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White House press secretary Jen Psaki holds a press briefing at the White House on Monday. Reporters asked about the administration's next steps on voting rights. Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images hide caption

White House press secretary Jen Psaki holds a press briefing at the White House on Monday. Reporters asked about the administration's next steps on voting rights.

The White House on Monday opened the door to revisiting the filibuster a hotly contested issue across political lines setting the stage for a bitter congressional fight to do away with the controversial debate tactic.

Responding to a question about Tuesday's Senate debate on voting rights legislation, White House press secretary Jen Psaki said: "As it relates to the filibuster, I don't think you have to take it from us, that would be Congress moving forward or making a decision. If the vote is unsuccessful tomorrow, we suspect it will prompt a new conversation about the path forward. And we'll see where that goes."

The filibuster is a long-standing Senate practice used to delay a proposed law from being brought to a vote a tactic that has picked up steam over the last 10 years. It has only been used once so far this session, to block a vote on a bipartisan commission investigating the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol.

Senate Democrats will on Tuesday begin debate in pursuit of sweeping overhauls to current voting laws. The proposal is called the For the People Act.

The bill comes as Republican-led states nationwide seek to implement a number of restrictive voting measures that opponents say could significantly curtail the ability of minorities and lower-income Americans to cast ballots. Republicans defend these measures as necessary to safeguard the security of U.S. elections.

After President Biden's 2020 presidential win, many Republicans, at the urging of former President Donald Trump, launched a smear campaign, falsely alleging that ballot irregularities were the cause of their White House defeat.

In order for the party to be successful in advancing a federal voting rights bill, Democrats would have to vote in lockstep support of the measure and get the support of 10 Senate Republicans. Some Democrats and outside advocates say without any likely backing of GOP senators, Democratic leaders should change Senate rules getting rid of the filibuster, which requires 60 votes to end debate.

Party moderates including Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona have opposed both measures, leading to significant infighting among Democrats about next steps.

The White House said Biden spoke to both senators Monday Manchin on voting rights and infrastructure, and Sinema in regards to infrastructure and thanked them both for their "engagement."

Biden, himself formerly a member of the Senate, in March endorsed changing the filibuster to "what it used to be," requiring senators to physically take to the floor and speak ceaselessly in order to delay a vote.

Despite the common misconception, as it stands now, a Senate staffer can send an email registering a senator's objection and triggering a 60-vote requirement to advance a bill to a final up-or-down vote without having to make a speech or any other effort.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., has warned of a logistical nightmare if those rules were to change and lawmakers were constantly required to be physically present at the Capitol. Plus, he's said that when Republicans regain majority control of the chamber, "We wouldn't just erase every liberal change that hurt the country. We'd strengthen America with all kinds of conservative policies with zero input from the other side."

Even with Biden's cosignature, Democrats have been unable to unanimously reach an agreement on either voting rights reform or the filibuster.

Vice President Harris was tapped to lead the administration's strategy on voting rights but so far hasn't come forward with concrete steps on the issue.

Former President Barack Obama, under whom Biden served as vice president and who remains a popular figure among Democrats, on Monday expressed his support for overhauling the filibuster during a conference call with voting rights activists and former Attorney General Eric Holder.

"Unfortunately, right now at least, Republicans in the Senate are right now lining up to try to use the filibuster to stop the For the People Act from even being debated," Obama said.

"Think about this: In the aftermath of an insurrection, with our democracy on the line, and many of these same Republican senators going along with the notion that somehow there were irregularities and problems with legitimacy in our most recent election they're suddenly afraid to even talk about these issues and figure out solutions on the floor of the Senate. They don't even want to talk about voting," he said, referencing the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

"That's not acceptable."

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Filibuster Rules Debated Again With Voting Rights Bill Vote - NPR

FOX Business host Stuart Varney on Biden's 'far-left' policies and state of the Democratic party.

In his latest "My Take," FOX Business Stuart Varney discusses the fractures within the Democratic party, arguing "things are falling apart" for President Biden and his "radical policies."

STUART VARNEY: Its probably very fortunate for the president that his handlers keep him away from the media he would have a very hard time answering free-wheeling questions on any of the major issues of the day. He ran for the presidency as a moderate. Now that he's governing, he's gone to the far left.Things are falling apart.

How about Defund the Police? Powerful Congressman Jim Clyburn, now says that idea 'doesn't work.' That puts rising crime at the center of the law and order debate. If he had to answer a question on this, would the president ditch the man who essentially gave him the nomination, thats Jim Clyburn. Would he ditch him or would he go with AOC?

BIDEN STILL NOT SOLD ON BIPARTISAN INFRASTRUCTURE PLAN FOLLOWING MANCHIN, SINEMA WH MEETINGS

The border: Thats disaster territory for the Democrats. They have to be quiet about their open border policy because they know it is extremely unpopular. Heaven forbid the media asks the president if he still thinks its Trump's fault!

Voter ID! Democrats don't want it, but 8 out of 10 voters do want it. There's a vote on it today. The president may have to re-think the issue.

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Infrastructure: Is it just roads and bridges, or social infrastructure like pre-k education and vast green subsidies? Once again, the president is caught between his early far-left pledges and the reality of getting the votes!

He gets good press. The media loves him. But it's crunch time. This president is about to find out that he cannot push through his radical policies. The left will be apoplectic. The Democrat coalition is falling apart.

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Varney: The Democrat coalition is falling apart - Fox Business

Senate Democrats in tough races next year, namely Sens. Mark KellyMark KellyCentrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle The Hill's Morning Report - After high-stakes Biden-Putin summit, what now? Tensions grow between liberals and centrists on infrastructure MORE (Ariz.) and Maggie HassanMargaret (Maggie) HassanCentrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle The Hill's Morning Report - After high-stakes Biden-Putin summit, what now? Tensions grow between liberals and centrists on infrastructure MORE (N.H.), say it's more important for an infrastructure spending bill to be bipartisan thanfor it to fit in all the priorities that President BidenJoe BidenObama: Ensuring democracy 'continues to work effectively' keeps me 'up at night' New Jersey landlords prohibited from asking potential tenants about criminal records Overnight Defense: Pentagon pulling some air defense assets from Middle East | Dems introduce resolution apologizing to LGBT community for discrimination | White House denies pausing military aid package to Ukraine MORE has outlined and his party base are clamoring for.

The implications for control of the Senate and House after 2022 are not lost on the Biden White House, and the bloc of vulnerable Democrats could carry significant influence over what direction Democrats and the White House pursue in the weeks to come.

The White House has given extensive runway to bipartisan talks over the last few months. Officials close to the administration insist there is a genuine desire to get a deal with Republicans and stress they are willing to let the process play out.

Brokering a bipartisan deal would show Biden is able to work across the aisle after he campaigned on his reputation as a creature of the Senate who could restore some sense of collegiality. White House officials are keenly aware that a bipartisan deal could shield vulnerable lawmakers from a tough vote on a partisan, multitrillion-dollar reconciliation package that Republicans in purple states could wield against them in campaign ads next year.

I dont think theyve ever given up on bipartisanship, said one Democratic strategist close to the White House. I think theyll keep trying to get something until they cant, which is likely around Labor Day. Thats when youd need to go with reconciliation.

Kelly, who narrowly won last years Arizona special election and is a top GOP target in 2022, says at the top of my list is to pass an infrastructure bill with bipartisan support.

I want to see this get done and I prefer we do this in a bipartisan way, he said.

While many of his more liberal colleagues have grand plans about fighting climate change, expanding access to child care and broadening Medicare, Kelly says simply funding traditional infrastructure needs is a top concern of Arizonans.

Ive driven every corner of Arizona over the last couple of years. Seems like every road and highway needs help, he said. The major highway between Tucson and Phoenix doesnt have feeder roads in most places. Its a public safety issue.

Kelly is one of 21 senators, including 11 Republicans, nine Democrats and an independent who caucuses with Democrats, supporting a $974 billion, five-year infrastructure spending plan.

Hassan, who also signed onto the bipartisan framework last week, said whats important is that we work together to reflect the values of our constituents.

A University of New Hampshire poll from late April found that spending on traditional infrastructure had the most support of the elements of President Bidens infrastructure agenda.

I think its always important when we can do things in a bipartisan way to reflect the way our constituents do things. They work together without regard to political party all the time and theres large bipartisan support for infrastructure, Hassan said.

The Problem Solvers Caucus released its own $1.2 trillion infrastructure framework earlier this month in a push for a bipartisan deal. The effort is backed by Democrats in purple districts such as Reps. Tom MalinowskiThomas (Tom) MalinowskiOvernight Health Care: Biden 'very confident' in Fauci amid conservative attacks | House Dems press Biden on global vaccinations | CDC director urges parents to vaccinate adolescents House Democrats call on Biden to do 'much more' to vaccinate the world Rep. Malinowski traded as much as M in medical, tech stocks with stake in COVID-19 response MORE (D-N.J.), Jared Golden (D-Maine) and Chris PappasChristopher (Chris) Charles PappasFormer Trump aide eyeing New Hampshire congressional bid House Democrats hit Republicans on mobile billboard at GOP retreat House votes to extend ban on fentanyl-like substances MORE (D-N.H.).

With Democrats holding narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress, many progressives are clamoring to cut off talks with Republicans and move forward with a reconciliation bill that looks more like the $2.2 trillion proposal Biden announced in late March with investments in roads, bridges, broadband, elder care and efforts to combat climate change.

But the realities of a 50-50 Senate and a nine-seat majority for Democrats in the House have made clear how much sway moderate members from purple states and districts have.

Kelly faces reelection in Arizona next November. He defeated former Sen. Martha McSallyMartha Elizabeth McSallyMcGuire unveils Arizona Senate campaign On The Trail: Arizona is microcosm of battle for the GOP Gabby Giffords and Mark Kelly welcome first grandchild MORE (R) in a special election last year by roughly 80,000 votes, but Biden only carried the state by 11,000 votes and the party in power has historically had headwinds during midterm years.

Hassan was last on the ballot in 2016, when she defeated incumbent Sen. Kelly AyotteKelly Ann AyotteSununu seen as top recruit in GOP bid to reclaim Senate Lobbying world Overnight Defense: NATO expanding troops in Iraq MORE (R-N.H.) by roughly 1,000 votes in one of the most closely contested races in recent memory.

Sen. Joe ManchinJoe ManchinHollywood goes all in for the For the People Act The Hill's Morning Report - ObamaCare here to stay Centrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle MORE (D-W.Va.), one of the loudest proponents for passing a bipartisan infrastructure bill, said it didnt take much to convince Kelly and Hassan to sign onto the proposal last week.

We didnt have to go out and recruit. Theyre aggressively wanting to be part of it, which speaks volumes, he said.

This is one time in the history of our country weve never been more divided than we are right now if we cant put our country above ourselves, God help us all, he added.

Sens. Catherine Cortez MastoCatherine Marie Cortez MastoPast criticism of Trump becomes potent weapon in GOP primaries Infighting grips Nevada Democrats ahead of midterms Top union unveils national town hall strategy to push Biden's jobs plan MORE (D-Nev.), Raphael WarnockRaphael WarnockDemocrats scramble to unify before election bill brawl Joe Manchin keeps Democrats guessing on sweeping election bill Loeffler meets with McConnell amid speculation of another Senate run MORE (D-Ga.), Lisa MurkowskiLisa Ann MurkowskiTrump endorses Murkowski challenger Centrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle Senate confirms Radhika Fox to lead EPA's water office MORE (R-Alaska) and Jerry MoranGerald (Jerry) MoranCentrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle The Hill's Morning Report - After high-stakes Biden-Putin summit, what now? Bipartisan infrastructure group grows to 21 senators MORE (R-Kansas) are among the other senators up for reelection in 2022 who are expected to face difficult challenges in either the primary or general election.

Murkwoski and Moran are among the Republicans who have backed the bipartisan infrastructure framework. Spokespeople for Cortez Masto and Warnock did not respond to requests for comment about whether they prefer a bipartisan approach or moving ahead on reconciliation.

I think members facing tough reelections in 2022 would rather be seen as being bipartisan, but regular people care about results more than process, said a second Democratic strategist. [Senate Minority Leader] McConnell understands that. Bringing money home and building bridges and fixing roads will help them get re-elected more than any magic compromise with Republicans.

The thing McConnell understands better than most politicians in Washington is 99% of the things we focus on, like process, don't matter to regular people, the strategist added.

Democrats hope that passing a bipartisan infrastructure bill will help inoculate their candidates from efforts by Republicans to paint the Democratic Party as being dominated by its most liberal members, such as Sen. Bernie SandersBernie SandersThe Hill's Morning Report - ObamaCare here to stay Centrists gain leverage over progressives in Senate infrastructure battle OVERNIGHT ENERGY: EPA announces new clean air advisors after firing Trump appointees | Senate confirms Biden pick for No. 2 role at Interior | Watchdog: Bureau of Land Management saw messaging failures, understaffing during pandemic MORE (I-Vt.), who caucuses with Democrats, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-CortezAlexandria Ocasio-CortezHillary Clinton backs Shontel Brown in Ohio congressional race Ocasio-Cortez, Gillibrand and Moulton call for more high-speed rail funding in infrastructure package Pelosi picks Democrats for special panel tackling inequality MORE (D-N.Y.), the author of the Green New Deal.

Senate Republican Conference Chairman John BarrassoJohn Anthony BarrassoJudge halts Biden pause on new public lands oil leasing GOP senator: I want to make Biden a 'one-half-term president' Biden land management pick faces GOP scrutiny over decades-old tree spiking case MORE (Wyo.) says the $6 trillion reconciliationpackage that Sanders, the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, floated in a meeting with Senate Majority Leader Charles SchumerChuck SchumerFive takeaways on the Supreme Court's Obamacare decision Senate confirms Chris Inglis as first White House cyber czar Schumer vows to only pass infrastructure package that is 'a strong, bold climate bill' MORE (D-N.Y.) on Wednesday will be a liability for Democrats in swing states next year.

Were greatly confident that the contrast between what the Democrats are doing and what the American people want is so significant that its going to help us retain the seats we have, pick up seats and win the House, he said.

Speaking of the $6 trillion reconciliation proposal, Barrasso said Sanders has told other Democrats that hes expecting the Democrats to lose either the House or the Senate in two years and this is their last opportunity to take this big socialistic step.

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Democrats facing tough reelections back bipartisan infrastructure deal | TheHill - The Hill

Senate Republicans are preparing to unanimously block Democrats marquee election reform legislation, in a move that sets the stage for a bitter showdown over the future of voting rights across America and the survival of the filibuster rule.

The Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell and a dozen top lieutenants said on Thursday that they would vote down the bill known as S1, predicting that not a single Republican would cross the aisle to join Democrats.

McConnell also said Republicans would not support S1 even if a revised version, with changes amenable to Republicans, was introduced.

Equally unacceptable, totally inappropriate all Republicans, I think, will oppose that, he said.

The opposition from McConnell, who commands deep and authoritative control over Republicans in the Senate, is all but certain to ensure the failure of S1 when the bill is set to be introduced on the Senate floor next week.

Democrats are relying on S1 to expand ballot access and tighten controls on campaign spending as they attempt to roll back a wave of new Republican voter restrictions, passed in response to Donald Trumps lies about a stolen 2020 presidential election. The Republican measures are set to have a particular impact on communities of color, and are seen as likely to suppress the Democratic vote.

The bill was revised this week to include a number of Republican priorities, including voter ID requirements, after longtime Senate Democratic holdout Joe Manchin indicated he would extend his support if his party made the changes to secure bipartisan support.

But McConnells forceful denunciation, making clear that no election reform bill has a chance of passage, suggests the futility of seeking bipartisanship with a Republican party openly committed to thwarting Democrats legislative agenda.

The expected blanket opposition from Republicans came soon after the revised S1 bill gained a notable endorsement from senior Democratic figure and voting rights advocate Stacey Abrams, who said on CNN she would absolutely support the proposal, and heralded it as the first step to preserving democracy.

Abrams, a former Georgia candidate for governor credited with helping deliver Joe Biden the presidency, is unpopular with Republicans and they quickly used her words of support to call the revised S1 bill unacceptable.

When Stacey Abrams immediately endorsed senator Manchins proposal, it became the Stacey Abrams substitute, not the Joe Manchin substitute, said Roy Blunt, the top Republican on the Senate Rules committee, which oversees election issues.

The resistance from McConnell and his lieutenants is likely to head off the growing push for election reform legislation, but it also threatened to reopen the simmering tensions over whether to impose new limits on the filibuster.

McConnells hard-line approach to doom S1 is backstopped by the filibuster the 60-vote supermajority rule that gives a united minority party ability to block any legislation and his knowledge that Manchin remains opposed to changing that rule, even though its existance thwarts the passing of much of Bidens ambitious domestic agenda.

But now, with Manchins own version of S1 in peril, some Democrats are suggesting that a party-line vote that confirms the legislation would have become law were it not for Republican opposition, would force the West Virginian to confront a reckoning with the filibuster.

The Senate majority leader Chuck Schumer has already started making the case for imposing new limits on the filibuster by lining up votes on measures certain to be blocked and demonstrate that Republicans have turned the rule into a weapon of bad-faith politics.

Schumers idea is to show Manchin, and a handful of other Democrats opposed to curbing the filibuster, that Republicans are only interested in sinking all Democratic policies, and that he has no choice but to defuse the rule in order to pass their legislative priorities.

The pressure to change Senate rules is also growing from Democrats in the House, where the majority whip Jim Clyburn is pushing for Manchin to support carving out an exception to the filibuster for election reform bills, according to a source familiar with the matter.

It was not immediately clear on Friday how Manchin might proceed should Republicans filibuster his own version of S1.

But as Republicans sounded the death knell for the bill, Manchin, on a recent Zoom call reported by the Intercept, told the centrist group No Labels that he was considering whether to call for lowering the filibuster threshold to 55 from 60 votes.

Such a change would still not pave the way for the passage of S1, but it would significantly improve the prospects of other Democratic measures just short of 60 votes, from narrower voting rights bills to a 9/11-style commission to investigate the Capitol attack.

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Republicans dig in and prepare to sink Democrats voting rights bill - The Guardian

One of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic has been the absence of large-scale political events in Maryland for a year and a half. No schmoozing. No glad-handing. No speechifying.

One of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic has been the absence of large-scale political events in Maryland for a year and a half. No schmoozing. No glad-handing. No speechifying.

But that changed dramatically and emphatically on Thursday night, when seven of the eight Democratic candidates for governor gathered together in the open air outside Olney Theater in Montgomery County and spoke, one by one, to a crowd of politicians, party activists, donors and State House lobbyists.

Officially, it was a fundraiser for House Majority Leader Eric G. Luedtke (D-Montgomery), a consequential figure in Annapolis. But Luedtke had the presence of mind to invite all the declared and likely Democratic candidates for governor.

Much to my surprise, most of them decided to show up, Luedtke said.

And suddenly, a nice political gathering on an unusually pleasant late spring evening became a happening.

This is my first actual, real-life campaign event, marveled one of the gubernatorial candidates, Michael Rosenbaum, a Baltimore tech entrepreneur and first-time candidate.

The evening was divided into four parts: First came the preliminary schmoozing, snacking and alcohol-free sipping, mostly maskless and featuring some awkward handshakes, fist bumps and hugs along with some more emphatic greetings.

Were shaking hands now? one campaign operative asked a man who extended a hand.

Then came the more traditional fundraising program: House Speaker Adrienne A. Jones (D-Baltimore County) and U.S. Rep. Jamie B. Raskin (D-Md.) extolling Luedtkes virtues, Jones calling up every House member present, maybe 20 in all, to join her and Luedtke in front of the crowd. Then Luedtke spoke, sending praise Jones and Raskins way.

Luedtke quickly shifted gears and became the moderator of an impromptu gubernatorial forum. Of the candidates in the Democratic field, only former attorney general Douglas F. Gansler, who was attending a Democratic Attorneys General Association conference, did not appear.

Luedtke, like other party stalwarts, stressed the importance of electing a Democrat in 2022 after eight years of Republican Gov. Lawrence J. Hogan Jr. (R).

Weve had a governor who in my opinion doesnt have a vision for this state and doesnt work well with others, Luedtke said. We need a governor who believes in people, in helping people.

Each candidate then made his pitch. The crowd, used to talking through speeches at political events because theyve heard all the lines before, was remarkably respectful, sizing up the candidates seriously, mindful that this was the publics first significant exposure to the Democrats who would be governor. They were dead silent when Wes Moore, the former foundation executive and best-selling author spoke.

In all, it was a useful barometer of where the candidates think they are and the messages they want to transmit to this small core of Democratic activists, the few who are actually paying attention to the contenders one year and 11 days before the primary:

I value results over rhetoric, he said. I want to restore Marylanders faith in the ability of government to deliver for them.

Franchot, who spent the better part of the Hogan administration cozying up to the governor, criticized Hogan for the delays in getting unemployment checks out to struggling Marylanders, and also laid out some aspects of his biography that voters may not know, including his work in opposition to the Vietnam War, his campaigning for presidential candidate Eugene McCarthy in 1968, his anti-nuclear activism, and his time as director of the Vermont Public Interest Research Group.

King talked about struggling as a youth after both his parents died, but also about his faith in the redemptive powers of education. And he described his work with a new progressive advocacy group, Strong Future Maryland, that worked on race and equity issues, climate change and tenant protections during the recent General Assembly session.

I didnt just talk about problems, he said. I didnt just tweet about problems. I didnt wax poetic on cable television about problems.

Baker said his career as a legislator and as county executive and now running an institute at the University of Maryland College Park that trains incoming public officials shows that he is prepared to tackle the challenges of the future.

It is in my DNA to run toward a problem and to stay there until the problem is solved, Baker said. He also name-checked the late House Appropriations Committee chairman Howard P. Pete Rawlings (D-Baltimore City), who, he said, taught him how to influence colleagues and become a more effective leader.

I took on these systems in business and won, he said. What we need to do as a state is take on these systems and win.

Baron also pledged: I wont take a dime of money from corporations or special interests.

Perez, who presided over the DNC during the 2020 presidential election cycle, joked about the size of the Democratic gubernatorial field. Theres a lot of people thinking about running for governor. But Im here to tell you, its 18 less than were running for president.

He outlined his familys history his parents moved from the Dominican Republic to Buffalo, N.Y., because of the similarities in the weather between Buffalo and the Dominican Republic and his philosophy about governments role to help others.

My parents taught me to make sure the ladders down, Perez said, adding, If you want to get to heaven, youve got to get letters of reference from the folks in the shadows.

In the Army, the first thing we learn is, we dont leave people behind, he said. In fact, we send a battalion in to get them. We dont leave people behind. Why as a state are we OK with that?

Moore said he has dedicated his life to fighting inequality and would bring the same resolve to the governors office.

Moore, more than the other candidates, was mobbed by well-wishers as the fundraiser concluded. Maybe that was a function of him not being present for the preliminaries. Maybe it was because he was less well-known to this particular political crowd than some of the other candidates. Or maybe its because he has a dash of celebrity that the other candidates do not possess.

But if there was a winner among the candidates on the audience applause-o-meter, it was none of the gubernatorial contenders. That distinction belonged to Del. Brooke E. Lierman (D-Baltimore City), a candidate for comptroller and the lone Democratic woman running for statewide office as of now.

Liermans quick speech, outlining the ways the comptrollers office can be a force for progressive change and exhorting the crowd to be bold and to think big, got the biggest cheer of the night.

jkurtz@marylandmatters.org

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Face-to-face fundraising returns, with a heavy dose of Democratic Gubernatorial campaigning - WTOP

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)Outraged by the U.S. Supreme Courts decision to preserve Barack Obamas signature legislative achievement, Senator Ted Cruz called the Affordable Care Act a thinly veiled Democratic plot to keep people alive so they can vote.

A long time ago, Democrats figured out that live people were far more likely to vote than dead ones, Cruz charged. Make no mistake: the Affordable Care Act is a calculated scheme to increase the number of live people.

He went on, Democrats will stop at nothing to get people to vote. They will get them ballots. They will get them bottled water. And, yes, if necessary, they will keep them from dying of a prexisting condition. It disgusts me.

Cruz added that, unlike Democrats, Republicans have no intention whatsoever of keeping people alive, and pointed to Texass new constitutional carry gun law as a shining example.

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Ted Cruz Calls Obamacare a Democratic Plot to Keep People Alive So They Can Vote - The New Yorker

It is often hard to try to derive a national message from a single byelection. The effect on party morale usually dwarfs that felt on government policy. The election of Liberal Democrat Sarah Green as the MP for Chesham and Amersham, a commuter-belt seat north-west of London, stuns on both counts. The result will make Conservative MPs in relatively liberal and educated constituencies very jumpy. But it will also slow the progress of Boris Johnsons planning reforms. Voters in bucolic Buckinghamshire plainly feared that these would make it easier for developers to concrete over the countryside.

What the result shows is that the Liberal Democrat cause is not a hopeless one. With just 11 parliamentarians and languishing at 7% in national polls, Sir Ed Davey appeared to be taking his depleted ranks and marching them towards the sound of gunfire. Chesham and Amersham has been held by the Conservatives since its creation in 1974. Yet Ms Green overturned a 16,000-strong Tory majority to take the seat by just over 8,000 votes, a swing of 25%, and upset the odds. The energy of the Tories vaccine bounce seems dissipated. Clearly the death of Liberal England has been prematurely foretold.

But is this a successful revival or a false dawn? In 2016 a swing of 22% saw Londons Richmond Park won by the Lib Dems. Three years later the party won the Brecon and Radnorshire byelection in Wales with a swing of 14%. What was telling was that on both occasions, the Lib Dems benefited from electoral pacts that consolidated a part of the remain vote. These divisions have not been erased just because Britain has left the European Union. Chesham and Amersham voted remain, and it would appear that substantial numbers of pro-EU Labour supporters voted Lib Dem.

The Compass thinktank has identified two clear battlegrounds in England: one between Labour and the Conservatives, another between the Lib Dems and the Conservatives. There are few seats where Labour and the Lib Dems square off. It makes sense to join hands to defeat a common enemy. This thought also dovetails with a creeping political realignment in British politics.

The trend is for older, school-leaver Brexit supporters in the north switching to the Conservatives while the ruling party is losing ground among the more middle-class suburban graduates who leaned towards remain. Mr Johnsons divisive nationalism and levelling up rhetoric risks trading red wall gains, such as in Hartlepool last month, for blue wall losses. The new Tory coalition can be divided in other ways: the HS2 high-speed railway is widely welcomed in the north and the Midlands where it ends, but less so in the leafy southern constituencies, such as Chesham and Amersham, that it runs through.

To keep the momentum going will require more than the politics of protest. Sir Ed must see the possibility of a major political restructuring and shape it. He should make a virtue of positions that decentralise power, free the individual citizen and promote quality in public services. He needs policies that are not only popular but also clearly associated in the minds of voters with the Lib Dems. Being a responsible partner to the EU, rather than a troublesome neighbour, would be a good start. Liberalism is its own creed, and its adherents ought to make the case that it remains the one most capable of meeting the challenges ahead.

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The Guardian view on the Liberal Democrats: seeing and shaping politics - The Guardian

Former Rep. Beto O'Rourke speaks before a Democratic Party fundraising dinner, the Liberty and Justice Celebration, in Des Moines, Iowa, U.S. November 1, 2019. REUTERS/Eric Thayer

June 17 (Reuters) - Former presidential candidate Beto ORourke will headline a voting rights rally in Texas on Sunday, a day before Democrats in the U.S. Senate take up a sweeping bill aimed at combating new Republican-backed voting restrictions in that state and others across the country.

Democratic lawmakers in Texas staged a dramatic, 11th-hour walkout as the legislative session was ending last month, blocking the Republican majority from passing a wide-ranging bill that would have eliminated drive-through and overnight voting, made it easier for judges to overturn election results and given partisan poll watchers more access to polling sites.

Texas is part of a national push by Republicans to tighten voting laws after former President Donald Trump's false claim that he lost last year's presidential election due to voter fraud. Republican-controlled legislatures have passed new rules in several battleground states, including Georgia, Arizona and Florida.

The reprieve in Texas is likely temporary. Republican leaders, including Governor Greg Abbott, have said they will hold a special session to take up the legislation again.

But in an interview on Thursday, O'Rourke, a former Democratic congressman who ran for president in 2020 and has not ruled out a gubernatorial campaign challenging Abbott in 2022, said he has already seen signs that the grassroots effort against the bill is working.

A handful of Republican lawmakers have backed away from some provisions in the measure, such as a prohibition on early voting on Sundays before 1 p.m. a measure widely seen as targeting Black churches' "souls to the polls" drives.

"That's a good sign that this public pressure works," said O'Rourke, who has visited 18 cities and towns in recent weeks to hold voting rights events. "This state is the epicenter of the fight for voting rights, and if this state comes together in numbers large enough, I really do think that helps advance the cause."

Organizers say they expect thousands of attendees at the weekend rally in Austin, the state capital.

The U.S. Senate is expected on Monday to begin bringing a sweeping Democratic-sponsored election reform bill up for a vote. The legislation, known as the For the People Act, would expand ballot access and outlaw partisan redistricting, among other measures. read more

The bill's prospects in the Senate, however, are dim. Democrats cannot afford to lose a single vote with Republicans universally opposed, and moderate Democratic Senator Joe Manchin has already said he does not support the legislation.

On Wednesday, Manchin suggested a series of revisions to the bill, though any compromise would require at least 10 Republican votes under the Senate's filibuster rules.

O'Rourke said Manchin's proposal shows the bill's chances are improving.

"I think this is a very good sign, especially for everyone who was wanting us to believe the sky was falling and that this would never pass," he said.

O'Rourke said he has had conversations with members of the Biden administration, which has called on Congress to pass voting protections.

Democratic President Joe Biden has put Vice President Kamala Harris in charge of a national voting rights push; she met on Wednesday with 16 Texas Democratic legislators who participated in last month's walkout. read more

O'Rourke, who became a Democratic star when he narrowly lost a U.S. Senate race in 2018 to Republican Ted Cruz, said he is focused on voting rights at the moment, not his political future.

After that work is done, I will think about what it is I can do to further help here in Texas, he said, adding that running for office is one possibility.

Reporting by Joseph AxEditing by Colleen Jenkins and Jonathan Oatis

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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O'Rourke to host Texas voting rights rally as U.S. Democrats push reforms - Reuters

Democrats are hammering Republicans over their opposition to a Jan. 6 commission as they look to retain control of Congress next year.

Hopes for a bipartisan panel to investigate the deadly riot at the Capitol earlier this year were dashed when Republican leadership came out against the idea, casting it as a partisan maneuver.

But some Democrats believe there may be a silver lining in the recent development, seeing the GOP's sharp reversal on the issue as a way to bolster support ahead of the midterm elections.

If you want to talk about where House majorities rise and fall, its in swing districts, and swing voters look at facts and reason, Jon Reinish, a New York-based Democratic strategist, said. They saw this happen. It is impossible for the American public to forget Jan. 6, because everybody watched it unfold in real time on TV in an unfiltered way.

Reinish accused Republicans of engaging in a kind of historical revisionism in an effort to appease former President TrumpDonald TrumpMichigan governor apologizes after photo shows her violating state's health order Cheney dodges on link between Trump election claims and GOP voting laws Biden adviser says reducing red meat isn't sole climate change solution MORE, who was impeached in January for his role in inciting the riot. He said that GOP lawmakers will have to be prepared to answer over and over again why your party is trying to block this investigation.

A commission seemed inevitable for a long time, he said. Republicans, I think to their determinant, have taken a short-term view of anything Donald Trump doesnt want, we dont want.

The creation of such a commission once looked promising, with some top Republicans expressing openness to the idea. That changed this week, however, when GOP leaders came out against the effort, fearing that it could drag scrutiny of the Capitol riot into 2022, when Republicans are hoping to recapture their majorities in the House and Senate.

Sen. John ThuneJohn Randolph ThuneDemocrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission GOP turns against Jan. 6 probe as midterm distraction Senate panels to release Jan. 6 Capitol security report in June MORE (S.D.), the No. 2 Republican in the upper chamber, hinted at the GOP concerns about a prolonged investigation into the events of Jan. 6, saying this week that Republicans want their midterm message to focus on jobs and wages and the economy and national security, safe streets ... not relitigating the 2020 elections.

A lot of our members, and I think it is true of a lot of the House Republicans, want to be moving forward," Thune said. "Anything that gets us rehashing the 2020 election, I think, is a day lost."

But Democrats have signaled they wont let Republicans shift the conversation away from Jan. 6. Party officials and lawmakers have sent out a flurry of fundraising emails in recent days, pledging to hold the GOP to account over their opposition to the commission.

Im not giving up Im going to do everything I can to ensure Congress establishes a January 6 Commission to determine the full facts of what happened on that fateful day, and take action to make sure it never happens again, one recent fundraising email from Sen. Cory BookerCory BookerDemocrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission Sunday shows - Infrastructure, Jan. 6 commission dominate Booker on police reform negotiations: 'We're making meaningful progress' MORE (D-N.J.) reads.

The legislation at hand would create a 10-person commission, split evenly between Democrats and Republicans, to investigate the Jan. 6 riot and the circumstances surrounding it. The panel would report its findings by Dec. 31.

The House ultimately voted 252 to 175 on Wednesday to create the commission, with 35 Republicans crossing party lines to approve the measure.

But the effort is likely to face a difficult path in the Senate. A number of Republicans who once suggested that they could support the commission have walked back their remarks, making it unlikely that Democrats will win over the 10 GOP votes needed to break a filibuster.

Democrats have cast the sudden reversals by Republicans as a sign that they fear retribution from Trump, who has spoken out publicly in opposition to the commission something he described this week as a Democratic trap.

Rep. Elissa SlotkinElissa SlotkinDemocrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission Hillicon Valley: Democrats urge Facebook to abandon 'Instagram for kids' plan | 'Homework gap' likely to persist after pandemic Legislation to secure critical systems against cyberattacks moves forward in the House MORE (D-Mich.), who represents a competitive district that includes parts of Lansing, said that Republican opponents of the commission were only concerned that it would become weaponized in the midterms, describing GOP lawmakers as scared of their base of voters.

This is the time when you put on your big boy pants and you do what you need to do for the country, she told CNN on Thursday. The country needs to understand what happened on Jan. 6 so that it doesnt happen again.

Im sorry that the midterms are something that are prohibiting people from doing the right thing, she added. But I dont accept that as an excuse.

In many ways, Republicans are heading into 2022 with an advantage.

They need to flip only about a half-dozen seats in the House and just one in the Senate next year to recapture control of Congress. Decennial redistricting appears to favor the GOP. And history shows that the party of a new president in this case the Democrats tends to lose ground in the midterms.

But the GOP is also still racked by internal divisions stemming from the Jan. 6 riot and the continued influence of Trump over the party and its most loyal voters. In a move that was seen as symbolic of Trumps current way over the party, House Republicans voted last week to oust Rep. Liz CheneyElizabeth (Liz) Lynn CheneyCheney dodges on link between Trump election claims and GOP voting laws Democrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission Of martyrs and manipulators: Liz Cheney's pointless spectacle MORE (R-Wyo.) from her leadership position over her criticism of the former president.

Republicans facing potentially tough reelection bids next year have yet to agree on exactly how to proceed when it comes to the Jan. 6 riot and the current calls for a bipartisan investigation into the matter.

Of the 22 House Republicans currently on the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committees target list for 2022, only nine voted in favor of the commission. Some of those who opposed the creation of the commission represent competitive districts that President BidenJoe BidenHarris to 2021 grads: Pandemic prepared you for 'pretty much anything' Senate Armed Services chair throws support behind changing roles of military commanders in sexual assault prosecutions Biden adviser says reducing red meat isn't sole climate change solution MORE won last year.

I think its a gamble. Do you stick with Trumps line on the riots or do you come at it head-on and say we need to keep looking into what happened? one veteran Republican strategist said, adding: Theres going to be ads from the Democrats showing people tearing apart the Capitol, no doubt about it.

Reinish, the Democratic strategist, echoed that prediction, saying that Democrats were poised to play offense over the Jan. 6 commission.

I think you have those ads ready, Reinish said. And I think that they write themselves.

Excerpt from:

Democrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission | TheHill - The Hill

Former President Barack Obama is described as a parasite on the Democratic Party in a new tell-all book about the 2020 election saying the former president used the party as a host for his re-election campaign.

Writing in Battle for the Soul: Inside the Democrats Campaign to Defeat Trump, author Edward-Isaac Dovere said aides to the former president believe he abandoned Democrats after winning the White House in 2008, according to an excerpt obtained by Fox News.

Negligence might be more accurate, Dovere, a writer for The Atlantic, reveals in a chapter of the book titled Benign Neglect.

The numbers are hard to ignore: during his eight years in office, Obama oversaw a net loss of 947 state legislative seats, 63 House seats, 11 senators, and 13 governors,Dovere writes in the book, scheduled to be released Tuesday.

In 2008, when Obama was elected, Democrats boosted their majorities in the House and Senate gaining eight seats in the Senate and 21 in the House.

But Republicans roared back in the 2010 midterms thanks to the Tea Party wave of candidates and regained control of the House.

By 2014, Republicans controlled both the House and Senate.

Dovere said Obama carried himself with a self-assured self-regard and failed to look out for Democrats.

Obama never built a Democratic bench and never cared to, aside from a few scattered candidates who interested him, the book says.

Defenders of Obama, according to the book, claim he didnt want to taint his presidency by mucking around in fundraising and wanted to reflect that when faced with the choice to campaign or govern, he would pick govern.

Obamas abandonment of the Democratic Party structure is among the eyebrow-raising revelations in Doveres book that include how Jill Biden told supporters that Kamala Harris could go fk herself after attacking then-presidential candidate Joe Biden during a 2019 debate.

Another excerpt disclosed how the former president referred to his successor, Donald Trump, as a corrupt motherfker, a madman and a racist.

In his first term, Dovere writes, Obama used the Democratic Party as a host for his re-election campaign.

Obama selected Tim Kaine in 2009 to head the Democratic National Committee even though Kaine wasservingas governor of Virginia.

Kaine was commuting two days a week to oversee the pilfering of talent, money, resources, and purpose for the Obama reelection effort that was already under way, Dovere writes.

In his second term, he cared about what happened to the husk as much as any parasite does, Dovere writes about Obama.

The campaign then struck a deal with the DNC that exchanged $2.4 million in leftover debt from the 2012 election for the email list from Obama for America and guarantees that Obama would headline fundraisers, the book says.

Obamas pride hit its zenith in 2015 when the Supreme Court upheld the Affordable Care Act commonly referred to as ObamaCare and ruled that the 14th Amendment requires all states to allow same-sex marriages.

In hindsight its hard not to see delusion in the self-assurance and the celebration and the sense of moving forward of those two weeks in America, Dovere says.

He also writes that Obama believed he could have defeated Trump in 2016 if he had been allowed to seek a third term.

Ultimately Obamas math comes down to a simple calculation: he has suggested in conversations with people close to him that he thinks he would have won had he been able to be a candidate in 2016. The economy, the Democratic debris, Russia if he could have run for a third term, even confronted with all these issues, he believes, he would have figured out how to pull a victory off anyway, the book says.

The rest is here:

Obama called 'parasite' on Democratic Party in new 2020 election book - New York Post