Category Archives: Democrat

This year has brought the final breaking point for me with Republicans, not that I voted for many of them before now.

But, really, anyone who still puts an R after their name, affiliated with the party that is about to succeed in turning back the clock on abortion rights, while putting at serious risk a whole range of other freedoms many Americans have come to take for granted as settled law mixed race marriage, gay marriage, contraception has no chance of getting my vote.

The Republican-created Supreme Court of religious zealots alsois pushing all these important matters down to the level of state legislatures and governors, making local races more important than ever before.

Republicans have created the party of voter suppression, the party of lies about voter fraud, the party that shields insurrectionists, the party that harbors white supremacists and the party that won't stand up to the gun lobby, talking about "hardening" our schools rather than stopping the madness of a shoot-em-up gun culture like none other in the world.

The problem, especially in Connecticut, is that leaves you with a motley crew of Democrats, who have long dominated the government and come to do whatever they please, granting all kinds of lucrative goodies, jobs, lavish contracts, even bloated lifetime pensions, to cronies.

I have been impressed in the past more by Connecticut's Democrats in Washington, as if they've risen to the challenge.

But then Connecticut's Washington delegation turned up in New London last week to paint lipstick on Gov. Ned Lamont's big fat $255 million pig, the remake of State Pier a subsidy to rich utilities, one foreign, who don't need it and would have done what they are doing to create profitable offshore wind farms without it.

In the long history of corporate subsidies by governments, Lamont's gift to the utilities must be close to a record breaker in terms of how few jobs it will create. Best estimates indicate the quarter of a billion dollar remake of State Pier will generate fewer wind assembly jobs than a small Walmart. The annual anticipated rent of about $2 million is, well, laughable, given the cost.

You can see this is a governor who inherited the fortune that is financing a second gubernatorial campaign. He didn't make it himself.

Lamont, who presided over a Bond Commission meeting Thursday in which funding to cover another $20 million cost overrun was approvedfor a project that started at $93 million, commented that he knows his way around a change order. Yes, and he pays it with the taxpayers' credit card.

This is the same governor who in 2020 said he was willing to accept all of the cost overruns for the then $157-million project signing a deal in which the utilities were responsible for no price increases because he had confidence in his deputy budget chief, Konstantinos Diamantis, who was overseeing the massive construction project.

Then Diamantis, the subject of a federal grand jury probe into spending at State Pier and Connecticut schools, resigned in disgrace. Oops. That sure was a lot of misplaced confidence by the governor.

What was so distressing about the pig painting last week by Connecticut's Washington politicians was the way they so blithely exaggerated and misled.

Really, how often do you see such a large gaggle of politicians gather around and enthusiastically talk about a project that is literally, as you read this, under investigation by the FBI, a new layer of criminal scrutiny that has followed countless scandals associated with the project.

The Washington Democrats dragged with them, because they could, the U.S. energy secretary, who helped them gush, saying President Joe Biden is personally watching and impressed with what's happening in New London.

Boy, do they think we are gullible.

"Come to State Pier ... this is the future of energy in America," Sen. Richard Blumenthal swooned.

Rep. Joe Courtney called the project he was looking at "eye-watering." Yikes. Get a grip.

You would almost think these folks, so anxious to put lipstick on Lamont's pig, don't know that offshore wind staging facilities are being built all up and down the East Coast, that maybe they've been fooled too. But no.

They are trying to fool us.

And it's likely that the wind staging facilities being built in other states, without the corruption or the same kind of cost-spiraling, massive public subsidies, have not put a union of longshoremen out of work or diverted traditional shipping to competing ports, some out of state.

New London Mayor Michael Passero, a Democrat, turned up predictably for the lipstick event. Passero sold his credibility about State Pier a long time ago, when he actually signed a deal with the rich utilities promising to always sing the praises of the pier project whenever asked.

What excuse do the others have?

Republicans on the Bond Commission asked some hard questions about the pier and the spiraling costs of Lamont's folly at Thursday's meeting.

Alas, I appreciate that.

But I couldn't pull a lever after their names if they appeared on a ballot in my voting booth, as long as there are still Rs after them.

There is too much else at stake for this country, which urgently needs to fend off a pressing Republican offensive against our freedoms and our democracy.

This is the opinion of David Collins.

d.collins@theday.com

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I have to vote for Democrats, but I don't have to like them - theday.com

Austin, TX, May 25, 2022 For the second time this month, Democrat Jolanda Jones bested Danielle Keys Bess in a contest to replace retiring Rep. Garnet Coleman (D-Houston) for Texas House District (HD) 147.

After winning a May 7 special election over Bess by 202 votes, Jones was sworn in to assume interim duties as the representative for HD 147 under the districts previous geographic boundaries.

With slightly shifted boundaries under redistricting, Jones took first in the March primary election with 41 percent in a seven-way primary but came away with a 493-vote margin of victory in Tuesdays runoff against Bess.

A former Houston ISD trustee, Jones touted endorsements from Rep. Al Green (D-TX-09), Coleman, and state Sen. Boris Miles (D-Houston), but Bess held competing endorsements from her former employer Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX-18), state Rep. Harold Dutton (D-Houston), and Houston ISD trustee Elizabeth Santos.

Jones outraised and outspent Bess, and enjoys the support of the LGBTQ Victory Fund and Planned Parenthood Texas Votes political action committees along with numerous labor and teacher union groups.

With a rating of D-79% from The Texans Texas Partisan Index, as the Democratic Party nominee Jones is heavily favored to win, although controversial figure Damien Thaddeus Jones will appear on the ballot as the Republican nominee.

Damien Jones, who previously worked for both then-state Sen. Rodney Ellis (D-Houston) and Beto ORourkes 2018 Senate campaign, defeated Rashard Baylor in the Republican Primary but has ceased to campaign for the HD 147 seat.

Tied to the investigations and indictments of conservative activist Steven Hotze and former Houston police captain Mark Aguirre, Damien Jones is himself under indictment on misdemeanor charges after he allegedly threatened to expose then-state Rep. Gina Calanni (D-Katy) accusing her of personal matters if she did not resign from her seat in December 2019.

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Jolanda Jones Wins Again in Bid to Replace Retiring Houston Democrat Garnet Coleman - The Texan

Shortly after the draft supreme court opinion overturning Roe v Wade was leaked to the public, Californias governor, Gavin Newsom, condemned conservative attacks on abortion rights and pledged that his state would be a sanctuary for those seeking to end a pregnancy.

But Newsom also directed some of his most pointed remarks toward fellow Democrats.

Where the hell is my party? Wheres the Democratic party? Newsom said. This is a concerted, coordinated effort, and yes, theyre winning. They are. They have been. Lets acknowledge that. We need to stand up. Wheres the counter-offensive?

Even as Democrats have denounced the courts provisional decision to overturn Roe and vowed to defend abortion rights, their efforts at the federal level have largely failed to live up to their rhetoric. A vote last Wednesday in the Senate to codify Roe and protect abortion rights nationwide was once again blocked, as Democrat Joe Manchin joined all 50 Republican senators in opposing the bill.

The failure of Democrats in Washington to shore up abortion rights, even as they control the White House and both chambers of Congress, has complicated the partys messaging to voters about the likely end of Roe. Some frustrated Democrats are instead turning their attention to state and local policies that could protect reproductive rights even if Roe falls.

Abortion rights supporters frustration with Democratic inaction at the federal level has been on display since the draft opinion leaked earlier this month. At a protest outside the supreme court last week, abortion rights demonstrators chanted: Do something, Democrats.

Progressive members of Congress have also argued for the urgent need to pass federal abortion rights legislation, calling on senators to amend the filibuster to get a bill approved.

People elected Democrats precisely so we could lead in perilous moments like these - to codify Roe, hold corruption accountable, [and] have a President who uses his legal authority to break through Congressional gridlock on items from student debt to climate, progressive congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said on Twitter.

The stakes of Democratic inaction are high, as abortion is certain or likely to be outlawed in 26 states if the court follows through with overturning Roe. Last weekend, the Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell, warned that Republicans may go even further if they regain control of the White House and Congress, floating the idea of a national abortion ban.

Republicans would probably face widespread public outcry if they advanced a nationwide ban. A poll %09https:/www.monmouth.edu/polling-institute/reports/monmouthpoll_US_051122/">released by Monmouth University last week found that just 9% of Americans support the idea of a national ban, while 64% support keeping abortion legal. However, abortion rights advocates warn that the threat of a nationwide ban will be real if Republicans take back Congress and the White House.

Republicans are definitely passing a national abortion ban once they have the power to do it, said Shaunna Thomas, co-founder and executive director of the reproductive rights group UltraViolet. Theyve been signaling they were going to pack the supreme court in order to overturn Roe. I dont think people took them seriously enough. And so people really need to learn the lesson here and take them very, very seriously on this point.

Progressive groups like UltraViolet have called on Democrats to amend the Senate filibuster, which would allow a bill codifying Roe to get through the upper chamber with a simple majority of support. But Manchin and fellow Democrat Kyrsten Sinema have made it clear they will not support a filibuster carve-out, and the vote last Wednesday failed to even attract the 50 votes that would be necessary if the Senate rules were changed.

Our constitutional right to abortion has to be more important than their loyalty to arcane Senate procedures that are not even laws, Thomas said. People watched them carve the filibuster out to raise the debt ceiling. If they can do it for that, they should be able to do it for this.

Democratic congressional leaders have encouraged members of their party to direct their criticism toward Republicans rather than each other. In a Dear colleague letter to House Democrats last week, the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi, warned of Republicans wish for a national abortion ban and said their policies could even criminalize contraceptive care, in vitro fertilization and post-miscarriage care.

Make no mistake: once Republicans have dispensed with precedent and privacy in overturning Roe, they will take aim at additional basic human rights, Pelosi said.

Christina Reynolds, vice-president of communications at Emilys List, which promotes pro-choice female candidates for office, insisted that voters who support abortion rights will know to hold Republicans accountable in the midterm elections this November. Republicans have gotten us here in a large number of ways, Reynolds said.

But Democratic candidates running for office this fall will have to paint a longer-term picture of how the party plans to protect abortion rights, even if they cannot prevent the court from overturning Roe.

The Democratic party has to move away from this message about how we can fix everything right away, said Kelly Dietrich, CEO of the National Democratic Training Committee. This is a lifetime struggle. Government is hard. We will need you to vote this November, next November and every November after that because the people who want to take away your rights arent going to stop.

In the meantime, Democrats have an opportunity to turn their attention to the state and local offices that may be able to help protect abortion rights if Roe falls, Dietrich argued.

The fight for the next 10-plus years is going to be at the state and local levels, he said. Its going to be in the state legislatures. Its going to be in the city councils and at all the different local government forums we have around the country that arent big and sexy.

Some of those efforts are already under way across the country.

In Michigan, where a 1931 abortion ban is still on the books and could go back into effect if Roe is overturned, the Democratic governor, Gretchen Whitmer, has filed a lawsuit to block implementation of the law. Several county prosecutors also signed on to a statement saying they would not pursue criminal charges in connection to the 1931 law.

One of those prosecutors was Democrat Karen McDonald in Oakland county, the second-largest county in Michigan. She said that, despite her despair over the likely end of Roe, she was committed to finding ways to ensure her neighbors rights and healthcare access.

It is a sad, tragic moment, McDonald said. But I am not going to spend one minute of my energy letting that tear me away from what I think is absolutely critical right now, which is we all need to pay attention and support and fund and help elect [those candidates] who want to protect our right to choose.

Oakland county was once a Republican stronghold, but it has become increasingly Democratic in recent years. McDonald said she has heard from members of her community who previously supported Republicans and are now rethinking their politics in light of the supreme courts expected decision.

I know a lot of women who voted for Trump and are now saying I will never, ever ever, vote for a pro-life candidate. They just didnt think it would happen, McDonald said. So I think this is really turning politics on its head.

Thomas agreed that many Americans who support abortion rights seem to have been taken aback by the provisional decision to overturn Roe, even after Republicans obtained a 6-3 majority on the court. Conservatives have also been calling for the end of Roe for decades, and Trump promised to nominate anti-abortion justices to the supreme court.

I dont think its surprising that people had to see it to believe it, despite having heard this, particularly from Black and brown women who have been bearing the brunt of these attacks at the state level for a long time, Thomas said. As an organizer, I will tell you, its never too late to join the fight. And the time is really now.

Continued here:

'We need to stand up': Democrats criticized for inaction on abortion - The Guardian US

The Democratic candidates for Alabama governor have enthusiasm, broad agreement on major issues, and very little cash.

As Republican gubernatorial candidates cudgel each other with millions of dollars, the Democratic primary has been very quiet. Unlike 2018, when Democratic nominee Walt Maddox was able to raise a substantial amount of money for his campaign, none of the six Democratic candidates had more than $7,000 on hand at their last report.

Theres more to it than the money, said Yolanda Flowers, an educator and one of the gubernatorial candidates. I believe its more spiritual. Who God wants in office, hes going to put in office.

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The low profile race reflects what analysts expect to be a down year for Democrats nationally, as well as the institutional struggles of the Alabama Democratic Party, which last elected a governor in 1998. It also reflects most of the field's lack of political experience. Only one (Sen. Malika Sanders-Fortier, D-Selma) has ever held public office. Only two of the candidates have run in any political race before.

The eventual Democratic gubernatorial nominee will face less of an uphill climb in November than a 90-degree ascent up an ice wall. Even if the eventual banner carrier pulls off a miracle in the general election, they will face a Republican Legislature: the Democrats do not have enough legislative candidates to win a majority in either chamber.

But the candidates push on. All agree that education and economic development should be priorities. Many of the candidates also say they would support the creation of a state lottery and want to address criminal justice reform.

Flowers, who has worked as an educator, a speech pathologist and a counselor, said she is running for governor because she sees a lot of injustices for people who are different.

Coming up, things were so unequal and so unfair, said Flowers, who was born in Birmingham. I still see the same. A number of African Americans hold office, but I dont see the change.

Flowers said as governor she would support the implementation of a lottery and work to improve education. She also said she wants to make improvements to the states prisons; violence within the prisons has brought a lawsuit from the U.S. Department of Justice. Flowers also argues her lack of political experience will be an asset.

Its going to take us all, she said. I just desire to have a mindset of love and unity.

A nurse by profession, Jamieson says she wants to make all of Alabama whole and believes she can be an effective advocate for the citizens of Alabama.

I have been an advocate all my adult life, she said. I have served the people I have served at bedsides as a nurse for 26 years taking care of patients. I have been their advocate. As governor, you should be an advocate for the people. You are the keeper of the state.

Jamieson said her advocacy would focus on improved health care; improved education and reformed prisons. Jamieson supports Medicaid expansion and wants to increase the number of health care providers in rural areas, saying she sees opportunities to add nurse practitioners. Jamieson also supports increasing the salaries of teachers and support staff to retain skilled teachers in struggling schools, as well as a lottery to support their pay. She also wants to improve conditions within prisons.

Jamieson said that she wanted to focus on Alabama working together, walking together and uniting.

I have the love for the people and a heart for the people, she said. And thats why I believe I would have a 50/50 chance of winning the election because my heart is for the people of Alabama.

Never let it be said that Arthur Kennedy thinks small. The substitute teacher and custodian said in a recent interview that he had his eyes on the presidential (election) should he come through the November election.

I want to give some service to Alabama, said Kennedy. I feel I have some ideas that would suit Alabama fine.

Those ideas include year-round schooling for students, which Kennedy said would support single parents and possibly improve Alabamas education outcomes. Kennedy also said he wants to improve education and training opportunities in prisons to reduce recidivism. He also said he would also support efforts to get rid of the states sales tax on groceries and end automatic increases in the state gas tax.

Kennedy said he thought he had a 90% chance of winning and that he could address fundraising shortfalls through canvassing.

Well just push it, going door to door and having public events, he said.

Chad "Chig" Martin, whose businesses include industrial supplies and a CBD store, started as an independent candidate but shifted to the Democratic Party. He describes himself as a conservative Democrat who believes in traditional marriage and gun rights but also the freedom of ones own body.

I see all kinds of problems when I drive around this state, from people living in poverty to talking to people in my stores that dont have health insurance, that dont have ways to acquire health insurance, he said.

Martin said he wants to put together a team of industrial recruiters to attract high-tech, high-paying jobs to the state. Martin also said he wants to push through the lottery once and for all in Alabama. He also said he would get the politics out of the classroom and said he opposes the teaching of critical race theory. Martin also said he opposes school vouchers and wants to get schools running correctly and financially stable.

I think I can put a campaign together that proves my conservative stances to the state, and my proven small business background, he said.

The only public office holder in the Democratic race said she entered the Senate in 2018 with hopes that she could help get Medicaid expansion over the line, and education. She said her run for governor would be a way to continue those efforts.

My platform is the beloved community, she said. I dont see myself as running against people. I see myself as running for this position.

Sanders-Fortier, an attorney by profession, said she wanted to work to continue expanding educational opportunities and access to health care We should be much clearer that our health is connected to one another, she said. She said she would also work to create a state economy structured in such a way that all Alabamians can get ahead.

Sanders-Fortier is also leaning into her experience in the campaign.

Ive had four years in government, which is just enough time for me to be in it, but not of it, she said. I understand how the Legislature works … I understand the rhythm of it, and I understand where that rhythm is good and harmonious and fruitful, and I understand where it needs to be tweaked or changed.

By his count, Smith who appears on the ballot as Doug New Blue Smith is on his fourth political race, having earlier mounted campaigns for State Senate, Agriculture and Industries Commissioner and governor. His message in what he calls his last rodeo is the same: the state needs to return to industrial recruitment that Smith credits with boosting overall incomes.

Smith argues that state government agencies he helped develop fueled economic growth from the last 1960s through the early 2000s that helped raise household income around the state.

It snatched Alabama out of the cotton patch and into the industrial age, he said. We were doing well gaining on the national average. If you take a measurement from 1967 from when we began to 2002, we were at 62% of the nations median household incomes By 2002 we had climbed to 89%.

Smith blames Republican administrations for cutting back on state government programs he credits with that growth. He said as governor he would try to restore them, and add a bank for small business as well.

Contact Montgomery Advertiser reporter Brian Lyman at 334-240-0185 or blyman@gannett.com.

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Here are the six Alabama Democrats seeking their party's gubernatorial nomination - Montgomery Advertiser

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Its not just Henry Cuellar and Jessica Cisneros.

Democratic primary runoffs for congressional and state legislative seats in South Texas are putting on display clearly different directions for the party as it approaches a general election where Republicans are set on capturing new territory in the region.

While Cuellars battle royale against Cisneros in the 28th Congressional District continues to captivate national attention especially with the recent news that the U.S. Supreme Court is poised to overturn Roe v. Wade these additional runoffs are also deeply meaningful for Democrats. They also showcase a new guard of more progressive Democrats taking on more moderate Democrats, often backed by more established local political players.

In the 15th Congressional District, Ruben Ramirez and Michelle Vallejo are vying to be the Democratic nominee for an open seat that Republicans consider one of their top pickup opportunities nationwide. In Texas Senate District 27, Morgan LaMantia and Sara Stapleton-Barrera are competing for the Democratic nod to replace a retiring incumbent, Eddie Lucio Jr., who leaves behind a long legacy of bucking his fellow Democrats on social issues. And in House District 37, Ruben Cortez Jr. and Luis Villarreal are jockeying for the Democratic slot in a new battleground district that Republicans created for themselves in the redistricting process last year.

All the contests have grown contentious in recent weeks as candidates fight to show they are the best standard-bearer for Democrats going forward in a newly competitive region. Here is a look at the three runoffs:

The 15th District arguably carries the highest stakes of all the Democratic primary runoffs in South Texas, given that Republicans see it as the most flippable. Already a district that Biden barely carried in 2020, redistricting tilted it a little more in the GOPs favor, prompting the incumbent, Democratic U.S. Rep. Vicente Gonzalez of McAllen, to seek reelection in a more safe neighboring district.

The runoff candidates are Ruben Ramirez, a lawyer and Army veteran who previously ran for the seat, and Michelle Vallejo, an activist and small business owner. Its a timeworn matchup between a moderate Democrat who believes the party will risk the seat in November if it goes too far to the left and a progressive Democrat who sees it differently.

More than just telling people things, Ive been showing up, Vallejo said in an interview, noting she has been able to earn more endorsements than Ruben, both locally and nationally, and posted better numbers on the latest campaign finance report.

We havent just been talking the talk, weve been walking the walk, she said.

Ramirez has continued to campaign hard on electability and distancing himself from the national Democratic brand, impressing upon audiences that he knows South Texas Democrats are different. With an eye on the general election, he regularly namedrops the GOP nominee, Monica De La Cruz, who has emerged as one of the Republicans most prized congressional candidates nationwide.

Theres only one candidate that can win and beat Monica De La Cruz, and thats me, Ramirez said during a campaign stop earlier this month, noting he was the top vote-getter in the primary, earning 28% to 20% for Vallejo. In a statement for this story, he added, "We won the primary in March, we will win the runoff this month, and we will win in November to make sure that we have a common sense fighter for South Texas in Congress."

Vallejos endorsements include U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Massachussets; the Congressional Progressive Caucus; two former primary rivals; and EMILYs List, the influential national Democratic group that supports women who favor abortion rights. Ramirez has the backing of Gonzalez, plus the moderate Blue Dog Coalition in Congress and national groups that reflect his public-service background like VoteVets and 314 Action.

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus has been deeply divided on the runoff, with nearly a dozen members splitting their endorsements between Ramirez and Vallejo.

One of Ramirezs most helpful endorsers lately has been Democratic Majority for Israel, a pro-Israel group that is spending mid-six-figures on positive TV ads and mailers for him. The biggest outside spender for Vallejo has been LUPE Votes, a local progressive organizing organization.

The two avoided open conflict for months, but Ramirez recently sent out a mailer criticizing Vallejo over one of their biggest policy differences: health care. Ramirez is focused on protecting the Affordable Care Act and expanding coverage, while Vallejo supports the far more sweeping single-payer system known as Medicare for All. The mailer says such a plan would end the Affordable Care Act and eliminate private insurance, among other things, which Vallejos campaign called GOP talking points and lies in a recent fundraising email.

I will absolutely keep talking about Medicare for All, including in the general election, Vallejo said, calling the proposal more important than ever with Roe v. Wade on the line.

There has also been tension lately around ethics in campaigning. A Ramirez supporter filed a campaign finance complaint last month against LUPE Votes accusing it of violating multiple laws for how it has supported Vallejo; LUPE Votes has not responded to the charges. On Friday, a national progressive group, the Working Families Party, said voters were getting texts claiming to be from the group and urging support for Ramirez, even though it backs Vallejo; Ramirez's campaign denied any involvement.

And an Edinburg campaign worker whose clients included Ramirez was recently indicted on a federal bribery charge unrelated to the race; Ramirez's campaign cut ties and said "corruption has no place in government."

Morgan LaMantia and Sara Stapleton-Barrera are running for the Democratic nod to replace a giant in South Texas politics: state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., the Brownsville Democrat who has represented the 27th District since 1991. And he looms prominently over the race given that he has endorsed LaMantia, and his socially conservative politics are not widely embraced inside the party these days.

But LaMantia has made clear she disagrees with him on some key issues like his opposition to abortion rights while looking to fend off a persistent progressive campaigner in Stapleton-Barrera, who ran against Lucio in the 2020 primary and forced him to a runoff. Despite LaMantias massive spending in the March primary over $1.5 million she and Stapleton-Barrera finished close together, getting 34% and 33%, respectively.

Now LaMantia has shaken up the runoff with a full-throated message criticizing both Gov. Greg Abbott and President Joe Biden on the border, vowing to stand up to both parties to fix immigration.

To President Biden: The surge is here, theres still no plan, and we on the border are paying the price, LaMantia says in a TV ad, which is complemented by a mailer that tells Biden to walk back your decision on [ending] Title 42, the pandemic-era policy that border officials are using to quickly expel migrants at the border. One mailer shows a grainy, dark shot inside a migrant detention facility.

Stapleton-Barrera said Bidens move to rescind Title 42 is the right thing to do and an important step toward rebuilding the asylum system. She accused LaMantia of using national Republican rhetoric and trying to scare people here on the border.

LaMantia defended the advertising in an interview, saying border communities are fed up with inaction by both parties on immigration reform. She said the frustrations are resonating even among the hardcore Democrats that can be expected to turn out for a primary runoff.

There is no shortage of contrasts, especially with Stapleton-Barreras old opponent Lucio in the mix. She said the district does not need another one of [Lucios] mouthpieces, and even if LaMantia is sounding different notes on abortion rights, I dont think that necessarily means shes gonna be a champion or go up to bat on it. LaMantia said Lucio remained an asset for her candidacy given all his experience and the void in seniority the next senator will have to fill.

More broadly, LaMantia pointed to her business experience her family owns L&F Distributors, a beer wholesaler throughout South Texas as her main difference with Stapleton-Barrera.

Where she enjoys the soapbox, I enjoy the work, LaMantia said.

Whether the GOP is serious about flipping this seat is the most open question among the Democratic primary runoffs in South Texas. But just like elsewhere, Republicans got a head start in SD-27, finalizing their nominee, Adam Hinojosa, back in the March primary.

Much to the chagrin of Rio Grande Valley Democrats, Republicans divided up state House districts in the region during redistricting last year and came out with a newly competitive district based in Cameron County, including South Padre Island. President Joe Biden would have carried it by only 2 percentage points.

Republicans swiftly consolidated behind Janie Lopez, a San Benito school district trustee, and she easily won her primary in March. But the Democratic primary went to a runoff between two candidates who hail from distinctly different local factions: Luis Villarreal, a young former aide to state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville; and Ruben Cortez Jr., a member of the State Board of Education who challenged Lucio in the 2020 primary.

Cortez is arguing Villarreal would be more of the same, a moderate like his former boss who is too cozy with Republicans. He has also highlighted that Villarreal recently worked as an executive for a staffing company that partnered with a troubled nonprofit to open a shelter for unaccompanied migrant children in the Valley.

This young man is poised to become the next Ryan Guillen, Cortez said, referring to the longtime South Texas state representative who switched parties and joined the GOP last year. He is not gonna fight for this battleground district every two years. He will fold to the Republican Party.

Cortez has seized on two donations that Villarreal made to Republicans toward the end of the 2020 election $5,000 to the state Republican Party and $2,800 to U.S. Sen. John Cornyn asking if Villarreal is running in the right primary. Villarreal has not shied away from the contributions as he has characterized them as indicative of the kind of bipartisan cooperation needed in the state Senate.

Asked at a recent forum if it is OK for Democratic candidates to have previously donated to Republicans, Villarreal answered in the affirmative, saying it shows character in a way that youre willing to work with both sides.

Were here locally, and we need to ensure that youre able to get what you need done, Villarreal said, and sometimes that means working with the other side, as I will when I become a legislator.

Cortez has faced his own attacks from charter-school advocates, who he has battled on the State Board of Education. One pro-charter school PAC, Charter Schools Now, is running an ad against Cortez that hits him as an unethical politician out for himself. Villarreal has piled on, writing on Facebook on Friday that Cortez has spent the last 18 years milking the governments cow.

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South Texas Democrats fight to shape their party's future in primary runoffs - The Texas Tribune

Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, the queen of Kings County, is under siege. Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer. Photo: Seth Wenig/AP/Shutterstock

Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown, wrote Shakespeare. Not in Brooklyn.

Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, the first woman ever to lead the Kings County Democratic organization, comes across as fully at ease, comfortable in the eye of the storm, unapologetic about holding and using power, and eager to duke it out with the growing group of reformers trying to topple her.

All these people who just want to spend their time and days fighting on things thats really not going to help the party minuscule stuff just because they want power thats their agenda, but thats not my agenda, Hermelyn told me the day after several Brooklyn party officials called a press conference at Borough Hall to demand that she step down.I was raised in real struggle [by] an immigrant Black woman, and right now Im fighting for the lives of my people in my community, to have access to health care, to make sure that Roe v. Wade is not overturned.

That bigger picture the desire to elect Democrats and rally voters to fight for womens rights, voting rights, immigrant rights is something both sides of the partys civil war claim they want.But the Brooklyn Democratic Partyorganization, universally referred to as County, cant effectively deal with big issues until the faction fight gets resolved.As the civil war escalates, the two sides have generated threats, insults, sly insider moves, lawsuits, and rival slates of candidates.

We are the largest county of Democratic voters in this country. We should be setting an example. We should be a model for how we want democracy to look like within the Democratic Party, Borough President Antonio Reynoso said at the press conference. We should not be wasting our time in front of Borough Hall to talk about nonsense performed by the party, versus fighting it to ensure that Roe v. Wade is codified.

Hermelyns reign as County boss began with calls for transparency and openness that she made some efforts to implement. That didnt satisfy the reformers. It seems like they cant take yes for an answer, Hermelyn told me.They ask all these things and Im about progressivism, Im about reforming, because I believe in those things as well, and we will provide them.

In 2020, at a marathon 13-hour meeting, rules were put in place that shifted power away from the County chair and put more in the hands of the 5,000-member County Committee, a body that seldom meets and has mostly unfilled positions. When the meetingcontinuedfor another 13 hours the next week, aparliamentarian newly hired by County ruled that the change was invalid, enraging the reformers.

The latest round of complaints are coming from some of the organizations 42 district leaders the two unpaid party officials elected from each of Brooklyns 21 Assembly districts that their already meager power is being whittled away by Hermelyn.

By long-established tradition, district leaders recruit the election inspectors who manage polling sites on Election Day.Although anybody can apply, recruits sent to the Board of Elections by the district leader typically get first dibs on the positions. The local folks who get the jobs which mostly involve checking your registration, handing you a ballot and an I Voted sticker, and helping you navigate the lines on Election Day get paid $250 per Election Day plus $100 for a day of training.In a year like 2020 or 2022, when there are multiple primaries, plus early voting and the general election itself, the gig can easily pay $500 or more for a few days of not terribly difficult work.

Its a small but meaningful piece of neighborhood patronage that district leaders covet. Hermelyn set off a firestorm by appointing special party liaisons to the Board of Elections in selected districts. These handpicked representatives of County were given the power to bypass the district leaders and give their own list of election inspector candidates to the Board of Elections. In at least two cases, Hermelyns handpicked liaisons are also candidates running for district leader against incumbents who are on the outs with her.

We found that there was a targeted list a blacklist with actually red lines of district leaders who are not sufficiently obeisant to the county leader. And those people now have been stripped of the ability to make recommendations to the Board of Elections for poll workers, said Assemblywoman Jo Anne Simon, who once served as a district leader for more than a decade. Now, having worked with poll workers, I know when youve got a site with a good coordinator and a good team of poll workers, it makes everything so much better.

Simon acknowledges that, according to party rules, Hermelyn has the right to name her own liaisons to the Board of Elections. The complaint isnt that shes broken any formal rules, but that the leader is unfairly punishing her foes within the party.

We have a party boss who thinks that she can come in and take away the responsibility of these duly elected party officials and give them to people who are her loyalists and cronies. This is just a disgusting display of cronyism and patronage, said Diana Gonzalez, president of the Central Brooklyn Independent Democrats, a progressive pro-reform club. Heres what we need to do: We need to vote her out. The way we vote her out is by electing district leaders who will stand up against this.

The New Kings Democrats have organized an audacious effort to do just that. They are running 20 district leaders in an attempt to win control of County and oust Hermelyn. NKD has also recruited hundreds of volunteers a campaign called Rep Your Block to run for the partys mostly unfilled 5,000 County Committee slots.The obscure positions, which make the winner the official party representative for a few blocks of turf, hold no real power but are an excellent way to build a grassroots army. The effort has garnered media attention due to alleged irregularities in the legal papers filed by County lawyers.

You have the Brooklyn Democratic Party leadership going out of their way to arrange [legal] objections for County Committee seats and on top of that, some of the ones that they submitted are forgeries, Ali Najmi, a lawyer for the New Kings effort, told me. I think theres a lot of excitement in Brooklyn. Theres a lot of positive organizing and energy coming from the younger reform movement in Brooklyn. And not only are they running a skilled organization, like Rep Your Block and New Kings Democrats, but were in court and were winning, and were not afraid to take it there.

If all of this sounds depressingly petty and overblown a political firestorm over control of $500 patronage gigs its not. The county organization controls nominations to civil and Supreme Court judgeships, which are substantial and powerful positions, held by jurists who serve 10- and 14-year terms and handle a broad range of criminal, commercial, and family court cases.

So Hermelyn, like the male bosses before her, has every reason to take an insurrection among district leaders seriously. In theory, they could unseat her, but there have always been local leaders on the outs with the central party, and Hermelyn says shes ready to take on this years crop.

Im in law school. While theyre going crazy, Im taking four classes, so I can be in the courtroom and make an impact on constitutional law, she told me. Thats one of the things as a Haitian person Ive learned, and as a revolutionist, as a warrior: You have to keep shit moving.

And like the men who ruled County for decades before her, Hermelyn comes to the fight with the attitude once voiced by the late Meade Esposito, the cigar-chomping County leader who famously said that todays reformer is tomorrows hack.

There is a gross hypocrisy, Hermelyn added, claiming that several of her accusers have irregularities on their own nominating petitions. This is not about rules, its about wanting power and I believe in order for you to gain power, youve got to win at the ballot box. We have an election [for district leaders] coming up June 28, and thats where you win.

This post has been updated. An earlier version mistakenly omitted the fact that the rule change made in the first part of a 26-hour County party meeting in late 2020 was later undone in the second part of the meeting a week later.

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Why the Brooklyn Democratic Party Is at War With Itself - New York Magazine

Inflation is high. Joe Bidens approval ratings are low. And midterm elections historically favor the political party out of power.

No wonder some faithful Democrat voters who soldiered to the polls for a party primary lacking in drama at the top of the ticket admitted to already worrying over their political prospects this November. This is the so-called red wave many are predicting at the polls this fall.

I am concerned with inflation and the massive spending that Democrats sort of pushed, conceded Jeff Dickison of Harrisburg, who cast his 2016 vote for Trump only to switch parties in 2020.

A lot of people are blaming Biden for this inflation and these problems, he said. I think there is a little bit more to it than that. Im going to see it through another cycle and see how we come out of it. Ill probably vote Democrat (John) Fetterman and (Josh) Shapiro in the fall.

One wild card that could re-order the general election and the issues that hold sway with voters is the impending U.S. Supreme Court decision that could strike down Roe v. Wade and leave the legality of abortion up to each state.

A lot of people are hoping the pending Supreme Court decision will bring out Democrats, said party voter Alissa Packer of Camp Hill.

It will also turn some moderate Republican who favor a womans right to choose and get them out to vote, she added. Hopefully, that will turn around that prediction that whoever is in office will lose the House.

Indeed, the abortion issue could be particularly potent in state politics, where whos sitting in the governors mansion and in the state legislature could determine a womans right to choose in Pa., according to Democrat Colleen Nguyen of Lower Allen Township.

It matters, especially for governor, she said. Gov. Wolf has been a backstop for a lot of terrible legislation. It matters for state house and senate, also.

One of the biggest beneficiaries could be state Attorney General Josh Shapiro and his bid to stretch the Democrats hold on the governors mansion to three consecutive terms, after Tom Wolf leaves office in January.

Josh has been so strong (on abortion) his entire career. I think a lot of people will be fired-up just to vote for Josh, said Nguyen, who added the fallout from the issue could trickle down-ballot from there.

I think thats something we need to talk about, she said. If we flip the legislature, we can save our reproductive rights.

Some die-hard Democrats didnt seem worried at all, despite the dire issues and dipping poll numbers for beleaguered Biden. His is a big job, after all. And doing it right takes time, said Harrisburg Democrat Linda McClendon.

I feel good about the Democrats, she said. When he came into power, Biden had a job. He had to clean up a mess, as far as Im concerned. It takes time. You cant get in somewhere and wave a wand. Change takes time.

The clock is ticking, however. And the real test will come in November.

Stay with PennLive throughout primary election day for the latest news from central Pa. polling places.

And when the polls close at 8 p.m., stick with PennLive for real-time results as your ballot is counted and vote totals roll in, precinct by precinct, from all across Pennsylvania.

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Pa. Democrats hope abortion rights energize inflation-weary voters to stifle red wave - PennLive

In 2006, Howard Dean, chair of the Democratic National Committee, and Rahm Emanuel, chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, had an expletive-laden shouting match on the steps of the Democratic National Committee.

Emanuel was pleading for more money from Dean to pour into competitive congressional races. That year, Democrats had a unique opportunity to seize control of the House for the first time since 1994. President George W. Bush was unpopular, and the Iraq and Afghanistan wars were descending into their respective quagmires.

But Dean had a different idea. Elected on a promise of revitalizing and rebuilding the 50 state Democratic parties, Dean invested funds into state legislative and local races in hard-to-reach red states to the delight of those state party chairs.

On Election Day, Emanuel got his wish of a Democratic-controlled House led by its first woman speaker, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). As for Dean, Barack Obama exercised his presidential prerogative and ousted him from his party chairmanship in 2009.

That long-ago shouting match, together with the release of a draft opinion by Justice Samuel Alito overturning Roe v. Wade, highlights an important difference between how Democrats and Republicans think. The Alito draft, if it stands, represents the culmination of a decades-long charge by Republicans to overturn Roe.

Beginning in 1980, the Republican Party adopted a pro-life plank in its platform. This was the beginning of a decades-long quest. In 1982, the Federalist Society was established. Its purpose was to return to an originalist interpretation of the U.S. Constitution, a view that had no room for rights, including abortion, not specifically enumerated in the document. Replacing the American Bar Associations gold standard endorsement by which prospective judges once were measured, the Federalist Society became an essential seal of approval that Republican presidents needed when it came to nominating federal judges. Lists of prospective candidates were drawn up by the society, and the organization achieved its goal by not only supporting the current Supreme Court justices nominated by Republican presidents but adding hundreds of its approved judges to the federal courts.

During his term as president, President Trump slavishly adhered to the lists submitted by the Federalist Societys president, Leonard Leo. Leo told others it was easy to come up with names for Trump because there were decades of conservative lawyers in the pipeline. Of the six names that Leo submitted to Trump, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett made the cut. Taking pride in his ability to confirm these judges, Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)says, If you prefer America right of center, which I do, and youre looking around at what you can do to have the longest possible impact on the kind of America you want, it seems to me you look at the courts. While McConnell boasts about his judicial confirmation record, he would be the first to acknowledge that he had plenty of help.

Democrats think very differently. Instead of planning for the long term, Democrats think in the moment. Once the Alito decision was leaked, the outrage was palpable. Outside the Supreme Court, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) shouted, I am angry because we have reached the culmination of what Republicans have been fighting for, angling for, for decades now! Her colleague Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.) said she was pissed.

Demonstrations erupted outside the homes of Supreme Court justices, and spontaneous marches were held in cities around the nation. Standing in front of a Planned Parenthood office, Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-Calif.) captured the anger of his fellow Democrats: Wheres the Democratic Party? Why arent we standing up more firmly, more resolutely? Why arent we calling this out? This is a coordinated, concerted effort. And yes, theyre winning. They are. They have been. Lets acknowledge that. We need to stand up. Wheres the counteroffensive?

That counteroffensive is lacking because Democrats, unlike Republicans, have not built the organizations needed for long-term victories. The Federalist Society is only one example of how Republicans have constructed apparatuses designed to reshape American life in the long term, even if the immediate results were not apparent. Besides the Federalist Society, in 1992 the Susan B. Anthony List was formed. Following the victories of several female Democratic senators and Bill Clinton that year, this organization was established with the purpose of electing more pro-life Republican women into office.

Another example of long-term Republican thinking is the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). Formed in 1973, ALEC describes itself as dedicated to the principles of limited government, free markets, and federalism. ALEC writes proposed bills and encourages conservative state legislators to copy their formulaic texts and push for their enactment. Should the issue of abortion be referred to the state legislatures for adjudication, expect ALEC to write bills strictly limiting abortion with the goal of having it adopted in as many states as possible.

Until Democrats start thinking long-term, they will be reduced to being a party prone to primal screams and symbolic votes, while Republicans accomplish goals they have spent decades working assiduously to achieve.

John Kenneth White is a professor of politics at the Catholic University of America. His latest book is titled What Happened to the Republican Party?

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Democrats think in the moment. Republicans think in decades - The Hill

On Monday night, several left-leaning congressional candidates joined an emergency organizing call with activists reeling from a draft Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade. A somber Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, opening the discussion, acknowledged that Democrats held control in Washington but were nonetheless in an uphill battle for change.

The moment, she said, demanded leaders who know how to get in the fight and who know how to win.

Tensions over how to execute on both of those ambitions pushing effectively for change, while winning elections are now animating Democratic primaries from Pennsylvania to Texas to Oregon, as Democrats barrel into an intense new season of intraparty battles.

For the first months of 2022, Republican primaries have dominated the political landscape, emerging as key measures of former President Donald J. Trumps sway over his partys base. But the coming weeks will also offer a window into the mood of Democratic voters who are alarmed by threats to abortion rights, frustrated by gridlock in Washington and deeply worried about a challenging midterm campaign environment.

Some contests are shaped by policy debates over issues like climate and crime. House primaries have been deluged with money from a constellation of groups, including those with ties to cryptocurrency and pro-Israel advocacy, sometimes resulting in backlash. And in races that could be consequential in the general election, national party leaders have openly taken sides, turning some House primaries into proxy battles over the direction of the party.

Tuesday nights Democratic House primary in the Omaha area attracted less of that national fervor, but it may lay the groundwork for a competitive general election. Representative Don Bacon, a Republican representing a district President Biden won, defeated a vocally left-leaning Democratic contender in 2018 and 2020.

Democrats hope to make inroads there this year despite a brutal national climate, and on Tuesday nominated State Senator Tony Vargas, who has emphasized his governing experience and background as the son of immigrants.

Jane Kleeb, the chairwoman of Nebraskas Democratic Party, said that recent primary contests had been shaped above all by moderate-versus-progressive divisions. This time around, she said, voters appeared focused much less on ideological labels and much more on policy proposals and electoral viability. Its a reflection of the urgent concerns held by many Democratic voters around the country who, above all else, worry that their party will lose its congressional majorities in Washington.

There is a less ideological mood I think that Democrats, especially in our state, feel like were fighting for every office we can get, she said. People want to win, but I also think the word progressive is not enough. Voters are really wanting to know what the candidate stands for and what theyre going to do when they get into office.

Beginning next Tuesday, the Democratic primary season accelerates, headlined by the marquee Senate Democratic primary in Pennsylvania. Lt. Gov. John Fetterman has consistently led sparse public polling against Representative Conor Lamb of suburban Pittsburgh and State Representative Malcolm Kenyatta of Philadelphia.

The race, in one of the few states where Democrats have a solid chance of picking up a Senate seat, has focused heavily on what it will take to win the general election. Mr. Fetterman promises to improve Democratic standing in rural Trump territory, while Mr. Lamb, a polished Marine veteran, often cites his record of winning in a challenging House district.

That theme has echoed in a handful of upcoming House primaries, highlighting fierce Democratic disagreements over what the partys candidates need to do or show to win this November.

In Oregon, Representative Kurt Schrader, the well-funded chair of the centrist Blue Dog Coalitions political arm who has Mr. Bidens endorsement, faces a challenge from Jamie McLeod-Skinner, a small-business owner and emergency response coordinator who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 2018.

This time, Ms. McLeod-Skinner has amassed considerable support from local institutions, as well as from left-leaning groups including the Working Families Party (which convened the Monday meeting that Ms. Warren addressed).

Several county Democratic Party organizations in Oregon, ordinarily expected to back the incumbent or remain neutral, endorsed Ms. McLeod-Skinner and urged the House Democratic campaign arm, which is supporting Mr. Schrader, to stay out of the primary. Johanna Warshaw, a spokeswoman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, noted that the organizations core mission is to re-elect Democratic members.

Mr. Schraders supporters and some national Democrats believe he has a better shot in a fall election that may be robustly competitive. But Ms. McLeod-Skinners supporters argue that she can galvanize Democratic voters in a year when Republicans have been widely thought to have the edge on enthusiasm.

Democrats should want a candidate who Democrats are enthusiastic about, said Leah Greenberg, the co-founder and co-executive director of the Indivisible Project, a grass-roots group. Citing local frustration, she added, Kurt Schrader is not that candidate.

In a statement, Mr. Schraders spokeswoman, Deb Barnes, said he has a proven ability to bring everyone together rural, urban and suburban to find common ground and deliver wins that make a real difference.

Electability is playing out in a different way in South Texas, where Jessica Cisneros is challenging Representative Henry Cuellar, the most staunchly anti-abortion Democrat in the House, in a district where conservative Democrats have often thrived.

Ms. Cisneros has strong support from national left-leaning leaders, and abortion rights advocates believe that Democratic outrage around that issue will help her in the May 24 runoff and beyond.

Why are these midterms so important? This years races could tip the balance of power in Congress to Republicans, hobbling President Bidens agenda for the second half of his term. They will also test former President Donald J. Trumps role as a G.O.P. kingmaker. Heres what to know:

What are the midterm elections? Midterms take place two years after a presidential election, at the midpoint of a presidential term hence the name. This year, a lot of seats are up for grabs, including all 435 House seats, 35 of the 100 Senate seats and 36 of 50 governorships.

What do the midterms mean for Biden? With slim majorities in Congress, Democrats have struggled to pass Mr. Bidens agenda. Republican control of the House or Senate would make the presidents legislative goals a near-impossibility.

What are the races to watch? Only a handful of seats will determine if Democrats maintain control of the House over Republicans, and a single state could shift power in the 50-50 Senate. Here are 10 races to watch in the Houseand Senate, as well as several key governors contests.

When are the key races taking place? The primary gauntletis already underway. Closely watched racesin Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Georgia will be held in May, with more taking place through the summer. Primaries run until September before the general election on Nov. 8.

Go deeper. What is redistrictingand how does it affect the midterm elections? How does polling work? How do you register to vote? Weve got more answers to your pressing midterm questions here.

When we defeat the anti-choice Democrat, thats going to set the tone for the rest of the midterms, Ms. Cisneros said in a recent interview.

But other national Democrats plainly see Mr. Cuellar as a stronger fit in a more culturally conservative district that may become a heated general-election battleground.

We ought not have a litmus test of who and what makes one a Democrat, said Representative James E. Clyburn, the third-ranking House Democrat, who campaigned with Mr. Cuellar last week.

Still, there are sharp divisions over what it means to be an effective Democrat a dynamic at the heart of high-profile primary battles in recent years, as left-wing contenders defeated several senior incumbents but also faced setbacks, as in Ohio, where Representative Shontel Brown won a rematch against former State Senator Nina Turner.

Next Tuesday kicks off a fresh series of tests concerning what kinds of candidates can excite or reassure Democratic voters at a perilous moment for their party.

In 2018 and 2020 they were rebelling against an establishment that lost to Trump, said Sean McElwee, the founding executive director of Data for Progress, a liberal policy and polling organization. Now they want people who will pass Bidens agenda and hold swing seats, and progressives need to make the case that they are the best chance to do that.

In Pennsylvania, a House primary for the seat around Pittsburgh being vacated by Representative Mike Doyle, who is retiring, will vividly test that argument. An attorney and former head of the Pennsylvania Securities Commission, Steve Irwin, has amassed the support of much of the party establishment, while Senator Bernie Sanders and Mayor Ed Gainey of Pittsburgh are expected to campaign this week with State Representative Summer Lee, who joined the Monday call with Ms. Warren. Jerry Dickinson, a law professor at the University of Pittsburgh, is also among those vying for the nomination.

In North Carolina, former State Senator Erica Smith and Durham County Commissioner Nida Allam also participated in the Working Families Party call. Ms. Smith, running in the First District, is vying to succeed Representative G.K. Butterfield, who endorsed State Senator Don Davis. Ms. Allam is facing off against opponents including State Senator Valerie Foushee and Clay Aiken, the former American Idol contestant, in the Fourth District. There is also a primary in the states newly drawn 13th District, which may be competitive in the general election.

In Kentuckys primary next Tuesday, State Representative Attica Scott, a vocal leader of the police accountability movement in Louisville, is running to the left of Senate Minority Leader Morgan McGarvey in the race to succeed Representative John Yarmuth.

And in the coming weeks, several incumbent House members will face contested primary elections, while the Los Angeles mayoral primary and the recall vote against San Franciscos district attorney, both on June 7, will gauge the attitudes of typically liberal Californians on issues of crime and homelessness.

Mr. Sanders, who has endorsed in several upcoming primaries, cast the moment as a struggle about whether the Democratic Party is a party of working families or one of wealthy campaign contributors.

But he also offered a grave warning for his party that has implications well beyond primary season.

Because Democrats have so far failed to pass major pieces of their agenda, he said, There is now a great deal of demoralization among working people, whether theyre Black or white or Latino or Native American, whatever. And I fear very much that the voter turnout for Democrats will not be very high.

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In an Uphill Year, Democrats of All Stripes Worry About Electability - The New York Times

Former President Trump said in an interview published Tuesday that he has been told Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) is worse than any Democrat serving on the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.

Trump told The Washington Post that he has been informed by unnamed congressmen that Cheney, one of only two GOP lawmakers serving on the Jan. 6 panel, is a crazed lunatic.

From what people tell me, from what I hear from other congressmen, shes like a crazed lunatic, shes worse than anyone else, Trump said. From what Ive heard, shes worse than any Democrat.

Trump told the Post that he perceives Cheney as a larger opponent than Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), who was the lead impeachment manager during Trumps first impeachment trial and has been the target of the former presidents ire on a number of occasions.

The former president would not say if he will answer questions from the committee or agree to appear for a deposition. He did, however, assert a number of times that he requested that the military be prepared prior to the Jan. 6 riot.

Trumps comments came in an article that said Cheney, who was ousted from House GOP leadership last year for refusing to support his unproven claims that the election was stolen, has been more aggressive in wanting the panel to target the former president.

The reporting comes less than a month before the panel is set to hold the first of eight public hearings that will present the its findings after holding more than 1,000 interviews and obtaining thousands of documents.

The panel made headlines last week when it issued subpoenas to five sitting Republican members of the House, including Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (Calif.).

None of the five members have said if they will comply with the probe.

Some individuals close to the former president, however, have met with the committee, including Donald Trump Jr., Ivanka Trump, Jared Kushner and Kimberly Guilfoyle, Trump Jr.s fiancee, who spoke at the rally in Washington that occurred just before the Capitol attack.

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Trump says hes been told Cheney worse than any Democrat on Jan. 6 panel - The Hill