Category Archives: Abolition Of Work

It was recently revealed by DAERA that officials are working to bring forward legislation to progress with plans to do away with the AWB.

UFU deputy president David Brown said: The AWB was introduced in Northern Ireland (NI) when trade boards were common and it was established to set a minimum wage for agri workers. However, in recent times it has been overtaken by the duplication of legislation between the National Minimum Wage (NMW) and the National Living Wage (NLW).

The NLW has rapidly increased since its introduction in 2016, rising to 9.21 per hour in 2021. Combined with the age from which workers will become eligible for the NLW being dropped from 25 to 23 in April 2021, it has decimated the grading structure that underpins the AWB. As a result, the pay of agri workers is no longer calculated by experience and levels of responsibility. These bands are essential to allow employers to pay workers based upon their qualifications and experience - both crucial to agricultural work especially in animal husbandry. This brings into question the existence and relevance of the AWB in NI. Farm businesses rely upon skilled and competent workers and our membership have always paid their farm workers a rate that guarantees this. Following abolition of the AWB, agricultural workers in NI would receive the protections afforded by wider employment law and UK minimum and national living wage rates.

See the article here:

Agricultural Wages Board abolition - Farming Life

President Joe Biden holds a face mask as he participates in a CNN town hall at the Pabst Theater in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, February 16, 2021.

Saul Loeb | AFP | Getty Images

President Joe Biden is facing increasing pressure from civil rights groups and liberal members of Congress to fulfill his pledge to end the death penalty.

While total abolition of the death penalty would require an act of Congress, activists say there are immediate steps that Biden can take to roll back the practice, which was restarted at the federal level under former President Donald Trump. Nearly a month into Biden's term, they are pushing him to take action.

"He has the authority to do a lot to limit this punishment and make it much harder for a future administration," said Kristina Roth, an advocate at Amnesty International USA. "We think it's important during this early period of his administration to remind him what authority he has."

Biden is the first president to openly oppose the death penalty and has repeatedly said that criminal justice reform is a top priority of his administration.

One of the steps Biden could take unilaterally would be to commute the sentences of the 49 people on federal death row. In a letter sent earlier this month, 82 organizations, including many rights groups, pressed Biden to do just that.

"As a candidate, you campaigned on a platform centered on strengthening 'America's commitment to justice,' based on the core beliefs that we must eliminate racial, income-based, and other disparities, and create a criminal legal system focused not on cruelty and punishment, but on 'redemption and rehabilitation,'" the organizations, led by The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, wrote in the Feb. 9 letter.

"Now, as president, you have the unique ability to begin effectuating these policy goals immediately by using your executive clemency powers to commute the sentences of the individuals on federal death row today," they wrote.

Michael Gwin, a White House spokesman, said in an email on Wednesday that there was "nothing new for us to add at the moment." Gwin pointed to a portion of Biden's campaign platform, still available online, in which he pledged to "work to pass legislation to eliminate the death penalty at the federal level, and incentivize states to follow the federal government's example."

Roth said that civil rights groups and the White House are engaged in "ongoing communication to ensure our calls are being heard."

If Biden fulfills his pledge to roll back the death penalty it will represent a remarkable evolution from his days in the Senate, where he pushed hard and successfully for tougher penalties on crime, including strengthening capital punishment.

Biden expanded the number of crimes for which the death penalty could be used via his 1994 crime bill, a legacy that drew sharp criticism from the left during the Democratic primaries. As president, he has pledged to push for greater racial equity in the justice system.

The campaign to eliminate the death penalty has spanned decades and presidencies. Former President Barack Obama at times seemed on the cusp of calling for the end of the death penalty he ordered the Justice Department to review the matter but ultimately disappointed activists.

Under Trump, the matter came to a head. In July 2019, the Republican restarted the federal death penalty program, which had lain dormant for nearly two decades. The administration executed 13 people who had been sentenced to death, including some just days before Biden took office.

In addition to asking Biden to immediately commute federal death sentences, activists have pressed the Biden administration to completely dismantle the execution chamber used to kill those on federal death row in Terre Haute, Indiana. They also want Biden to rescind the Trump-era lethal injection protocol and prohibit federal prosecutors from seeking the death penalty.

Cassandra Stubbs, the director of the American Civil Liberties Union's capital punishment project, said that when the federal death penalty was restarted under Trump it showed the "same problems that we've seen in states."

"It's racist, applied to people who have suffered unspeakable trauma and mental illness and who were tried before juries who never heard the full story," she said.

Stubbs noted that the Trump administration's use of the death penalty during the era of Covid-19 also inflicted further harm, spreading disease to those involved in the execution as well as observers and journalists.

"Our government was willing to spread illness and death in order to carry out these executions," Stubbs said.

The Associated Press found that the Trump administration's execution spree likely qualified as a coronavirus superspreader event.

A number of bills have already been produced by Democrats that would end the federal death penalty. Reps. Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass., and Adriano Espaillat, D-N.Y., have each unveiled bills that would end the practice. Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., has said he plans to introduce compatible legislation in the Senate.

It's not clear if those bills will gain traction among Republicans, though. Espaillat, speaking with reporters on Wednesday, said he believed his legislation "could also be a bipartisan bill."

"I know that a lot of my Republican colleagues recognize that this is wrong," he said.

Some state-level Republican elected officials have moved away from the party's embrace of the death penalty, though for reasons that often diverge from those of activists on the left.

Republican Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, for instance, told the state legislature last year that he was considering a moratorium on capital punishment as a result of its costliness.

"It costs us around a million dollars every time that is brought up. These are just luxuries, luxuries, that we will no longer be able to afford," Gordon said, according to the Associated Press.

Another Republican governor, Gov. Mike DeWine of Ohio, resisted when local reporters sought to characterize him as a death penalty supporter last year. His administration has declared an "unofficial moratorium" on executions, he told the Associated Press in December.

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Originally posted here:

Civil rights groups are pushing Biden to fulfill promise of ending the death penalty - CNBC

In January 2021, the Bar Council of India (BCI) announced that it would be abolishing the one-year LLM (Master of Laws) courses across institutes in India. This meant that the course would be scrapped for all legal aspirants.

Following this, a case was filed by the consortium of National Law Universities in the Supreme Court against the BCIs decision. At the hearing, the BCI said the decision to abolish the one-year LLM degree would be implemented from the 2022-23 academic year.

This gives LLM aspirants a one-year breather, but the legal tangle is likely to resurface in 2022.

India currently has around 1 million lawyers. Industry estimates suggest that there is a demand for 50,000 lawyers every year across corporate, civiland criminal branches of law.

While an LLB degree would be sufficient to practice in the courts, an LLM degree expands the legal knowledge base and also opens up opportunities in global consulting firms.

Why a one-yearLLM?

In 2013, the University Grants Commission (UGC), the apex body for all degree programmes in universities, allowed a one-year masters programme in law (LLM). This was a part of a plan to revamp legal education and bring it on par with international standards.

The National Knowledge Commission while examining the quality of legal education and research in the country recommended several steps to revamp the system towards achieving academic and professional excellence.

Following this, a Round Table on Legal Education set up by the Ministry of Human Resources Development (now the education ministry)asked the UGC to examine the reform of the LLM degree programme and consider making it a one-year course like in all developed countries.

An Expert Committee appointed by the UGC in 2010 submitted a report proposing a one-year LLM, and this was later framed as guidelines by the UGC.

TheHRD ministry wanted students to get the flexibility to complete thepostgraduate programme in law. Developed countries like the US allow one-year LLM programmes in addition to two-year programmes.

Following the UGC guidelines, in India, too, both one-year and two-year LLM degree programmes were introduced in 2013.

What is the one-year LLM?

Here, UGC had said that the admissions to the one-year LLM will be through an all-India admission test. Only students who have completed an undergraduate law degree or LLB are eligible for the one-year LLM programme.

Within the one-year programme, there are specialisations related to corporate and commercial law, international law, constitutional law, criminal and security law, legal pedagogy and family and social justice law.

The one-year programme comprises three trimesters, with a minimum of 30 hours each week and twelve weeks for each of the three terms including classroom teaching, library work, seminars and research.

Across India, there are close to 750 seats for postgraduate LLM programmes.

Why did the BCI decide to abolish it?

According to the BCI, only a two-year postgraduate degree in law is recognisable and a one-year LLM is not adequate.

The Council also said that any one-year LLM obtained from a foreign university will not be recognised in India. The education ministry, which originally allowed the one-year LLM, is yet to give its view on the matter.

However, law universities contested this move saying that BCI does not have powers to regulate their programmes. These universities also added that admissions to the one-year LLM programmes had already started prior to this notification and hence changes cannot be made.

On the other hand, the BCI said it has the right to regulate legal education in India since this area has been kept out of the of Higher Education Commission of India. While the UGC decides on university programmes, under theAdvocates Act 1961 the BCI has rights to lay down standards for legal educational programmes in India.

How will the two-year LLM programme work?

If implemented in 2022, the two-year LLM programme will be open to all students who have completed an LLB degree.

Instead of the CLAT exam that is conducted for the one-year LLM programme, BCI will conduct a Post Graduate Common Entrance Test in Law (PGCETL) for admission.

Read the original post:

Explained: What is the conflict around abolition of the one-year LLM course? - Moneycontrol

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Today, Feb. 17, marks a year since the start of our occupation of Crouse-Hinds Hall, which lasted 32 days. Following our Barnes Center occupation, we chose to occupy Crouse-Hinds as a way to continue to apply pressure on the administration, as they were not taking our group and/or our demands seriously. As many students on campus witnessed, we endured a tremendous amount of violence due to the administrations extreme intimidation tactics. The Syracuse University administration starved, suspended and withheld basic necessities from everyone occupying Crouse-Hinds Hall.

Our occupation came to an end in March due to the COVID-19 outbreak. Since then, we decided to take a step back in order to process everything that occurred in the Crouse-Hinds space, as well as deal with our personal experience with COVID-19. Nonetheless, we would like to thank everyone for their continuous support. We hope that everyone has remained safe and healthy.

At the beginning of our last negotiation session on March 6, representatives for the administration stated they would not continue negotiating beyond 7 p.m. and any concessions even those already agreed to were contingent on ending negotiations that day. This tactic was to pressure student negotiators to give up on demands. It was not an environment of good faith, as they had promised to commit to.

Following the last negotiation session, there were many failed attempts at getting administrators back to the negotiating table. They agreed to a one-hour phone call reviewing everything that they already promised in the negotiation sessions. They ignored the many other demands that we did not get to discuss at all. The call ended abruptly when they hung up on us.

Last semester, we were dealing with the switch to an online learning experience during a pandemic, while simultaneously dealing with the reality that many of us have not recovered from the trauma that the SU administration inflicted upon us. We decided to take a break in order for us to heal and figure out our own situations. However, this semester, we will be continuing to push for the administration to meet all of our demands (i.e. disarming the Department of Public Safety, freezing tuition, acknowledging white supremacy is upheld by SU) that we have been asking for for months. We will also continue to work to find ways to support Black, Indigenous, and other students of color in ways that this predominantly white institution will not.

Emily Steinberger | Photo Editor

Over the past couple of months, we have all witnessed massive Black-and Indigenous-led movements for abolition, defunding the police, land back, tearing down statues, along with movements outside the United States that are actively fighting against global white supremacy, colonialism, imperialism and the U.S. empire. We recognize that our fights are interconnected and all the work that we, alongside countless other collectives, are doing is important for the continued struggle for liberation of all oppressed people both here in the illegitimate settler colony of the U.S. and abroad. #NotAgainSU stands in solidarity with anyone who has been a part of or involved with action focused on dismantling oppressive systems and institutions in this country and around the world.

Due to the administrations violent treatment of #NotAgainSU, and their complete unwillingness to care for and listen to Black students, we unanimously decided to not work with the administration in any capacity moving forward.

It is crucial to note that simply because we have decided to not work with administration does not mean that we will not be working to ensure that the demands are met amongst other important and necessary work that needs to be done on campus. The administration has never intended to work with students in a meaningful way. They only claim to work with students for the purposes of PR and co-optation.

This year, much like years in the past, student organizers have been funneled into joining the committees and working groups that the university has offered as solutions. As active participants of these groups, we can confirm that progress is not being made on the demands and real work is not being done.

The administrators wont ever work with us for the betterment of our experiences because this institution is meant to uphold white supremacy, which imposes violence on Black and Indigenous students. With this in mind, we will no longer be wasting our efforts collaborating with the administration for futile results, and instead will be organizing around creating pressure on those whose job it is to carry out the will of the students.

More coverage on #NotAgainSUs Crouse-Hinds occupation:

The SU campus commitments team sent us a signed document that included their responses to each one of our demands. Their response to each demand included whether or not they were willing to meet the demand and to what extent. We must make it abundantly clear that this is not a win for us, at all. The administrators did not sign off on many of the demands we made in their entirety. They are labeling our demands off as completed and in progress on their website, even when they are far from being done. The only people who are able to confirm whether or not a demand has been completed to its full extent are the ones who created them. Even demands as simple as an increase in laundry funds that were promised were not followed through on.

As student activists, many of us have previously participated in committees, working groups and forums that the university sets up only to find that our ideas were never listened to, our time was wasted and we were distracted from more impactful forms of organizing and direct action. While working in these committees, there are constant microaggressions thrown at us. Students often do the exhaustive and repetitive labor of providing recommendations that the administration chooses to ignore time and time again. This dynamic highlights a power imbalance: students on committees created by the administration do not have any real power or influence. The purpose of committees, working groups and forums is to wait out student organizers until they graduate. This results in no productive action and commitment to the necessary work that needs to be done surrounding student protests and their demands. Initiatives created by the admin are formed to create an illusion and a good public image that the school is taking these issues seriously; real tangible change comes from the direct action of students and social movement organizing.

All #NotAgainSU organizers currently identify as abolitionists.

Abolitionists differ from reformist/liberal groups because reformists/liberals believe that reform work is merely making changes that are at a surface level (i.e. body cameras, diversity training, creating more committees, etc). These reforms are ineffective because they are designed to not address the root causes of racism and systemic oppression.

These reforms are ineffective because they will never solve any problems that deal with systemic issues. It does not begin to identify the root problems of racism and oppression.

We, as abolitionists, are pushing for the necessary demands that will eventually lead to radical change at SU. An example of radical reform would be our demand to disarm DPS, with the intention and hope of one day disbanding DPS on the SU campus and abolishing the Syracuse Police Department in the city of Syracuse. While we continue to work toward this and our many other unfulfilled demands, we will also be focusing on building and maintaining community through engaging with the Syracuse community and prioritizing collective work. This is an intentional decision on behalf of our group.

Elizabeth Billman | Senior Staff Photographer

#NotAgainSU continues to stand in solidarity with all Black and Brown city residents, Indigenous nations and all colonized people in the U.S. and around the world. We stand with all of our siblings fighting their institutions and challenging the countless administrations that profit off the violence they perpetuate onto us.

Take care of yourself and each other. In these trying times, we must do our best to practice radical self-love and community love.

In love and struggle,

#NotAgainSU

Published on February 17, 2021 at 7:55 pm

More here:

#NotAgainSU reflects on 1-year anniversary of 31-day Crouse-Hinds occupation - The Daily Orange

Lalit Mohan

Tribune News Service

Dharamsala, February 18

The national president of BJP JP Nadda today virtually launched the election campaign for Assembly elections scheduled in Himachal at the end of 2022 by giving party workers Gram Sabha to Vidhan Sabha (from village panchayat to assembly) call.

While addressing the state executive meeting of the BJP, Nadda said the party did well by winning the panchayat elections in the state and capturing nine out of 12 zila parishads. It should now aim for Mission Repeat in 2022 Assembly elections, he said.

He praised Panna Pramukh system adopted by the Himachal BJP. Under Panna Pramukh model, a party worker oversees voters on a single page of voter list (Panna) in their respective areas. Nadda said the Panna Pramukh model has been so successful in Himachal that it was being adopted by the BJP in the entire country now. He urged the party workers to now create panna committees at each polling booth level. He said the BJP was winning elections due to its mass following and scientific working at the booth level.

Nadda said all political parties in country were family centric. The BJP was the only party in the country that was worker centric and it makes it unique. The BJP had 18 crore active members in the country, he claimed.

Nadda said the BJP aims at opening party office in each district of the country. He urged the state president of Himachal BJP, Suresh Kayshap, to expedite buying of land in all districts of Himachal so that party offices could be established there.

Nadda claimed Modi provided leadership to entire world during Covid pandemic and today 16 countries were looking towards India for getting Covid vaccine.

The national president of the BJP claimed that the work for the construction of the Atal Tunnel linking Lahaul and Spiti district with all-weather road was expedited by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Prime Minister had also restored special category status for Himachal that was terminated by the Congress government, he said.

The state president of party Suresh Kashyap while speaking on the occasion said the BJP government had taken landmark decisions such as abolition of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, construction of Ram Temple and abolition of Triple Talak.

Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur, former CM Prem Kumar Dhumal, Minister of State for Finance and Corporate Affairs Anurag Thakur, state BJP incharge Avinash Rai Khanna and co-incharge Sanjay Tandon were among other prominent leaders present at the meeting.

Sidelights

See the original post:

Work for Mission Repeat in 22, Nadda tells party activists - The Tribune India

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This is our latest article aboutCovid-19 and its impacts on the favelas.

Since their beginnings, the popular history of Rio de Janeiros samba schools was built on the ritual of sociability of black people after abolition, mainly in favelas and carioca suburbs. The songs, the dancing, the storylinesthis entire traditiontakes shape and is built as a championship in the first half of the 20th century, more specifically in 1932, hosted for the first time in Praa Onze, the cradle of the citys Little Africa, with a competition between samba associations organized by the Mundo Esportivonewspaper.

Today the contest is divided into distinct regions of the city. The most famous one is held between the corners of the balana mais no cai (sways but does not fall, a well-known structure erected in the mid 1940s as a housing project, and thus nicknamed due to a purported fault in the construction) and the Post Office headquarters, in the Central Zone of Rio, and the space that became known as the Marqus de Sapuca Sambadrome, built in 1983 and opened the following year, in 1984.

Rio de Janeiro, the birthplace of samba, and also popularly known as the stage of the greatest show on Earth, has a popular saying: the year only begins after Ash Wednesday. The saying is based on the historical, symbolic and cultural relevance that is given to the holiday. In 2021, the days reserved for King Momos festivities felt different. This time, the spectacle built by samba schools did not have allegorical floats, samba dancers, the segments representing each samba schools community, and the nostalgic old guard parading down the avenue.

By now, the schools would have completed their rites in the avenue drunk on happiness, to paraphrase Unio da Ilhas 1989 samba. The Sambadrome is given great economic and media visibility every year. With most of the tickets being unaffordable for the citys poorer population, the bleachers are mostly occupied by the wealthy. On the other hand, Rios suburbs never fail to put their show on the road. It is in the North Zone, where the neighborhood of Campinhos is located, that the samba schools of the Srie Prata and Srie Bronze access groups (silver and bronze series, respectively) parade. Even with less funding, the samba schools of Intendente Magalhes, in Campinhos, do not fail to show their beautiful parades and to embrace their people year after year.

But this year, the heroes of the barraces(the samba school sheds where floats and costumes are made)as Estao Primeira de Mangueiras samba A Bedtime Story for Grown-ups sang in 2019will not be coming through. The sound, the dance, the colors, and the countless stories told throughout the nights of carnival, both in Intendente Magalhes and Sapuca, give way to the dimming of lights and of sparkles, anxiously awaited by so many.

In an attempt to contain the bitterness of the biggest health crisis of the last centurywhich has already claimed 238,532 lives (as of February 14) in Brazil, including many samba school membersthe citys official carnival is not brightening Rio de Janeiro, popularly known as the capital of samba, for the first time since 1919. With no sound, no storylines, no abre alas, and no baianasthat is how Sapuca and Intendente Magalhes are going to spend the carnival holiday.

On March 11, 2020, right after the Rio samba school parade, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared that the world was living the new coronavirus pandemic. After this day, the lives of many were reshaped and lived new uncertainties in the face of a scenario that had to be redrafted day after day, including in the world of samba.

These uncertainties, and the worsening of the pandemic, led the parade, officially scheduled for February 2021, to be canceled and postponed to July by acting governor Cludio Castro, though the mayor of Rio, Eduardo Paes, announced the cancellation of carnival in July as well. With all the unease that began to encircle society, countless craftspeople, seamstresses, ironworkers, carpenters, and professionals from various other segments of samba schools, were not paid their salaries and began to live on help, emergency aid, or attempted to reinvent themselves during 2020 to survive.

The precariousness of samba workers is no different from the precariousness of countless Brazilian workers who were abandoned to their own fates, some with resources and others without, as is the case of members and workers of samba schools.

It was also in this context that countless members and workers of samba schools lost their lives to the virus. It is Brazils poorest that disproprtionately lose the unequal fight for survival across the nation. And it is from these faces that, most of the time, the various facets of samba associations are built.

The prominence gained by the special group samba schools sometimes makes people forget about the access groups. One of the symbols of such local identity in Acari, in the North Zone, is the Unio do Parque Acari Samba School. The popular community group, still quite young in comparison to other carnival associations, carries all the expertise and experience of other bambas (masters).

The recreational organization emerged from the merger of sister and neighboring samba schools, Coraes Unidos do Amarelinho and Favo de Acari. Both schools were born as street blocos, until they managed to get their papers in order and become affiliated with the samba school associations. With the union of these groups, Unio do Parque Acari was founded in 2018. Despite its young age, the school was a growing hit on Intendente Magalhes until its last parade, in 2020, with the theme, In the Beginning There was Creation, the Sky, the Earth and the Sea, With This the Union Each One Has Their Pair. Long Live Love!

Its name is a tribute to the community of Unio do Parque Acari, which is nothing more than the union of the areas of Acari (favela) and Amarelinho (public housing).

In 2021, were it not for the pandemic, the school would have made its third appearance in the Srie Prata, at Intendente Magalhes, with the theme: A Coroa Imperiana nos Braos do Acariense (The Imperial Crown in the Arms of the Acari Native), in honor of Madureiras Imprio Serrano.

ndio, 22, a resident of Acari, is a member and worker of the Unio do Parque Acari who paraded under the Favo de Acari flag before the merger. Now with Unio do Parque Acari, he regrets not being able to parade in 2021, and recalls all the problems the coronavirus has brought the country and samba workers: I see this year without parading as a very difficult year. It was a fatal blow for many in the samba world, for everyone in Brazil. This pandemic is destroying families, its destroying many jobs for people who need to work to survive, and its also affecting carnival workers.

ndio is the schools muse and has been parading in carnival for eight years, in addition to taking on other roles within the samba school. At Unio do Parque Acari he also works in the secretariat and makes costumes. Currently, after the 2021 carnival was canceled, he has been supporting himself with income from another job until official preparations for the 2022 carnival return. Carnival is everything to him.

I have a prominent position. I am the muse, but I didnt just dance samba. That was also my work. Thank God, I have my job today, but I used to live off that. And without carnival, I dont live. I was born to dance the samba, I was born for the samba, I grew up in samba, and in samba I will die, for sure, says ndio.

ndio also talks about the relevance of the samba school for the community: The school is important to carry the communitys name out into the world. To show people what a samba school is, to show people that the community of Acari wants fun, joy, and above all respect.

Despite his optimism regarding carnival, he points out that it is necessary to look at the festivity fearing that the spectacle might not even be held next year. I hope that when it does come back, the income will be high because, wanting it or not, the schools will have to pay for it out of pocket, because of the losses and expenses theyve had. And if they dont want to pay the samba schools, there wont be a parade next year again, he concludes.

On the other hand, Paraso do Tuiutis 1st porta-bandeira(woman who carries the samba school flag), Danielle Nascimento, talks about her work in 2020 helping members who underwent difficulties. Danielle, along with her partner, mestre-salaMarlon Flores, were invited by the mestre-salaDiogo de Jesus and porta-bandeiraRuth Alves to be a part of the Dance in Solidarity project along with eleven other couples of mestre-salas/porta-bandeirasof the special group in support of other members of the same segment who were going through financial difficulties.

1st Couple of Mestre-sala and Porta-bandeira from Beija-Flor samba School.@claudinhoms10 and @selminhasorriso#TwelveCouples # OneOnly #Flag

In the project, Danielle helped raise funds through contributions and auctions to buy food baskets and make donations for those who were left without any income. The porta-bandeira, who has a rich history in the world of samba, has been parading in front of samba schools for 32 years and had never stayed a year off the greatest of samba stages. About not parading in 2021, Daniele says, Its right not to parade down the Sambadrome during a pandemic. Its not just carnival thats stopped, its the world, and it is for a greater cause, for a just cause. Its alright, and yes the best decision is not to have parades.

She also talks about the impact of the Dance in Solidarity project in a moment of helplessness in the lives of carnival workers, Thank God we were able to help more than 200 families directly. We received very positive feedback from the families that, in addition to support given through food baskets at a delicate moment, received all of the groups affection and attention. Everyone felt remembered, and valued. But Danielle ponders: Thats our job what I regret is that most of us were left without help and support during this period. The world stopped, we dont know when we will have carnival, but the bills still come in.

Read the rest here:

No Rio de Janeiro Carnival in 2021: Voices of Carnival Workers in Acari and Beyond - RioOnWatch

Alisha Saint-Ciel|The Enterprise

BROCKTON Your professors probably didn't teach youhow influential these African Americans with ties toBrockton were. Here is a list of fivepeople that contributedto historical change.

If you're a Brockton resident you might be familiar with the Mary E. Baker school. The Baker school is named after Mary E. Baker, the first African-American to work at Brockton City Hall. She was an advocate for affordable housing and racial integration in education. She helped establish two affordable housing complexes in Brockton and assistedwith the integration ofBrockton High School. Baker herself graduated from Brockton High school in 1941, going on to get her undergraduate degree fromUMass Boston and hermaster's in education from Cambridge College.In 2008 the city of Brockton honored her by naminga freshly built school after her, the firstAfrican American woman to be so honored.

Free: Subscribe to our News Alerts or Daily Briefing to get stories like this in your inbox

Marrow was the first African-American principal at Brockton High School, serving the district from 1999 until he retired in 2005. He worked for the city for 43 years.Since retiring, Marrow is spending his free time volunteering at the Howard Foundation, which is a Brockton nonprofit that assists the elderly. In addition to his volunteer work, he is a board member of the Brockton Redevelopment Authority.

More: Black History Month: 10 Black New England history-makers and their stories

During the pre-Civil War period, renowned abolitionist Frederick Douglass spoke to people gathered under what came to be known as the Liberty Tree on High Street in downtown Brockton. The city renamed it Frederick Douglass Avenue in May 2004 in events attended by his descendant, Frederick Douglass IV. In December 2004, the storm-damaged Liberty Tree was taken down and later a plaque was dedicated there. Douglass had theremarkable experience of being born a slave but dying a free man. The social reformerand writertook the the narrative that slaves cannot integrate into society as independent citizens due to their lack of knowledge and proved it wrong. His autobiography, "Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave," which was a bestseller, introducedan entire generation of African Americans to the ideas of abolition.

Jacob Talbot was a farmer from West Bridgewater and served in the 54th Massachusetts Colored Infantry. He was the first African American regiment soldier in the Civil war. The 54th Massachusetts Colored Infantry was an extension of the Union Army and the second African American regiment. The Second Battle of Fort Wagner was their most famous battle and gained popularity in the award-winning film Glory.

Moises Rodrigues made history in Brockton when he served as the first mayor of color after the unexpected death of Mayor Bill Carpenter. His current position is city councilor at-large. He has 25 years of experience as an administrator in operations and social services and also served as the Director of Communications and Community Services for Brockton.

Originally posted here:

5 influential African Americans with ties to Brockton area - Enterprise News

Burma

Thousands of Mandalay residentsstage a sit-inprotest against the military regime on Sunday, following a deadly police crackdown aday earlier. / The Irrawaddy

By The Irrawaddy 21 February 2021

YANGONA nationwide general strike against Myanmars military regime has been called for Monday with the aim of accelerating the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against the repressive military regime, which overthrew the elected civilian government three weeks ago.

Its likely that millions of people from all walks of life will pour out onto the streets across the country, as the regimes recent deadly crackdowns against ongoing protests have outraged many people.

If it happens, Mondays general strike will go down in the countrys modern history as the second nationwide popular uprising, after the one on Aug. 8, 1988 (Four Eights), when millions of people took to the streets to defy the then Socialist regime.

The planned strike is now popularly known as the Five Twos revolution, as it will be staged on 22.2.2021. On that day, nearly every business in the country will halt operations as people join the strike. Activists and celebrities are calling on every citizen to join in.

Many shop owners and market vendors have been informing their customers since Saturday morning that they will close on Monday to join the strike.

Myanmars largest retailer, City Mart Holding, as well as Thai wholesale center Makro in Yangon and several other popular local private businesses also announced on Sunday that their businesses will be closed on Monday.

The Southeast Asian country has already seen hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets over the past two weeks to oppose the regime.

The military regime has stepped up its crackdowns on street demonstrations, beating and opening fire directly on peaceful protesters in several cities. On Saturday, at least two civilians, including a young man, were shot dead in Mandalay when riot police opened fire with live and rubber bullets on residents protecting striking government shipyard workers who had joined the CDM.

Arrests of protest leaders and civil servants who refuse to work under the military regime have also intensified this week

With the numbers of deaths and detentions at the hands of the military continuing to rise, several netizens posted on social media that the more you oppress, the more we rise.

Despite the threat of being shot, or getting arrested, thousands of Mandalay residents staged sit-in protests, and protesters across the country continued their marches and rallies on Sunday, showing their determination to take down the regime.

A General Strike Committee involving 25 organizations from different fields including political parties, labor unions, student unions, farmers unions, religious groups, womens groups, monks, doctors, lawyers and writers groups was also formed on Saturday to work for the end of military dictatorship, the abolition of the 2008 Constitution and the establishment of a federal democratic union.

The committee will form local strike committees and arrange the collective peoples struggle against the military dictatorship across the country, said committee member U Aung Moe Zaw, who is also chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS).

We cant collapse. If we drew back at this point, the military regime would intensify its crackdown. Therefore, I think it is important to unite between organizations and intensify the strike.

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Millions Expected to Join General Strike in Myanmar on Monday to Oppose Regime - The Irrawaddy News Magazine

In January, ARD, German public television, aired Season 3 of the series Charit, dealing with the history of Berlins famed hospital during the Cold War and, specifically, at the time of the building of the Berlin Wall in the early 1960s.

The series was scheduled to be broadcast last year to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the reunification of East and West Germany. Filming was held up, however, due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The first season of the series dealt with the institution at the end of the 19th century and Season 2 featured the hospital and its operations under the Nazi regime. The series has attracted millions of viewers across the globe.

Like its predecessors, Season 3 features a gripping, well-researched story line portrayed by a largely compelling array of actors depicting a combination of real and fictional characters.

Historically genuine figures include the German-Jewish paediatrician Ingeborg Rapoport (Nina Kunzendorf) and her Russian-Jewish husband, the renowned biochemist Mitja Rapoport (Anatole Taubman). The latter played a key role in developing the Charits biochemical institute from 1952 onward. The Jewish pair had been driven out of Germany by the Nazis and were then persecuted as Communists in American exile during the McCarthy era. In the early 1950s, they decided to move to East Germany (German Democratic Republic, GDR), where they did outstanding medical science work at the Charit.

Another genuine character is the head of the gynaecological clinic, Prof. Dr Helmut Kraatz (Uwe Ochsenknecht), who worked as a doctor at the Charit under the Nazis, but was able to retain his post after the war in East Germany due to his internationally recognised qualifications. The Austrian forensic physician Prof. Dr Otto Prokop (Philipp Hochmair) is also a real figure who, after the war, transferred from Bonn University to the Charit in 1956 to become the head of forensic medicine. Following German reunification in 1989-90, his autopsy protocols were used in trials concerning deaths at the Berlin Wall.

The fictional character at the centre of the series is the young doctor Dr Ella Wendt (Nina Gummich), who is transferred from Senftenberg in Brandenburg to the Charit in Berlin. She is overjoyed at the change and seizes the opportunity to advance her research into early cancer detection alongside Prokop.

The Wendt character is used to illustrate the dramatic consequences for the hospital, its staff and Berlins population resulting from the virtual overnight construction of the Berlin Wall in August 1961. Prior to the Wall, the Charit was open to patients from all of Berlin and was renowned for its excellent medical treatment. The clinic buildings in the centre of Berlin were located directly on the territory occupied for the construction of the Wall and all of their windows facing west were bricked over. Charit doctors and nurses residing in West Berlin were forced either to move to the GDR or resign.

The series, however, leaves out the historical background of the Walls construction. The fact that Season 3 restricts the Charits history in the GDR to the period when the Wall was built is problematic. Key aspects of life in the Stalinist-dominated GDRin particular the Berlin Wall, the East German secret police (the Stasi) and its economic deficienciesare regularly cited by anti-communists. It would be incorrect, however, to reduce the GDR to such features.

One cannot understand the character of the GDR and the building of the Wall without comprehending the unbridgeable gap between Stalinism and socialism. The GDR was no more socialist than postwar West Germany, dominated politically by former Nazis, was a haven of freedom and democracy.

Stalins dictatorship in the Soviet Union embodied the rule of a bureaucracy that used state nationalised property relations to advance its own privileges and stood in irreconcilable opposition to the Soviet and international working class. In the Great Terror of 1937-38, the bureaucracy murdered a whole generation of Marxist revolutionaries, and in 1943 Stalin dissolved the Communist International.

The GDR and the other Stalinist regimes of Eastern Europe were products of the postwar Yalta and Potsdam treaties, in which Stalin pledged to suppress the socialist aspirations of the international working class with the help of Communist Parties worldwide. In return, Stalinism was given control of a series of buffer states in Eastern Europe to protect the Soviet Union from encirclement by the imperialist powers. Only after the US and its allies intensified their conflict with the Soviet Union in the form of the Cold War did the bureaucracy in Moscow give its approval for the elimination of capitalist property forms in the East European buffer states, including the GDR.

The nationalisations and the introduction of a planned economy formed the basis for a number of social, cultural and scientific advances, the significance of which many people only really understood when they were wiped out following German reunification. Unlike in the Soviet Union, however, such social advances were not the result of a proletarian revolution. When the GDR regime tried to solve the problems created by its economic isolation by attacking the conditions of the working class, the latter reacted by challenging the regime. Contrary to Western (and Stalinist) propaganda, workers did not take to the streets in the GDR on June 17, 1953 to demand the restoration of capitalism. Rather, it was a genuine uprising against the Stalinist regime.

Eight years later, the building of the Wall reflected the profound crisis of the Stalinist bureaucracy. The reactionary sealing of the border between East and West, carried out by the Walter Ulbricht regime, was designed to stem the growing movement of professional workers to the West and stabilise the GDR bureaucracy.

At the same time, the Wall served to divide the working class. Contrary to the impression given in the series, the West was by no means an economic paradise. Toward the end of the 1950s, mass protests by miners took place in the Ruhr region, which lasted for years and led to the fall of the Erhard government in 1966. Seven years after the Wall was built, the biggest general strike of the postwar period took place in France, precipitating in turn mass class struggles internationally, including in Eastern Europe.

The GDR bureaucracy feared such struggles as much as the capitalists in the West. In private, both the West German government and its allies approved of the Wall and had their own interest in a stable GDR At a meeting between Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US President Kennedy in June 1961, the latter gave his approval to the measures taken by the GDR to prevent the flight of citizens from East to West. At the same time, of course, the Western powers and the West German government were quite prepared to use the building of the Wall to propagate anti-communism.

None of this background is even hinted at in the Charit series. Although the filmmakers strive to portray the characters and their motives with a certain degree of complexity, their dialogueduring such an intensely political periodremains conspicuously apolitical. The series ends up adapting to the falsification equating Stalinism with socialism.

One has to give the filmmakers credit, however, for dealing with the medical advances made in the GDR East Germany was largely cut off from access to some important international technical developments (for example, Charit had only one antiquated iron-lung machine) and medical staff continually confronted the obstructive behaviour of the state Stalinist bureaucracy, represented by the repeated appearances in the corridors of the clinic of the apparatchik Lehmann (Nicholas Reinke). Nevertheless, following the abolition of capitalist property forms, the East German health system was no longer subject to the profit motives, which dominated the pharmaceutical industry in the West.

In the GDR, for example, there was a compulsory polio vaccination program for newborn babies based on a drug developed in the Soviet Union. Infant mortality rates were extremely high in both parts of Germany after the war, but were reduced earlier in the GDR than in West Germany, which had no comparable program. Doctors from different medical disciplines worked closely together in polyclinics. There was even the possibility of gender reassignment for transsexuals at an earlier period in the East than in West Germany, as the film demonstrates with one case at Prof. Kraatzs institute.

Above all, the third season movingly depicts the commitment and humanity of Charits staff, who did everything in their power to care for patients, in the face of considerable political adversity. The gruff but kind-hearted head nurse Gerda (Hildegard Schroedter) is exemplary in this respect. Those who flee to West Berlin, after the construction of the Berlin Wall, are viewed as individuals only concerned with their own welfare and careers.

Particularly noteworthy is the role of the paediatrician Rapoport: she fights for a holistic treatment for pregnant women and newborns against resistance from Professor Kraatz. Kraatz does not hide his resentment toward Rapoport, whose dissertation was not approved by the Nazis in 1937 because of her Jewish mother.

Rapoport stresses to Kraatz the necessity of merging the two parts of the clinic, which were only connected by long pathways after the construction of the Wall. One scene in the series features a dramatic rescue operation of a premature baby with jaundice.

In an interesting conversation with the babys mother, who wants to move as quickly as possible to West Berlin to join her husband, Rapoport explains why she moved from American exile to the GDR: I never really wanted to go back to Germany, but her husband had convinced her East Germany was a different state from the country that murdered six million Jews. To the objection that this new state was not fully developed, she says: That may be, but I like the approach, the idea of togetherness, of being there for one other

In fact, Rapoport eventually achieved a breakthrough and the merger of the two hospital departments. In 1969, she was awarded the first chair of neonatology in the whole of Europe. In 2015, after a period of almost 80 years, the University of Hamburg retroactively recognised her dissertation, which Rapoport, born in 1912, personally defended in front of a panel of three professors. She died at the age of 104 and retained her socialist convictions until the end.

Dr Wendt also decides to stay at the Charit. At a cancer congress in West Berlin, she stands in for Dr Prokop and enthusiastically presents her research results. She is immediately wooed by West Berlin chief physicians who try to recruit her and, during a break, a Berlin clinic director makes the young researcher a tempting offer to work in a clinic sponsored by the pharmaceutical company Bayernaturally with a correspondingly higher salary than at the Charit.

The fact that the series third season coincides with the deadly intensification of the coronavirus crisis has a surprising, perhaps unintended effect. Viewers must unavoidably recall the desperate situation in hospitals today when Dr Wendt is suddenly faced with a triage decision. A farmer with an advanced lung condition needs penicillin as does the popular hospital caretaker Fritz, who has contracted blood poisoning. Due to a supply shortage, however, there is only one dose available. You dont want to let our Fritz die, do you? asks head nurse Gerda with a horrified look.

Back in the GDR, shortage was the reason for the lack of medicine . Today, intensive care beds, testing capacities and vaccines are lacking because of a deliberate policy of putting the profits of banks and corporations before the lives and health of the population.

Thirty years ago, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the GDR were celebrated as the end of socialism and a victory for capitalism. At that time, the current horrific toll of coronavirus deaths was unimaginable. Television audiences will draw their own conclusions. On October 3, 2020, on the anniversary of German reunification, the WSWS wrote: The Wall separated two great lies. In the East, the Stalinist bureaucrats claimed to have built socialism, and in the West, the capitalist rulers who were in personnel continuity with the Nazis, celebrated themselves as liberal and democratic.

A genuine socialist society, allowing economic, scientific and medical cooperation in the interest of all humanity, requires the collaboration of workers around the globe and the worldwide elimination of the profit system. The coronavirus disaster places this task urgently on the agenda.

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Charit, Season 3: Berlin's famed hospital during the Cold War - WSWS

I found an anecdote towards the end of The Road to 1945, the late historian Paul Addisons history of how the second world war changed Britain. It centres on Winston Churchill, Ernest Bevin then minister of labour in the wartime coalition government and thousands of soldiers setting off to mainland Europe. In June 1944, two days before the D-day landings, Churchill and Bevin went to Portsmouth to say farewell to the troops. They were going off to face this terrific battle, Bevin recounted, with great hearts and great courage. The one question they put to me when I went through their ranks was: Ernie, when we have done this job for you are we going back on the dole? Both the prime minister and I answered: No, you are not.

Despite the self-evident caveat that wars and pandemics are very different things, the parallels between the uneasy historical moment that story captures and the current phase of the Covid crisis are obvious. The past 12 months have seen a mixture of unprecedented deaths and huge collective sacrifice. Moreover, as the crisis has gone on, profound social questions that have been rattling around British politics for at least a decade about poverty, inequality, work, and housing have roared into the foreground. If some people are asking questions about a return to normal and the dashed hopes that would represent, that hardly seems unreasonable.

Eighty years ago, in the wake of campaigning and political work that had bubbled away between the wars, we all know what happened: a drive to decisively tackle want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness led first to the report on social insurance and allied services authored by William Beveridge, then to the programme enacted by the Labour government elected to power in 1945. The convulsive crisis of our own times, by contrast, has so far not produced anything even remotely similar. Worse, after a 40-year journey away from the postwar social settlement, a society of benefit sanctions, tent encampments in city centres, in-work poverty and so-called holiday hunger remains essentially unchanged, even though Covid has made the consequences for public health and our national resilience so clear.

The political conversation about these subjects is comically small. The government affects a belief in levelling up, but has not even dedicated a minister to the policy, if thats what it deserves to be called. In his supposedly big speech, Keir Starmer referenced Beveridge, the 1945 spirit and a determination that our collective sacrifice must lead to a better future, but offered nothing that really matched such grand words. A few days later, Boris Johnsons former homelessness adviser Louise Casey said it was time for a new Beveridge report, focused on the fact that the nation has been torn apart. But the current politics of poverty seem to extend little further than the pre-budget argument about the fate of last years 20 increase to universal credit, which is the only sign of a huge elephant in the national room: a welfare state that too often both sustains and deepens scarring inequality, and a benefits system that needs to be drastically changed.

Last week, I read the Joseph Rowntree Foundations latest report on UK poverty. Even before coronavirus, it explains thanks partly to the cruelties of a four-year benefits freeze incomes were falling, and falling fastest for people at the very bottom of the income hierarchy. In 2019, more than one in five of us was living in poverty, and 2.4 million, including more than half a million children, were destitute at some point in the year, an increase of about 50% compared with 2017. The proportion of people in work who were classified as also living in poverty was 13%, and among certain social groups that number was much higher: people from Pakistani and Bangladeshi backgrounds, for example, registered a figure of 34%.

Now, 5.8 million people are experiencing the impossibility of life on universal credit, up from 3 million just as the pandemic began. Rates of destitution have skyrocketed. Covid deaths and infections map tightly on to patterns of disadvantage, and the governments Joint Biosecurity Centre traces severe outbreaks in poorer parts of the country to unmet financial needs. The disproportionate effect of the pandemic on black and Asian people, linked to the grimly enduring way in which race overlaps with material disadvantage, is obvious. This is the kind of scourge that mere numbers cannot capture, along with the way the benefits system sits at the heart of a culture in which people have no choice but to take on precarious and often dangerous work, something manifested lately in thousands avoiding the test-and-trace system for fear of lost earnings and reprisals from their employers, and the overlooked issue of workplace outbreaks.

A conversation about a fundamentally different welfare state ought to fall two ways: between immediate answers to the cruelties of our current systems, and longer-term ideas about how to completely reinvent it. The former might include an end to universal credits built-in five-week wait, the abolition of the cruel and arbitrary benefit cap, and no more sanctioning. It should extend to a recalibration of housing benefit so that people including key workers can afford to live in even high-cost areas, a watershed rise in our miserable rates of statutory sick pay, and the upgrading of the minimum wage and national living wage to the so-called real living wage (9.50 across the UK and 10.85 in London), with an ongoing link to inflation.

But as a means of pushing the conversation towards fundamental change, we really need to take things back to first principles. A good example is contained in the Scottish Social Security Act of 2018. It covered only the limited range of grants and payments devolved to Holyrood, but began with a set of starting-points that, in the context of Westminsters conversations about welfare, still seem almost heretical. Social security, said the legislation, is an investment in the people of Scotland, a human right essential to the realisation of other human rights, something founded on respect for the dignity of individuals, and a public service explicitly aimed at reducing poverty.

Policies that might make such ideas a reality are not hard to find. The central place of housing in any viable welfare state ought to be restored by a long overdue drive to build hundreds of thousands of homes for social rent. A first step towards a basic income might guarantee that, say, a family of four could count on a minimum of 10,000 a year. Seizing on the logic of Rishi Sunaks furlough scheme, we might consider a European-style way of helping unemployed people back on their feet whereby benefits for those who lose their jobs are not set at a level that does not even cover basic subsistence, but calculated as a proportion of lost earnings.

A 21st-century system should reflect peoples lives not just as workers, but carers, members of support networks and volunteers. Because ours is an age of participation rather than deference and diktat, it ought to originate not in the designs of politicians and bureaucrats, but the experiences of people in the everyday world, not least those who intimately know the welfare state and how it works. This, surely, is the only convincing response to one of the key stories of the last year: people with much the same hearts and courage that Bevin observed, being let down by systems that had become so inhumane and threadbare that they were always going to lead us to disaster. If we do not start to change them now, we will not have learned even the most basic lessons of the Covid era.

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What British politicians won't admit we need to transform the welfare state - The Guardian