Category Archives: Brexit

Manufacturing production has likely fallen

The ONS Business Impact survey from mid-December indicated that half of manufacturers were only somewhat prepared, or not at all. And across the economy, a high proportion of firms reported the changes werent relevant to their business - which in some cases may have been because they weren't fully aware of the forthcoming changes.The chart above showed this tended to be more common among smaller businesses.

One thing that looks inevitable is a fall in manufacturing production in January - perhaps in the region of 3-4%, and things may become worse in the short-term

That said, its a mistake to assume this is only hitting smaller firms.While in general larger firms are likely to have been better prepared, many rely on SMEs as part of their supply chain. That was demonstrated in December when some of the major carmakers had to pause production amid a lack of supplies coming across the Channel.

In short, the situation is fairly bleak, but working out the magnitude of the impact on the wider economy is less straight forward.

One thing that looks inevitable is a fall in manufacturing production in January - perhaps in the region of 3-4%. Thats partly because the situation is unlikely to resolve itself quickly - and in fact may become worse in the short-term as border traffic builds up once again. Net trade is also likely to weigh on GDP through this year, assuming imports recover as lockdowns are unwound but exports take much longer to recover.

Of course it goes without saying that theCovid-19 crisis will dominate the GDP figures for the next few months. But assuming the economy starts to get back on its feet through the middle of 2021, the more interesting question is how Brexit will affect the recovery - and here are threefactors to bear in mind.

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Brexit and the impact of new trade ties on the UK outlook - ING Think

Feet up, mug of tea in hand and breathe. Time to tick Brexit off your worries list? Dont you believe it, because among the devilish details (most of which present more difficulties than impossibilities, thereby still eating time and expense) lurks a ticking time bomb that threatens to destabilisethe UK car industryunless urgent action is taken.

It relates to a requirement for the UK or EU content of cars to ramp up between now and 2027, with aparticular emphasis on the entire battery in any EV being sourcedfrom either of the regions by that date. Failure to meet these rules of origin will result in 10% tariffs being added that would threaten the value of assembling cars in the UK.

If you judge on EVs UK market share of 6.6% last year, you might well see it as an issue gladly kicked down the road, but the trajectory of uptake is heading only one way to 2030 and beyond.

Some 200,000 today work in vehicle manufacturing and its supply chain, many in jobs, most notably engine-related, that are on a path to no longer existing.

The choice is between encouraging battery makers to invest in the UK (gigafactories cost billions, take around two years to build and need very complex supply chains) or giving away the skills and employment opportunities and importing from the EU, asMinidoes on a relatively small scale forthe Electric(proving that the objections over complexity and cost are surmountable, at least).

At present, the latter looks more likely than the former. Today we have one battery facility in Sunderland, built byNissanto supportLeaf EV production, now sold but still supplying the factory and a second at the late planning stage, being set up by Britishvolt, a start-up thats set to launch in 2024 to supply a currently unknown customer base.

Sunderland makes about 2GW of batteries per year, andBritishvoltwill take that figure to 15GW, or enough to make around 250,000 EVs. In normal times, the UK makes around 1.3 million cars annually, so the need to scale up again if we want homegrown production beyond 2030 is clear.

Yet for now, theres no visible queue of willing investors or government encouragement to make the UK look more enticing to investors. Meanwhile, EU nations are fast-tracking their plans and getting a headstart on developing the infrastructure that will be at the heart of the industry in the future.

Our place in the car-making hierarchy right now drives huge amounts of employment, revenue and investment. But without long-term planning, a large slice of its competitiveness is going to come back into the spotlight in just a few years.

/news-international/why-rule-of-origin-is-a-brexit-time-bomb-78279 Why rule of origin is a Brexit time bomb Failure to meet these rules of origin will result in 10% tariffs being added that would threaten the value of assembling cars in the UK. https://www.autocarpro.in/Utils/ImageResizer.ashx?n=http://img.haymarketsac.in/autocarpro/6329563f-d6dc-4d13-8a5d-571b28141915.jpg

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Why rule of origin is a Brexit time bomb - Autocar Professional

There are several sources of help if you are struggling to complete the online formalities for a new Brexit deal card.

All Britons who were living in France in 2020 and want to stay must now apply for one of the new Withdrawal Agreement (WA) residency cards via a dedicated websiteand many readers have found the process straightforward.

However if you are unsure about aspects of your application, are not confident with using computers or have any other difficulties, a number of bodies can advise and in some cases meet you personally.

Some of these are approved and funded by the British government under the UK Nationals Support Scheme, however there are geographical restrictions as to who these can help.

This is a UN partner agency helping migrants and refugees.

Its section helping Britons with Brexit is based in Saint-Brieuc, Brittany with two full-time staff there and will focus on Normandy, Brittany and Paris and Ile-de-France, Hauts-de-France and Pays-de-la-Loire.

It intends to hold outreach meetings to raise awareness; share information on residency requirements and provide direct help for those in difficult situations. The latter could include people with chronic illnesses, or language, literacy or IT difficulties.

The focus is the new cards but they are also able to advise on issues such as driving licences, healthcare or pensions.

Contact details: By email at UKnationalsFR@iom.int or by telephone on 08 09 54 98 32, Monday to Tuesday 14:00-16:00 and Wednesday to Thursday 10:30-12:30.

Meetings at the office are possible by appointment.It has a website at france.iom.int/en/uk-nationals-support-fund-uknsf.

This charity for British military veterans and their families helps military veterans in France. The British Embassy said they expected those applying to the charity to include disabled and pensioner veterans, and veterans living in remote areas or needing help with translating paperwork.

Contact details:08 05 11 96 17 Monday to Friday, 09:00 to 17:30, or by email atukvie.support@ssafa.org.uk.It was a website at ssafa.org.uk/get-help/veterans-in-europe.It also has a UK-based number on 0044 (0)800 193 0474.

A non-profit body that helps Britons move to France and set up businesses. It is focused on the Dordogne, Aubergne-Rhne-Alpes and Provence-Alpes-Cte dAzur.

Its team consists of three bilingual professionals from the area who were already part of the network, plus two new paid part-time workers.

Contact details:Questions may be sent viatinyurl.com/y29bfxbk.It also has a telephone helpline on 05 19 88 01 09 (Monday to Wednesday 9:00-13:00 and Thursday and Friday 13:00-17:00) and a Facebook page: facebook.com/francobritishnetwork.Its website is: francobritishnetwork.fr.

The diocese is offering assistance to those in Nouvelle-Aquitaine apart from Dordogne, as well as Occitanie, Bourgogne-Franche-Comt, Centre-Val de Loire, Corsica and Grand Est.

Contact details:It has a website relating to its Brexit help atfrenchresidencysupport.org. Its hotline is on 05 32 80 00 05, Monday to Friday 09:30 to 12:00 and 13:30 to 16:00; Tuesday 17.30-20.00 and Saturday 09:30-12:00.

Two English-speaking bodies that are not part of the official funded network have told The Connexion they are able to help: English-speaking charity Cancer Support France(email brexit@cancersupportfrance.org, telephone 0800 240 200) and The Old School, Dordogne.

The Old School (oldschoolfrance.com), which has received some funding from the British Community Committee of France for this work, has a helpline on 05 53 40 60 54 from 09:00 to 16:00 on Thursdays and can also arrange one-to-one meetings.

All local prefectures should be able to assist to some extent with making the application online, using free public computer terminals.

Paper applications are not possible.

Another option would be to visit one of the Maisons de Services au Public at: maisondeservicesaupublic.fr. These are local centres that can help people with administrative tasks.

No Brexit cards denied so far to Britons in Dordogne

Britons French Brexit residency cards: How to apply

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Who to contact in France for help with Brexit residency card - The Connexion

Irish customers of Currys/PC World have been asking where in the world their products are and why they have to pay import taxes and charges on things bought from a retailer with a significant Irish footpri nt.

The shop has become the latest to be snared in a web of Brexit-related delays and confusion as people who shopped on its Irish-hosted website have been told more taxes and charges are now owed because the goods have come from the UK.

Others said they have yet to receive products bought weeks ago while still more have expressed frustration at the absence of communication from the retailer as to what is going on.

With homeschooling back on the table Kevin Prendergast bought his daughter a laptop from the Currys/PC World website on January 9th.

We got an email to say to expect it on January 15th, he said but on that day a message arrived to say the laptop was leaving the UK. Then he received another message apologising for the delay and promising delivery on January 22nd.

Adam Greaney bought a MacBook from the the website on January 5th. It was dispatched on January 7th but then caught up in Brexit-related delivery delays and he has yet to receive it.

Liam Preston bought a laptop from Currys.ie on New Years Day and was not aware it was coming from a warehouse in the UK.

Not only did that delay the delivery he also had to pay 200.31 in custom duties to DPD before they would deliver the laptop. He complained that the website did not inform consumers they may be liable for customs and import duties on products sourced from the UK.

Paul McGaley ordered a vacuum cleaner for delivery from Currys on on January 2nd and paid Irish VAT and said at no point was he told the product was being shipped from the UK. His delivery was being held by DPD pending customs charges including more VAT.

I couldnt get through to a person on Currys phone support, tried twitter, got a please send us more details reply and then nothing further.

A spokeswoman for the retailer said that as a result of a technical error, a small number of our customers in the Republic of Ireland have mistakenly been asked to pay import duty on their orders. We are contacting all affected customers to refund them any costs they may have incurred. We apologise wholeheartedly for the inconvenience.

Addressing the delays she said that its delivery partner, DPD, had paused all deliveries from the UK to ROI due to disruptions caused by Brexit. Unfortunately, this means our deliveries to ROI will be delayed. We have contacted all affected customers, and DPD has assured us they will receive their orders by 22nd January. We are grateful for our customers patience as we continue to work closely with DPD.

Last week Brexit-related teething problems were blamed for dozens of Arnotts shoppers being hit with additional taxes and charges after buying shoes on the Dublin-based department stores website since the start of the year. The company apologised and said impacted customers would be re-imbursed.

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Brexit: Currys/PC World Irish customers asked to pay import taxes in error - The Irish Times

As a European resident born in France to British parents, I never used to consider my nationality a disadvantage.

Besides its association with poor food and worse weather (at least as far as my French friends were concerned), my status as a Briton had its benefits. For years I was able to enjoy the climate and cuisine of the south of France while also being able to appreciate the British sense of humour, crackers at Christmas and the occasional baked bean.

I really must take my hat off to Brexit. It has had the revolutionary effect of transforming our best of both worlds into the best of no worlds. Brexit has stripped us of the right to vote.

Voting is a fundamental right which allows us to shape and influence the laws which govern our livelihood. If I want to enjoy free healthcare, I vote for a party which promises a national health service. If I want to create a more sustainable planet for future generations, I vote for a party in favour of strict environmental reforms. In modern European democracies we are lucky enough to enjoy this right. Or so I thought

Shortly after Britain joined the then-EEC in 1972 my grandparents wanted to embrace opportunities open to them. Just as many more would go on to do after them, they decided to permanently relocate to continental Europe.

My father and his brother still live in France and my three aunts have lived in Italy for more than 50 years. I have cousins in Spain and Germany, but no relatives in the UK.My sister and I were both born in France and attended local schools. We were members of various local associations such as dance, swimming and tennis clubs. We were versed in Jean de La Fontaine, never phased by regular strikes and considered no good meal complete without a cheese course.

When I was 13, my parents sent me to school in the UK. There I discovered that it was not unusual to play sport in the rain, that there was more to modern history than the French Revolution, and that British food was not nearly as bad as I had been led to believe.

At this time I started to struggle when asked where I came from. When I was younger it had been easy: I would tell French people I was British and British people I was French. At least that made me sound interesting.

Soon the novelty wore off and I started to reflect when I was asked this question. Where did I come from? My home was in France. And yet my passport told me I was British.

I was able to come up with a solution to this existential dilemma. When people asked me where I came from I would (and still do) respond: I am European.

In line with this European spirit, I decided to continue my studies at the University of Amsterdam, where I was delighted to discover that identifying as European as opposed to any single nationality was the norm.

You can imagine my dismay in discovering that I was to be denied this identity.I had always been proud of my burgundy British passport, but the day that I received my renewed passport was as dark as its new blue colour.

Every bone of my body feels European and yet international law now tells me I am not, and that I have no claim to be.The worst part? I never had any say in this decision in the first place.

This is the truth of the matter: many of those who were to be most affected by the outcome of the 2016 referendum had no possibility to influence it.Although this is true of those under 18 who could not vote, I am referring in particular to British citizens resident in Europe.

British law dictates that only citizens who have been resident in the UK in the last 15 years are eligible to register to vote. This meant thousands of Britons resident in the EU were silenced at a time when they would have liked to shout the loudest and must now live out the consequences of decisions made by others.

Since then, these same Britons have been dealt a further blow: they no longer have the right to influence the future of the European countries they call home.

While only nationals may claim the right to vote in the national elections of most European countries, all citizens of EU member states have the right to vote in European Parliament elections, as well as in local elections in the country in which they reside. For example, Germans living in France can vote in local municipal elections, and French living in Germany can vote in local communal elections.

More important than the right to vote in local elections, however, is the right to vote in European Parliament elections. The future of Europe is determined at European Parliament elections. For many individuals embracing the European ideal of professional, educational or cultural mobility across European member states, their right to vote in EU elections is one of the most important rights which they can claim.

There is a solution: apply for nationality from an EU member state. This, however, is not nearly as easy as it sounds. Citizenship of an EU member state is a prerequisite for being considered an EU citizen. However, embracing the principles and objectives promoted by the European Union is not always compatible with gaining citizenship to a member state.

The mission of the European Union is to ensure the free mobility of people, goods, services and capital within the Union, with its key objectives being a common European area without borders which respects all languages and cultures.

But it was because I followed these European ideals that I am currently finding it hard to get French nationality.

For the purposes of obtaining nationality, the French define a childs country of residence as the country in which they are schooled. Britain, on the other hand, defines a childs country of residence as the country in which their parents pay tax.

I was born in France, educated in France, and my parents have paid tax in France for more than 20 years. I now work and pay tax in France. And yet, my five years of schooling in the UK preclude my right to French nationality by birth.

I have chosen to live my life in a way which would be most favourable to entering a career in EU law, politics or business. I believed that studying in France, the UK, the Netherlands and potentially Spain, would be more conducive to this career path than a purely French education.

It would appear that these decisions now prevent me from entering such a career at all. When I explained to the lady in charge of my French nationality application (now submitted over four years ago) that I hoped to pursue a career in politics, and that this would be impossible in France or the EU without a French nationality, she smugly replied that the UK needs some good politicians.

Despite the truth in her words, I was essentially being told by the French administration to go back to where I came from. The irony is that as far as the UK administration is concerned, I never came from there in the first place.

Britons in Europe, like me, have been doubly disenfranchised by the process of Britains withdrawal from the European Union. We have been twice failed by the democratic ideals to which both the UK and the EU pledge themselves.

Despite our British nationality, we were excluded from its democratic voting process. Despite our commitment to the values and principles embodied by the European Union, we have now been excluded from it too. What amazes me the most? Nobody seems to care or be doing anything about it.

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Brexit and the curse of having a British passport - The Connexion

Speaking in an online debate on the Brexit deal, Lidington said, The EU will be satisfied that the solidarity of Member States held together and in demonstrating that there are some costs of leaving the EU.

There had been talk of other countries also leaving the EU but this has dissipated. On the UK side, it can point to the fact that it is no longer subject to ECJ jurisdiction and the fact that there no tariffs on goods between the UK and EU.

He said, All this has removed one element of possible future friction between the two sides but not all.

When you look at what the deal does, it looks to me very much like the association agreement the EU has with other countries but without the title.

The agreement permits it [the deal] to be developed and to evolve over the coming years if that is what the EU and UK wish to do although I dont expect any big changes to it any time soon.

His comments come with parliamentary procedure for approving the deal now under way.

Last Thursday, members of Parliaments Foreign Affairs and International Trade Committees debated the deal at a joint meeting, further intensifying the parliamentary scrutiny process for the new EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement.

The Brexit agreement also has the ability to crumble away and it can be terminated at 12 months notice. Whether it grows into something more comprehensive or is whittled away will be subject to much debate in the coming years Sam Lowe, Centre for European Reform

The two committees will, later this month, vote on the consent proposal prepared by the two standing rapporteurs, Christophe Hansen (EPP, Luxembourg) and Kati Piri (S&D, the Netherlands).

That will pave the way for a plenary vote, probably in February, before the end of the provisional application of the agreement.

In the virtual debate organised by Brussels-based think tank the Centre for European Reform, Lidington, a former unofficial deputy Prime Minister to Theresa May, added, For most Conservative voters and Tory MPs the prime feeling will be of utter relief that this issue is not there to dominate and divide it has done for so long.

But it would be wrong to think everyone got up in the morning thinking of Article 50. Most voters want to know, for example, what our policies are on housing, education and health care. These are the things that bother people.

Asked if he thinks the issue of the UKs relationship with the EU will now fade, he said, Will it go away as an issue? Well, Boris Johnson has been conciliatory so far but he has a difficult balancing act.

I can see him saying at the next election in 2024 that people dont want to discuss the EU so much, but one fifth of people who voted Tory at the last election voted Remain so these have to be kept on board.

It will not be in the Conservative partys interest to take a hostile approach to the EU, but, at the same time, I dont think there is an appetite among the British or Member States for any campaign for the UK to rejoin, said Lidington, a Tory MP from 1992 to 2019.

The agreement permits it [the deal] to be developed and to evolve over the coming years if that is what the EU and UK wish to do although I dont expect any big changes to it any time soon

David Lidington, former UK Europe Minister

No one can now say that Brexit has not happened, but we still share a lot in common with Europe in, for example, tackling carbon emissions, combating terrorism and serious crime and managing the impact of migration.

The US, under Joe Biden, will expect its EU allies to exercise more [global] leadership and not to leave it all to the US, so that implies that the UK and EU will still have to work closely together, added Lidington, who also served under David Cameron.

Also taking part in the debate was Sam Lowe, a senior research fellow and trade expert with the Centre for European Reform, who warned, The Brexit agreement also has the ability to crumble away and it can be terminated at 12 months notice. Whether it grows into something more comprehensive or is whittled away will be subject to much debate in the coming years.

He said the UK had been fairly successful in excluding ECJ jurisdiction and not being bound by EU state aid rules, but added, the UK did not do quite so well as it had hoped in other areas, such as the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, temporary movement of people and rules of origin.

On all of these issues the UK did not get what it wanted and had to accept what the EU offered.

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Brexit deal has 'ability to evolve' in coming years, says former UK government minister - The Parliament Magazine

The relief that accompanied the announcement of a Brexit deal between the EU and the UK on Christmas Eve was tempered by the news that the UK would no longer participate in Erasmus+.

Instead, the UK government announced that it was creating a scheme, named after the scientist Alan Turing, to replace Erasmus with a global scheme for 2021.

The decision to pull out of Erasmus is a representation of Brexit itself. First, the promises: the Prime Minister assured the House of Commons in January 2020 that the UKs Erasmus participation was safe and accused Douglas Chapman MP of talking out of the back of his neck for suggesting otherwise.

Although universities and others involved in Erasmus knew a no deal end of the transition would endanger participation, the popularity of Erasmus was assumed to be one of the aspects that would be protected by a deal.

Second, the rapid change in that position, with no notice or consultation. The announcement, on 24 December when universities and colleges were closed until the New Year led to a flurry of trying to work out what it means.

Worried students who were due to study abroad in 2021 frantically started emailing. The announcement that a new scheme was being developed gave the impression of careful planning - but few had heard very much beyond vague plans to encourage more students to study globally since the EU referendum.

A scheme that only funds outgoing students, with a harsh and costly visa system for incoming students, is hardly going to help with the conclusion of exchange agreements with developing countries"

Third, Erasmus was shifted front and centre of the UKs Brexit culture war. Remainers decried the decision as both short-sighted and indicative of the UKs desire to cut all links with the EU, even to the detriment of young people who benefitted from this popular scheme.

Leavers retorted that Erasmus was used by only a small fraction of the student or working population, and that this outrage represented a middle-class obsession from those who refuse to see any benefit or opportunities in Brexit.

These are over-simplified positions, but only just. The universities minister, Michelle Donelan, criticised proponents for being too nostalgic for a Europe-focussed scheme because it is easier to imagine what you know, than to visualise the benefits of what is being brought in.

Fourth, the government scrambled to provide justifications for its decision. The decision to pull out was due to the high cost of participation for the UK as a non-EU Member State, and the unwillingness of the European Commission to allow the UK to cherry pick participation in some aspects of the scheme.

The replacement Turing Scheme, with a budget of 100m, would provide funding for 35,000 outgoing (but not incoming) students and therefore be cheaper to the UK taxpayer.

Numerous experts questioned how this figure was arrived at, and what it covers, but details are not yet available - even though it is supposed to be sending its first students in a few months. Once again, experts have been left out of the decision-making loop.

Fifth, the justifications quickly shifted to the perceived failings of Erasmus. True, the UK has had lower participation rates than France, Spain or Germany, but the numbers have been consistently rising.

The UK has not made the most of the opportunities in Erasmus or ensured awareness of the scheme to potential participations. But neither of these is the fault of Erasmus itself - which suggests that any replacement will suffer the same fate.

To claim that Brexit allows the UK to unilaterally replace it [Erasmus] in a matter of months with a global scheme is not ambitious; it is rash

As the most popular destination for Erasmus, the UK benefitted economically from incoming students, with these students leaving with (mostly) a positive image of the UK and its societies, and the excellence of the higher education system.

Soft power is difficult to put a price on. But, we are told, Erasmus did not help less well-off students, who will be the focus of the Turing Scheme - but again with no details.

Sixth, the new scheme represents Global Britain and the new-found confidence of the UK which allows young people to - in the words of Iain Duncan Smith MP - be out there buccaneering, trading, dominating the world again.

Apart from ignoring the global dimension of Erasmus that has been built in to the programme in recent years, the idea that Erasmus somehow prevented students or universities engaging in exchanges with the wider world is ludicrous.

Instead, Global Britain represents little more than a phrase, unsupported by details of what it means or how it will benefit society. The Turing Scheme will open up the world to UK students - but assumes the world wants it.

Seventh, the discourse of Global Britain ignores many of the stark realities only too familiar to anyone involved in organising exchanges. A scheme that only funds outgoing students, with a harsh and costly visa system for incoming students, is hardly going to help with conclusion of exchange agreements with developing countries.

And while the universities minister claims that disadvantaged UK students will, under the new scheme, study at Ivy League universities in the US instead of poorly-performing EU universities (using a ranking system that favours the US/UK university model), no thought is given to such basic practical questions as to whether students would be paying the high fees involved, nor the myriad of challenges involved in setting up and running exchanges.

Eighth, Global Britain can be contrasted with the (dis)United Kingdom. The Irish government announced that students in Northern Ireland can still participate in Erasmus via a workaround solution. The Scottish government has expressed its desire to continue to participate, but is hampered by its lack of legal ability to conclude international agreements in its own right.

As the most popular destination for Erasmus, the UK benefitted economically from incoming students, with these students leaving with (mostly) a positive image of the UK and its societies

In short, any support for study abroad schemes is welcome. If the Turing Scheme was launched as an addition to Erasmus, then university professionals, including myself, would be jumping for joy.

But instead, we now have a period of prolonged uncertainty while we work out what the new scheme means - and the answers given by the UK government in response to questions in the House of Lords on the new scheme were not illuminating.

Erasmus has built up over a 30-year period and become part of the fabric of education across the EU, relying on extensive contacts, familiarity, common standards, expectations and understandings.

To claim that Brexit allows the UK to unilaterally replace it in a matter of months with a global scheme is not ambitious; it is rash, and the students and young people who are the main beneficiaries of the scheme are likely to be the ones to lose out.

In this, we find many familiar aspects of the Brexit process: lofty promises about the opportunities afforded by leaving the EU, but without any of the detail and only the need to believe in a Global Britain that seems increasingly isolated.

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Erasmus and the Turing Scheme: A metaphor for Brexit? - The Parliament Magazine

The things which are proving problematic are the things that we expected to be problematic, Ms. Jones said. So for goods, its all about the speed and accuracy with which people are preparing the right paperwork.

Many U.K. businesses at least 150,000, according to data from Britains tax agency have never traded beyond the European Union, and so have no experience dealing with the customs systems.

The situation in Northern Ireland is an added wrinkle. Northern Ireland will remain partially in the European Unions single market, an exception that avoids a border with the Republic of Ireland but creates a border in the Irish Sea. Logistics experts say the Trader Support Service, a free government service to help companies complete customs forms to send goods from England, Wales and Scotland to Northern Ireland, has been overwhelmed.

Some businesses anticipated cross-border problems with Europe, and filled warehouses with stockpiled goods auto parts and pharmaceuticals, for example before the end of the Brexit transition period. That has kept cross-border shipments at a fraction of their normal level so far. Over the next few weeks, as those stockpiles run down, business activity will pick up, exacerbating delays.

Another new problem faced by large retailers with international locations: Rules-of-origin requirements, which determine whether a product leaving Britain is British enough to qualify for tariff-free trade with the European Union. International retailers who use sites in Britain as distribution centers are now finding that they cant automatically re-export their products to their stores in the European Union without facing tariffs even if the product came from the bloc.

For example, a company could not import jeans from Bangladesh or cheese from France into a hub in England and then send it on to a store in Ireland without facing export tariffs. The British Retail Consortium said at least 50 of its members face such tariffs. Debenhams, a large but now bankrupt chain of department stores, shut down its Irish website because of confusion over trade rules.

As companies scramble to catch up to the rule changes, the question is: What does Britain do with the sovereignty and freedom it has secured from leaving the European Union? The government has to decide how much it wants to diverge from Europes rules, where it might want to deregulate, and if it wants to pay the price for that.

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A Week Into Full Brexit, the Pain for U.K. Businesses Has Arrived - The New York Times

Having lived and studied in the United Kingdom and Europe for many years, I always held a special place in my heart for Britain, and its fiercely patriotic citizens with a wonderfully quirky sense of humor.

I was convinced that the British people were not being given the truth about the real consequences of leaving the E.U., and that most top politicians probably had no clue either. But what really shocked me was the way that any criticism of Brexit was met: Arrogance, hubris and long-buried distain for foreigners bubbled up to the surface and revealed a sad ugliness in what I had perceived to be a most distinguished nation.

Even though I still hope Britain can manage to resurrect itself and rise like a phoenix from the ashes of Brexit, its behavior over the last four years has finally removed my rose-colored glasses. It now seems that Britain truly cut off its nose to spite its face.

Belle von der GoltzNeedham, Mass.

To the Editor:

Peter Gumbels article was heartbreaking and heartfelt. I have another reason to lament Britains departure from Europe. I fear that this historically amazing country which first lost its empire, then part of Ireland, soon maybe Scotland will also lose its position as a world financial center and become a bit player in world affairs.

This is not just bad for Britain but for the whole world, which risks losing one of the most trusted, informed and intelligent voices in international affairs. Will the special relationship with the United States be weakened if this voice is no longer needed as a bridge to the European Union? Or within the United Nations, where stronger countries are waiting to step into the void Brexit may have created?

Pamela TaylorGeneva

To the Editor:

Peter Gumbels article draws a very accurate picture of how the U.K. got into its current situation, and of where those of us who did not want to leave the E.U. now find ourselves. What is there in Brexit for people like me? Nothing. Nor has there been any attempt to offer anything that would mitigate the situation for us. We British Europeans really are, in Theresa Mays words, citizens of nowhere.

Between 2010 and 2017 I was a Brit abroad, living and working in Ontario, where I enjoyed being part of a decent, diverse and outward-looking country. On my return to England I was staggered by how the country had changed and was shocked when Boris Johnson, a right-wing populist, took control, supported by far-right ideologues. As a result of their isolationist agenda, my children and grandchildren now face the prospect of growing up in a country that, in Mr. Gumbels words, is a sad shadow of its former self.

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Opinion | Joy for Brexit, and Mourning - The New York Times

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A major chunk of trading in euro-dominated shares has been moving from London to European continental exchanges since the beginning of the week, after the U.K. left the European Union single market, and the two sides are now headed toward uncharted confrontation over the future of European finance.

Financial services werent covered by the post-Brexit trade deal struck just before Christmas between the U.K. and the EU, and U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has admitted that the deal perhaps [did] not go as far as [he] would like on the matter.

On Jan.1, U.K. financial services providers and banks lost the so-called passport that gave them the right to operate without restrictions throughout the EU, and now depend on unilateral decisions from European authorities to extend them an equivalence decision based on regulatory convergence, sector by sector.

Read:What the Post-Brexit Trade Deal Means for Markets and Investors

Billions worth of share trading have moved this week from London to exchanges set up in Amsterdam and Paris, to the tune of about 6 billion ($8 billion) a day.

Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey told U.K. lawmakers on Wednesday that he didnt expect quick equivalence decisions from the EU, but insisted the country should not become a rule taker by mimicking EU regulations just for the sake of obtaining an access to European markets.

Professionals of the City of London quoted by Financial News said they didnt expect an agreement on financial services to be struck before a few years, the time for EU authorities to assess how much of Londons business will move to the continent.

Also:Its Time to Buy Post-Brexit British Stocks

Looking ahead. The U.K. and the EU have pledged to negotiate a memorandum of understanding by March to sort out the rules under which financial players could operate in each others markets. The EU seeks to repatriate business and jobs, and London wants to keep its financial might without having to abide by EU regulations.

But pledging to negotiate isnt the same as pledging to strike a deal. The only hope is that the talks, most likely led by bureaucrats and civil servants, wont be as politically weighted as the long negotiations over the trade deal last year. That should in theory make some form of agreement easier, even though the two sides respective interests remain at odds.

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U.K. and EU Head for Post-Brexit Battle Over Financial Services as Trading Moves Out of London - Barron's