more, or even play a mini-game. During my travels the second time around, I end up playing a game not unlike Connect Four in the backseat of a van with another runaway teen by the name of Zoe, who is one of Road 96's central characters. I've met her before on a previous run, and she even mentions meeting them, which makes it really feel like my past experiences with Road 96 have had an impact on the world. When I do successfully reach the border, I can also see graffitti I painted on a cave wall the previous time, which again reinforces the idea that every teenager I play and every road trip I go on makes a mark on Petria.

I've really enjoyed my time on the road so far, and Digixart does well to deliver an ever-evolving experience that feels different each time. I'm still all too eager to venture out and try and reach the border again to see what else is in store for me. With its own distinctive look and feel, the excellent '90's aesthetic is accompanied by some killer mixtape tracks (which are collectibles), and the characters of Petria truly bring the world to life. If you're looking for an exciting adventure with a bit of difference that's easy to dip in and out of, you can't go wrong with Road 96.

Road 96 is out now on PC and Nintendo Switch.

View original post here:

Have you tried hitting the road to freedom as a teenager in Road 96? - Gamesradar

For much of the last year Kacey Wong was waking up in Hong Kong and checking social media to see if friends had been arrested overnight. On a good morning Wong might see a photo of an oval plane window looking out over clouds or a foreign airport, a pictorial sign they had fled to safety.

On one of the worst mornings it was the arrest of 53 campaigners, politicians and activists, many of them Wongs friends, for having the gall to hold a pre-election poll.

That was January. Then in March a pro-Beijing newspaper, Ta Kung Pao, published a highly critical list of artists and organisations linked to the Arts Development Council which the paper said was using government money against the government by funding what it deemed to be anti-government entities and potential violators of the national security law, introduced in June 2020.

Wong, a 51-year-old Hong Kong political and performance artist, was marked for a Ted Talk given in 2019: so much for the national security law being non-retrospective. He decided to leave for Taiwan.

The arrest of the legislators was a clear indication for me, telling me that law and order in Hong Kong has collapsed, he says. That was a big alarm bell.

Its not about what you do after the establishment of the national security law, but how the national security law becomes this weapon of cultural mass destruction, in the now, the past, and the future, he tells the Guardian from his new home city of Taichung.

Its like the state newspaper is dictating a hitlist, and the national security bureau will just follow that, to create fear and intimidation against anyone or any organisation.

Wong was a common sight at Hong Kongs protests during the Umbrella movement and 2019s pro-democracy rallies. Since then the crackdown on the movement has seen thousands arrested, including more than 130 under the national security law. It has targeted newspapers and journalists, legal groups, civil society, unions, illustrators, and individuals over any sign of dissent.

Wong is just a couple of weeks out of Taiwans strict hotel quarantine. The enforced isolation in a guarded albeit comfortable and catered room for 15 days felt like one final test before gaining freedom. He announced his exile with a Leonard Cohen-inspired music video, singing Vera Lynns Well Meet Again to his home town.

We are sitting under the large trees ringing Taichungs modern art museum, dragonflies darting through the heavy humid air in this CBD oasis. Wong is quietly spoken but airs strong opinions peppered with military metaphors (he is a war games enthusiast). Taiwan is the green zone to Hong Kongs red; those in exile have not lost the war but are retreating to another place to continue to fight.

Tens of thousands have left Hong Kong. Many like Wong rushed to beat the 1 August implementation of Hong Kongs version of exit bans. Data released last week revealed the sharpest population decline in six decades, a net lost of 89,000 people or 1.2% of the population. Analysts say Covid is a factor, but so too is Hong Kongs decline under Beijings growing intervention. In 2020 Taiwan issued almost twice as many residence permits to Hongkongers than the previous year a complicated and sometimes problematic process amid Covid restrictions and no asylum pathway.

Wong had told almost no one he was leaving, but since the Ta Kung Pao article and the recent airport arrests of Apple Daily journalists he assumed authorities were watching.

But you never know if youre on the list or not unless you go test it by charging through the border, which brings two possible consequences, he says.

I went to the airport with a really gloomy emotion, because I knew I was either going to say farewell to Hong Kong for the last time, or that I might be going to jail for the first time.

At the immigration e-gate his thumbprint wouldnt scan, and an automated message told him to call over an officer for assistance. Hed already noticed the officers that day were bigger and burlier and more dressed for action than usual. Furiously he pressed and pressed his thumb until eventually it worked and he walked through to the boarding gate, with relief. But then he laughs, recalling the discovery of other passengers in the waiting area.

I have been to so many rallies I can spot who is undercover police, he says. Its a four-man team: one middle-aged officer leading three younger two guys and a girl. Theyre all in sneakers and T-shirts with no carry-on luggage, and they have their bags across the chest so both their hands are loose to do whatever they want to do.

When it was time to board they came out and lined up like [they were defending] a penalty goal at a football match, they were staring at everybody presenting their passport and boarding pass.

Wong felt no calmer at take-off, or even landing in Taipei and checking into the quarantine hotel, where he feared a knock on the door for 15 days. He quickly moved to Taichung, a coastal city midway down the west coast, grungey, industrial and artistic. Once settled he plans to restart his work, telling the story of Hong Kong and preserving its culture.

Wong could have gone back to the UK, where he spent two years and where more than 7,000 other Hongkongers have resettled just this year, but chose Taiwan because he says he can blend in here. He doesnt have to prove his identity to people, or be a walking fluorescent light all the time, and he has full artistic freedom.

Most of Wongs work is sculptural or performance art, often with a military theme and focusing on the erosion of human rights and freedoms. But he says he wasnt really politicised until the 2011 arrest of Ai Wei Wei by Chinese authorities.

As we sit Wong often gazes over at the art museum free of political intervention, or to the streets where he says he still forgets he doesnt need to look over his shoulder. Hes about to go buy a secondhand motorbike, another layer of freedom. Soon hell find his new studio.

One question I got often in Hong Kong is: do you think theres a responsibility for artists to speak out for political freedoms and democracy? Before I used to answer: no, theres no responsibility, its a personal choice isnt it? he says.

But for those who decided to leave Hong Kong like me, I think theres a responsibility for those who can advocate for those who cannot speak out.

Continue reading here:

Law and order collapsed: Hong Kong artist Kacey Wong on finding freedom in Taiwan - The Guardian

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Rep. Ross Berry: Why I voted for education freedom - The Union Leader