Category Archives: Abolition Of Work

Very late at night, nearly a decade ago, I found myself responsible for collecting money to post bail for nearly 100 people in Boston. These were all individuals who had been arrested as part of the Occupy Boston encampment. The Mass Bail Fund was still in its infant stages. Cash simply had to be collected from all those gathered. As residents of a largely Catholic city, Bostonians gravitated toward sharing their money with the man in a clerical collar. While I am a Unitarian Universalist minister, that was not the moment for theological discussion. If I needed to be seen as a priest, called father a couple of times, so be it. The funds were collected, and the people were released. But is the need for fundraising for bail coming to an end?

National attention has turned to Illinois after the passage of the Pretrial Fairness Act. As previous Truthout contributors have already noted, there is much to celebrate and yet there is still more work to be done. I find myself wondering, What is the role of people of faith and religious communities in this moment? As cash bail begins to end, how do we ensure that people are getting free and jails are closing down?

Across the country, nearly three-quarters of those held in jails are held pretrial. In Illinois, that number is closer to 90 percent, the overwhelming majority Black. As the Pretrial Fairness Act moves toward implementation, closures of county jails across the state will become an even greater political possibility. This is where faith communities can be both an asset and an obstacle.

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By now it has become somewhat common knowledge that religion, particularly Protestant Christianity, holds an enormous amount of the responsibility for creating the white supremacist mass incarceration system in the United States. Grassroots organizers, faith leaders and academic scholars have all highlighted the culpability of American religion in the crisis we live in today. With the growing prison reform and abolition movements, religious communities are playing complex roles in both expanding the carceral systems and resisting them.

Faith-based initiatives in prisons have sprung up not only in the United States, but across the globe. The Christian supremacist organization Prison Fellowship, founded by former Nixon aide Charles W. Colson, has programs in prisons all across the United States and throughout the world. These are programs that claim to return prisoners to their right relationship with Christ and ready them to be moral citizens. This multimillion-dollar nonprofit claims to be fighting to end mass incarceration, but the program model thrives on the revolving doors of prisons.

A danger facing those working to end pretrial incarceration is the development of new faith-based programs that reinforce carceral practices, Christian hegemony, white supremacy, queer/trans-antagonism, and a multitude of other oppressions. As those facing pretrial incarceration search for justification for their release, connection to problematic faith-based social service agencies can become one of the few options affirmed by the court.

What might faith communities do instead of searching for funding to run programs in collaboration with agents of the prison-industrial complex?

Muslim leaders in the Chicago-based Believers Bail Out offer a model of faith-based abolitionist organizing. Rooting themselves in the tradition of zakat, one of the five tenants of Islam that calls for solidarity and piety through the sharing of wealth, organizers encourage sibling Muslims to contribute financially to efforts that would free incarcerated Muslims. On its website, inviting others to join in, the group offers this theological reflection, Muslims using their money to free other Muslims from bondage has a long history and carries spiritual rewards. During the time of the Prophet Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, the emancipation of the enslaved, freeing those in bondage, was always considered a noble act.

As the need for cash to pay bail begins to go away, Believers Bail Out is clear that reinforcing carceral practices in faith-based programs will not be part of the groups future. In a statement released on June 22, 2020, organizers affirmed a commitment to abolition, including supporting #8toAbolition. The affirmation specifically lifts up the statement that, the end goal of these reforms is not to create a better, friendlier, or more community-oriented police or prisons. Instead, we hope to build toward a society without police or prisons, where communities are equipped to provide for their safety and well-being. Leaders in Believers Bail Out are not imagining prisons with Muslim-specific wings or Muslim-led programs that partner with the Cook County Sheriffs Department. Instead, they are connecting to the abolitionist theologies that guide work for collective liberation and freedom.

Following in the Catholic Worker tradition and the visions of Dorothy Day, the Abolition Apostles are also offering another religious alternative to faith-based carceral programs. The organizations programs are clear and invite participants to plug in with ease. Central to this work is a pen-pal program, ensuring that all those involved on the outside of prison are in authentic relationships with those behind the wall. Abolition Apostles encourages material aid and prisons visits. The group is also engaging in direct advocacy for individuals, utilizing their network to gather letters of support for parole and other efforts to secure immediate freedom. They are building out a reentry support program and have plans to create a house of hospitality for those visiting loved ones behind bars. These types of programs center the needs and leadership of those most directly affected by the violence of the prison-industrial complex. The Abolition Apostles root themselves in their Christian theology and do so with an expansive approach that welcomes theological diversity.

These existing organizations are not the only abolitionist options available for faith communities. The New Sanctuary Movement has shown the power of religious organizations offering sanctuary to immigrants/migrants resisting deportation. The sanctuary toolkit opens with quotes from sacred texts belonging to the largest three Abrahamic traditions. While specifically focused on immigration/migration solidarity, the legacy of religious communities hiding people from the state dates back to the 18th century, when some churches offered sanctuary to Black people who had escaped slavery.

Can we imagine a network of religious communities that would provide sanctuary to someone, or many someones, avoiding pretrial incarceration? Such action would be the opposite of colluding with carceral structures. Instead, providing sanctuary in this way places religious organizations in an antagonistic relationship with the state by choosing freedom and liberation for people over assimilation into the prison-industrial complex. Congregations around the country, including the First Unitarian Church in Louisville, provided safe space for protesters during the summer and fall protests of 2020. These acts of defiance prove that there is possibility and potential in faith community resistance to the prison-industrial complex.

As a parish minister, I have the blessing to serve a congregation made up of beautiful, dedicated and passionate people. We are having conversations about what it means to defund the police, practice transformative justice and imagine the possibilities of abolition. With more reforms coming to the criminal legal system, faith communities must make a choice between reinforcing the carceral state or resisting it. It is a moral imperative that we choose the side of justice, liberation and freedom.

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Faith Communities Must Stop Funding Programs That Reinforce Mass... - Truthout

Colombias ethnic discrimination reached the point that 31% of people who identified themselves as African descendants in 2005 no longer wish to identify themselves as such.

According to statistics agency DANE, some 2.9 million of Colombias population identified themselves as black in the 2018 census compared to 4.3 million during the previous one in 2005.

Colombias ethnic minorities have disproportionally been the victim of armed conflict and ethnic violence for more than 500 years, but the recent changes do not account for the more the 31% reduction in those who identify as themselves as Afrocolombian.

The 1.4 million drop is largely due to children under 15, who seem to have massively abandoned their African heritage.

In the same census, DANE estimated that the Afrocolombian minority has in fact slightly increased since 2005.

Centuries of slavery, persistent ethnic violence, and relentless discrimination appear to be the final straw for a significant portion of black youth.

The 500 years of constant humiliations, scientific and religious racism and the extreme violence may not have resulted in whitening society, but the reduction of black pride may strengthen the the sense of superiority of Colombias super caste.

The concept of white supremacy was introduced by the Spanish almost immediately after their arrival in 1500. This initially only affected native Colombians until their near extinction spurred the import of slaves from Africa.

The first African slaves arrived in Colombia in 1529, according to US historian US historian Frederick Bowser, but without consent of the Spanish authorities that didnt grant slave licenses until 1533.

The Spanish government initially only granted licenses to conquistadors who needed fighters to conquer the country, public officials who needed to maintain order and church officials.

The rapid extinction of native Colombians left the royal household without a labor force to work in the gold mines and in agriculture.

Cartagena became the main port for human property after 1595 when the Dutch and the English got involved, and the Spanish crown allowed anyone to buy African settlers.

Until Madrid allowed the free trade of human beings in 1791, state authorities strictly regulated their import to prevent the arrival of worthless human merchandise, and be able to set a fixed price per unit.

The problem was that much of the merchandise was worthless on arrival as many slaves were either near death or suffering eye defects, missing teeth, sores on the legs, phlegm, not to mention scurvy, shingles, hernias, stomach ruptures or broken ribs. Some even showed uniquely human symptoms like permanent melancholy.

State authorities introduced a measuring system, the Piece of the Indies, that allowed fixed prices per unit using a method calling palming.

People would be branded one unit if they were between 18 and 35 and taller than seven palms. People shorter than seven palms were only two-thirds of a unit, so three of them were sold as two units. Toddlers and their mothers were only one unit.

Once the people were palmed and all units were branded, the slaves were off to the market.

The Spanish empire began collapsing in 1800. King Charles IV found himself at risk of going from being the emperor of a colonial superpower to becoming a colony of France after the invasion of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1807 and the 1809 call for independence by white elites in Ecuador and Bolivia.

Ecuadorean royalist Antonio Villavicencio asked the Spanish court to allow the children of slaves to born free to prevent that the slaves will seek [freedom] themselves and even achieve it by violent and coercive means.

Villavicencios idea would also create division between slaves and their revolutionary owners, but died when Napoleon put his brother on the Spanish throne in 1810 and Bolivar stages a coup in Caracas.

Colombias slaveholders began infighting in what is now known as the Foolish Fatherland period, that allowed some slaves to escape and find liberty in slave enclaves.

Bolivars revolution failed and the general went into exile in 1815, first to Jamaica and then Haiti whose population of largely former slaves had been independent since 1804 after defeating Napoleon.

The general promised to free slaves in 1816 if they helped him overthrow colonial rule. Some 200 slaves joined Bolivars 650 men and began the liberation campaign that would expel the Spanish in 1819.

The Liberator never fulfilled his promise and controversially ordered the execution of three black commanders who helped him free Colombia.

Bust of Jose Felix de Restrepo in Sabaneta, Antioquia

Following the creation of the Republic of Great Colombia, Bolivar wrote the assembly that would compose the constitution that I implore the confirmation of the absolute freedom of the slaves, as I would implore my life and the life of the Republic.

A year later, however, the general wrote his second in command, General Francisco de Paula Santander, that he would rather see slaves acquire their rights on the battlefield, partly for their dangerous numbers to be diminished.

Will it not be useful for them to acquire their rights on the battlefield, and for their dangerous numbers to be diminished by powerful and legitimate means?

Outspoken abolitionists like Jose Felix de Restrepo were forced to compromise to destroy slavery without destroying the owners through the so-called freedom of the womb principle.

Great Colombias 1821 constitution maintained slavery, but banned the import of slaves and allowed the future children of slaves to obtain citizenship and be free.

The children of the slaves who are born from the day of the publication of this law in the provincial capitals will be free, and as such their names will be registered in the civic records of the municipalities and in the parish books.

These children, however, were still forced to carry out useful trades and professions assigned to them by their parents white owners.

In the event that because they have reached the age of eighteen the young people are relieved of the power of their mothers masters, it will be the obligation of the latter to inform the board that will be discussed later about the conduct and behavior of aforementioned young people, so that the assignment of useful trades and professions promoted with the government.

The buying and selling of slaves was banned in 1925, which provided the family of Representative Joaquin Mosquera from the southwestern city of Popayan with a lucrative business opportunity, the illegal slave trade, and a bright political future.

The granting of citizenship to the children of slaves was frustrated by Colombias first civil war, the War of the Supremes, that began literally weeks before these children were allowed to request citizenship.

At the end of the war in 1842, the government of President Pedro Alcantara decided to suspend the granting of citizenship for another seven years and impose an interim period of apprenticeship by decree.

This apprenticeship would allow slave owners to educate or instruct their slaves children about citizenship and force vagrants who escaped to join the army.

Slave owners saw no benefit in investing in their human property and preferred selling their slaves illegally in Peru. Their power was dwindling though while unrest among slaves was growing.

By 1950, authorities found that less than 600 children of slaves had effectively obtained freedom through the 1921 manumission program and tensions rose further.

Slaves began organizing public protests to demand their immediate release instead of gradual abolition, which received support from pro-democracy organizations who were inspired by a wave of revolutions in Europe.

Under pressure, President Jose Hilario Lopez proposed to abolish slavery as part of a number of reforms.

Congress agreed on May 21, 1851, that all slaves would be free on January 1 the next year.

To indemnify slave holders, they would receive bonds for slaves who werent born free that could be cashed in with interest until 1876.

Anti-abolitionist landowners from the southwestern Cauca province rose up the next day with the support of landowners from Choco and Antioquia where slavery was still common.

Minor anti-abolitionist revolts were reported in other strongholds of the anti-democratic Conservative Party like Boyaca, Tolima, Cundinamarca and Santander.

The War of 1851 ended on September 10 when the National Army defeated the latest anti-abolitionists in Rionegro, Antioquia.

Despite having lost the war, the slave owners were not defeated and convinced Congress to issue a second law, claiming the original abolition law did not compensate them for all their slaves.

The second abolition law was enacted on April 17, 1852, and made it clear that slave owners never registered slaves children and grandchildren who were born after 1821.

Congress agreed to also indemnify the slave owners for the countless people who had been enslaving illegally.

While thousands of former slaves were able to start a life in liberty, others had no option but to continue working for their former masters, but under new conditions.

Plantation owners, for example, would rent small plots of land to former slaves using a business model that would be called sharecropping after the abolition of slavery in the United States in 1865.

The Mosquera family saw their illegal slave trade racket fall to pieces and also changed their business model.

Instead of selling gold mined by their slaves they began charging former slaves for mining on their property near the Pacific port city of Buenaventura.

Famous geographer Agustin Codazzi traveled to Choco in 1953 and concluded that former slaves in the Pacific province were misusing their recently acquired freedom as they were living off agriculture and fishing in absolute independence of their former masters.

The individuals of the [African race] used to engage in the exploitation of mines; but today making misuse of the newly acquired freedom have mostly abandoned this job to live in absolute independence.

The geographer returned to the region in 1862, this time with his fellow-geographer Felipe Perez, who reported to the governor that the former slaves who had escaped exploitation lacked love for work and an ambition for the comforts of civilized life.

If this strong and robust race had a love of work and an ambition for the comforts of civilized life, they could enrich themselves quickly and exchange his miserable huts for comfortable and warm houses, the pieces of wood they use to sit for good and soft furniture; his ugly nakedness for elegant clothes, and his ignorance, or at least that of his children, for the first and most indispensable rudiments of teaching. But for this it would be necessary to work constantly on minerals, to extract the rich metal, to pile up gold (which is not lacking) in order to enjoy later a less wild and more pleasant life; and this is difficult in the present state of those populations, void of a healthy example.

Codazzi concluded that the former slaves were of a race that spends all his days in utter laziness and were of no use for the progress of the country.

Curiously, the geographers opinion echoed those of fierce anti-abolitionists like Mosquera and Representative Geronimo Torres, who in 1922 claimed that slaves were apathic, idle by nature and uneducated who, separated from the necessary vigilance of the masters to manage their conduct, would cause a fatal shock to this political body.

President Juan Jose Nieto

Codazzi and Perez had already forgotten that Colombias first and only black president, Juan Jose Nieto, hadnt even left office more than a year before their trip to Choco.

Nieto made history when he proclaimed himself president less than ten years after the abolishment of slavery, but was being removed from Colombias history books as carefully as the illegal slave trading practices of his successor, four-time President Tomas Cipriano Mosquera.

Like French writer Josephe Artur de Gobineau in his 1855 book An Essay on the Inequality of Races, Codazzi and Perez were experimenting with scientific racism, a pseudo scientific endeavor to help European descendants convince themselves they were superior than African descendants.

One pseudo-scientific belief that was relatively widespread among the urban elites in the capital, and cities lie Medellin and Cali, was that geography, and particular their cities elevated location in the Andes mountain created an environment geographical conditions that were more favorable for superior whites than those who were living in the traditional slave territories along the pacific and Caribbean coasts.

Other prominent thinkers believed that the mere existence of people other than of pure European descent in Colombia posed an existential threat to white superiority as anyone would feel entitled to the same rights and privileges.

Surely La Casas and the advisers of Carlos Quinto did not imagine that by introducing the blood of the negros in Colombia, in the form of merchandise, they were preparing for a more or less near future not only the advent of a very courageous and completely Christian democracy, but also the solution of the great problem of the mixing, to a certain extent, of the different races To throw a new race to the bottom of Colombia, implied introduce a new force there latent or passive force at the beginning, which is true but that must explode one day, after verifying its infusion in the body of the society. A new race had to be a new element of blending, of mixtures; and to create a mixed society was to prepare one of blood, the starting point of democracy of ideas and law. Anywhere races cannot claim purity, none can aspire supremacy all interests become intertwined, and the regime of equality becomes also the only possible one. To demonstrate the accuracy of this idea it is enough to remember that the creoles, the blacks and the mestizos were, since 1820, the most energetic and indomitable soldiers of the Colombian independence.

While offensive to many now, these Colombian intellectuals were pretty much of the same wavelength as their contemporaries in other parts of the world where racism science slowly began making place for eugenics, another pseudo science that that proposed Charles Darwins evolution theories could be use to better mankind.

One of the most prominent proponents of the involvement of the Church and the reestablishment of feudal classes, that included racial segregation, was former slave owner, politician and author Sergio Arboleda, who proposed the revival of an aristocracy.

In the first line we find the nobiliary aristocracy, made up of European Spaniards and white Creoles, mixed in part with the indigenous nobility. This class, although less numerous, is the only one with the moral, physical and intellectual resources necessary to give society tone and direction, and, of course, the only one responsible for the fate of the country. Next comes what we can call the middle class, to which belong the non-noble whites, the mestizos, the Indians who have risen from their ordinary situation to a higher position in society, and, finally, the mulattos and free blacks. The third class is made up of black slaves, and the last and most numerous are the tributary Indians. As a link between them all is the secular and regular clergy, which, although belonging for the most part to the white race, is strongly tinged with the other two, and is respected, revered and cared for by all.

What was particularly in Colombia ahead of the so-called Regeneration was that reactionary, anti-democratic and racist thought was fueled by conservative Catholics who claimed democracy was against Gods will unlike white supremacy.

When we speak of the colonial epoch as three centuries of servitude, and with this we say what we know of it, we show crass ignorance and stupid contempt for history and for the men who preceded us in the manner of those who here and in Europe call the Middle Ages a period of barbarism and darkness. Those were times of Christian civilization, although imperfect, in which the germs of many benefits that we now enjoy were developed.

Religion, language, customs and traditions: none of this we have created; all this we have received having come to us from generation to generation, and from hand to hand, so to speak, from the time of the conquest and in the same way it will pass to our children and grandchildren as a precious deposit and rich heritage of civilized races.

During the Conservtive Hegemony between 1884 and 1930, arguably the most destructive politician in Colombias history, Laureano Gomez, rose to prominence.

The conservative politicians quickly developed an admiration of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini and surrounded him with racists.

Gomez became convinced of the necessity to whiten society to preserve and promote civilization and prevent the Reestablishment of democracy when the Liberal Party took power again in 1930.

The politician was strongly influenced by psychiatrist Miguel Jimenez, an outspoken white supremacist and supporter of Eugenics who had dedicated an entire book to Colombias race problems.

Jimenez also believed that the different skin colors in Colombia had much to do with the altitude where people lived.

In the subtropical zone of a new continent, three racial stocks have been juxtaposed: one aboriginal and two imported in recent times (four centuries in human evolution is a very short time). Of these three ethnic nuclei, the aboriginal one is in all probability a dependency of the great Mongolian family; the other two are, one of Aryan or European extraction and the other of African origin. Thus, the three great human varieties have come together on our soil: the yellow, the white and the black.

The fascist politician, however, had an outspoken concern as he believed that the blacks would condemn any civilization to chaos, and political and economic instability.

In the nations of the Americas where blacks predominate, disorder also reigns. Haiti is the classic example of turbulent and irresponsible democracy. In countries where the Negro has disappeared, as in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay, it has been possible to establish an economic and political organization with solid bases of stability.

Other racist intellectuals shared Gomezs concern that Afrocolombians would darken or africanize the Colombians who had been able to prevent to segregate themselves from people of color.

Physician Luis Lopez believed white Colombians would be able to maintain their skin color by selective breeding, strict immigration laws that would keep all colored people out.

Jimenez proposed to test Afrocolombians blood that would allow them to recognize possible weaknesses that could be exploited in order to gradually exterminate them.

Gomez and his racist buddies would continue conspiring about possibly ethnic cleaning scenarios until Enrique Olaya was elected president in 1930 and sent the fascist to Nazi Germany.

While in Europe, the Conservative politician became a major admirer of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco until he returned in 1936 to start newspaper El Siglo, which was inspired by the anti-democratic ideals of his party and the Spanish dictator.

After his close ally Mariano Ospina, another fascist, took office in 1946 the country was slowly descending in a civil war.

Gomez took office in 1952 and tried to pass a series of Fascist bills in 1952, but was deposed by the military in 1952.

The fascist leader received political asylum in Spain until he was allowed to return in 1960. Five years later, the infamous former president was dead.

His political legacy, Laureanismo, continued to inspire fascists who would later team up with President Alvaro Uribe and concert their fascist idols profoundly racist ideology in what is now called Uribismo.

White supremacy is not limited to Colombias far-right, but has become part of mainstream culture in which Afrocolombians are excluded to take part, according to political scientist Daniela Maturana.

Afro populations have fewer opportunities. And these situations mean that they have less dialogue with academia, with businessmen, with the State, and this leads you to become invisible to society. That is why these ghettos are created in the cities, as a measure to protect themselves, because they say: the State does not look at us, neither do the businessmen, we are only good for being domestic workers or construction workers. This problem must be addressed through education, economic development and access to fundamental rights.

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White supremacy in Colombia | Part 3: the negroes multiply by themselves - Colombia Reports

This article was authored by Richard Samans, director of research at the International Labor Organization andchairman of the Climate Disclosure Standards Board. He served previously as managing director of the World Economic Forum; director-general of theGlobal Green Growth Institute; and special assistant to the president and NSC senior director for international economic affairs in the White House.

Today, March 25,is theInternational Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

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Human Trafficking

Forty million men, women, and children remain in modern slavery today, of which twenty-five million are in forced labor and fifteen million in forced marriage. The majority are women and girls, including nearly all of the 4.8 million victims of forced sexual exploitation.

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Women Around the World examines the relationship between the advancement of women and U.S. foreign policy interests, including prosperity and stability.1-2 times weekly.

The first international convention on forced labor was adopted by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1930 (Convention 29). It states that forced labor is a service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily.

The worlds only tripartite multilateral organization, the ILO celebrated its centenary in 2019, marking one hundred years of governments, workers, and employers working together to achieve social justice. Its close collaboration with the U.S. Department of Labor over the past twenty-five years has helped to expand the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) and bring ninety million children out of work.

Progress on forced labor has been slower, but the adoption in 2014 of a Protocol and Recommendation to Convention 29 has provided fresh impetus. It sends a clear message to all stakeholders and countries that forced labor and human trafficking are serious human rights violations and crimes and need to be dealt with as such.

The ILO, the International Organisation of Employers, and the International Trade Union Confederation organized the 50 for Freedom Campaign aimed at expanding ratification of the 2014 Protocol on Forced Labor.

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Human Trafficking

The campaign reached its goal just last week, on March 17, when the protocol received its fiftieth ratification. Fifty member states from all parts of the world have now committed to develop[ing] a national policy and plan of action for the effective and sustained suppression of forced or compulsory labor in consultation with employers and workers organizations.

Nevertheless, the challenge remains daunting. The COVID-19 pandemic, armed conflict, climate change, and natural disasters have put the most vulnerable members of our societies, including migrants, at greater risk. They often face physical and sexual violence as part of an atmosphere of coercion and intimidation, which can include the withholding of wages or important documents like passports, or debt bondage resulting from recruitment costs.

In many parts of the world, irregular migrants as well as most labor migrants working in lower-skilled sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, construction, and domestic work do not have access to the legal protection necessary to prevent and address such repression and abuse.

Most forms of modern slavery are motivated by the prospect of financial gain, just as during the colonial era. Unfortunately, human trafficking for labor exploitation remains a lucrative business. Every year, it generates an estimated $150 billion in profit while devastating the lives of millions of women, men, and children and undermining the vitality of national economies through the loss of taxes, remittances, and human potential.

Ours can be the generation that ends forced labor, but only if we recognize that this stubborn, complex problem requires a holistici.e., whole-of-government and multi-stakeholderresponse that begins with providing education for all, ensuring livelihood opportunities, empowering women and girls, protecting the most vulnerable, and upholding labor standards through stronger labor inspection and law enforcement.

Strengthening the voice and participation of workers is critical. Freedom of association and collective bargaining are fundamental and universal rights that help to ensure safe and healthy working conditions and enable workers to obtain a fair share of the wealth generated by the enterprises in which they are employed.

Since workers in the informal sector are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, formalization efforts are critical and can be advanced through smarter enterprise registration and regulatory practices, expanded social protection systems, and skills training and job matching services coordinated with local labor market dynamics.

Real impact comes from cross-sector collaboration and shared expertise, with businesses, governments, and civil society working together. We are already seeing this happen, with corporations in the same sector sharing best practices and collaborating with organizations that specialize in the fight against slavery. A growing number of firms perceive forced labor as a serious risk to their operations and reputations, and they are exercising greater diligence in their recruitment strategies and processes.

As important as preventive measures like these are, we also have to protect victims. This means doing a better job of identifying and freeing them as well as providing shelter, medical care, and psychological support. Access to justice and compensation is essential, as are ongoing efforts to expand access to quality basic education, training, and decent work. This also requires standardized procedural guidelines, common operational indicators, national referral mechanisms, and overall coordination. In assisting policymakers, better data and targeted research are central to guiding more effective policies and practices.

Slavery remains a cross-border phenomenon, so improved international coordination and cooperation are essential. A prominent example is Alliance 8.7, a global multi-stakeholder partnership committed to achieving Target 8.7 of the Sustainable Development Goals, which requests immediate and effective measures to eradicate forced labour, end modern slavery and human trafficking, and secure the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labour and by 2025 end child labour in all its forms. Alliance 8.7 seeks to accelerate progress by scaling effective solutions, driving innovation, and leveraging and maximizing the impact of resources.

The United States has taken a leading role in the fight against forced labor and human trafficking through its trade policy, development assistance, and the State Departments annual Trafficking in Persons report. It could build on this record by promoting stronger country-level employment frameworks that protect labor rights and enforce fair recruitment practices, as well as ratifying the ILO forced labor convention and its accompanying 2014 protocol.

Today, March 25, marks the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. The abolition of slavery and forced labor was one of the first human rights struggles in modern history. Grounded in an abiding commitment to human dignity and social justice, its fundamental vision remains unfulfilled but can be realized within the next decade through the intensified collaboration of all states and stakeholders.

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Collaborating to Break the Cycle of Modern Slavery - Council on Foreign Relations

Chiaravalloti is seeking a fourth term in the state Assembly.

Chiaravalloti is seeking a fourth term in the state Assembly.

Assemblyman Nicholas Chiaravalloti, abandoned by Bayonne Mayor James Davis as the Democratic primary nears, plans to reply to Davis the old-fashioned way: at the polls.

In late February, Davis told Chiaravalloti and the Hudson County Democratic Organization (HCDO) about his decision to no longer support Chiaravalloti for the Assembly seat for the 31st Legislative District, which encompasses Bayonne and parts of Jersey City.The move bumped Chiaravalloti from the Democratic line on the ballot.

The power to determine who gets the line is formally held by the Hudson County Democratic Party Chairperson, Amy DeGise. However,Hudson County political tradition holds that the mayors of cities or towns in the legislative district have the power to choose state assembly and state senate nominations.

In 2007, Chiaravalloti ran off the line but lost. He was elected to his present term in the assembly in 2016.

First nominated by Davis in 2015 after his election to mayor in 2014, Chiaravalloti is seeking his fourth term.He ran for the seat after Davis similarly used his power not to endorse the incumbent Assemblyman at the time, Jason ODonnell.

Still running

Davis has held firm even after entreaties to reconsider by Gov. Phil Murphy and the Democratic legislators for whom Chiaravallotti serves as Majority Whip. So Chiaravalloti has officially announced he is running for reelection.

Chiaravalloti has been asking residents to sign his petition to be on the ballot for the upcoming Democratic primary in June. The filing deadline for candidates to submit petitions of nomination is April 5.

From securing funding for Bayonnes schools, the walkway project, and thepedestrian bridge over 440, to raising the minimum wage, establishing the Community CollegeOpportunity Grant Program, revising civil asset forfeiture procedures, providing pre-k for all andstanding up for our senior citizens and immigrant brothers and sisters, I am proud of thepragmatic, progressive record of results we have achieved, Chiaravalloti said in a statement.

I am in public service because I love my community, and I am filing my petitions to seek re-election to the Assembly because I want to continue to make Bayonne, Jersey City and Hudson County an even greater place to live and work.

Primary challenge

The Assemblyman will face off for the Democratic nomination against challenger William B. Sampson IV. Chiaravalloti was poised to run unopposed in the upcoming primary until the sudden turn of events.

After much speculation, Davis announced Sampson will be the new candidate for state Assembly for the 31st Legislative District.

Sampson, who graduated from Bayonne High School in 2007, is a crane operator for Global Container Terminal in Bayonne.If Sampson wins the seat, he will be the first Black legislator to represent Bayonne in the state Assembly.

It is still not clear why Davis decided to drop Chiaravalloti ahead of the June primary. Chiaravalloti was seen as a longtime political ally of Davis until recently.

Abolish the line?

As a result of the conflict between Davis and Chiaravalloti, the HCDO has been facing calls to end the line. The Jersey City Council recently passed a resolution endorsing the abolition of party lines on primary ballots in the interests of fair elections.

According to the resolution, sponsored by Ward E Councilman James Solomon, New Jersey primary election ballots are configured to stack the deck for certain candidates at the expense of others, thereby undermining the integrity of elections and hindering our democracy.

The resolution comes after a March 6 letter sent to Chair of the Hudson County Democratic Committee Amy DeGise by members of the Hudson County Democratic Organization asking for a special meeting to propose changes to their bylaws to end the line endorsement as well as lift the binary gender cap for individuals running for county committee.

The Jersey City Council passed the resolution with only two votes. Solomon and Councilman-at-Large Rolando Lavarro voted in favor of the resolution while the other four council members abstained.

In Bayonne, local officials did not get involved when the matter was a topic of discussion at the March 17 city council meeting. Controversial former candidate for city council Peter Franco brought a resolution before the city council, practically the same as the one passed by Jersey City, calling for the abolition of the line.

However, no member of the council spoke nor moved to vote on the resolution. There was no further conversation on the matter.

As June approaches, the silence from local officials may change as the fight over the Assembly seat in the 31st Legislative District undoubtedly heats up.

For updates on this and other stories, check http://www.hudsonreporter.com and follow us on Twitter @hudson_reporter. Daniel Israel can be reached at disrael@hudsonreporter.com.

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Chiaravalloti officially announces reelection bid - The Hudson Reporter

Previously, everyone and their cousin made their way to Coryana despite it being super hard to find, the Bat Team discovered Ryans favorite plant was actually Desert Rose in disguise, and Kate Kane was officially declared dead. In this weeks on Batwoman recap Wildmoore gets a new shipper as Sophie gets a new wingwoman. Read on!

I dont ask for a lot. Id just like one episode of this show where Mary doesnt cry. It looks like Im not getting my wish today, because Julia, Luke, Sophie, Jacob, and Mary are all at a cemetery holding a funeral for Kate while Ryan writes her one last letter. Ryan cant go to the funeral herself, so she honors Kate the best way she knows how: with her words and her favorite miracle cure plant. Thanks to both Kate and the Desert Rose, Ryan got a second chance; and shes going to use it officially be Gothams Batwoman. I have no idea whats going to happen if and when Kates family realizes shes not actually dead, but I do know that the Kate they knew and loved will live on in their hearts. May your memory be a blessing, Kate.

Oh and Black Mask has Kate prisoner and tells her that her family declared her dead. Surely thats fine.

Its one month later, and before he heads into a budget meeting, Commissioner Forbes is answering questions from Gothams one (1) reporter about the citys Snakebite problem. Before he can demand more money to patrol Black neighborhoods (which is what I assume happens in those meetings), a young Black woman stops him to explain exactly what defunding the police means (spoiler alert its not about taking away all of their precious money). Forbes would rather complain about graffiti on city buildings than actually have a conversation, and he tells the woman if she has a problem with the way hes doing his job, maybe she should run instead. We love a Black woman in power, but WHY DO WE HAVE TO CLEAN UP ALL OF YOUR MESSES?! Ahem. Anyway.

When Ryan and Mary moved in together, this is exactly the scene I hoped wed get. Two friends, bonding over sweet potato pancakes and having heart-to-hearts about leaning on each other when they needed it the most. Mary has had a Time since Kates funeral, and Ryan has been there for her, no questions asked; except maybe when Mary will replace the ice cream she ate. They hear a knock at the door and its Angelique, here to apologize? This definitely isnt the point, but homegirl didnt even wait for Mary to say come in before she just sauntered into the apartment, so if you werent already on notice Ang, that would have done it. Mary gives Angelique a very cute yet threatening stare down before leaving the two alone because while she respects their privacy, she will absolutely cut a bitch if they mess with her girl. I just love Mary so much, yall.

RYAN AND MARYS FRIENDSHIP IS VERY IMPORTANT TO ME DOT TUMBLR DOT COM

These pancakes are good, but Ill drop them in a second if you hurt my girl.

Angelique apologizes to Ryan and tells her that even though she couldnt fight to keep her in the past, she wants to do that now. Ryan holds her ground though; shes finally turning her life around and the only way the two of them work is if Angelique gives up dealing. Ang promises shes ready to do that while I give her my best side-eye.

And hows Alice handling the death of her sister, you ask? Not well, friends. Shes back in the room where she was kept prisoner for all those years, reciting Humpty Dumpty: the I Thought My Sister Was Dead But Then Was Told She Wasnt So I Went to Coryana to Kill Her Myself and Then the Queen I Have Sexual Tension With Told Me My Sister Was Never There and Was Declared Dead *Remix*. Before long, Alice is joined by young Kate, who shes apparently invited there for tea.

This isnt what I meant by spill the tea but okay.

Meanwhile, the Commissioners budget meeting is finally over and I guess so is his life, because a gang drives up and murders him on the steps of City Hall. Theyre not alone though; the woman from earlier is in the process of tagging the building and sees the whole thing go down.

The next day, everyones favorite reporter is interviewing Lorna Corbetts husband from Bomb Girls, aka businessman Roman Sionis, about the murder of the commissioner. Sionis has a makeup empire, which would explain his unsettling lack of pores. Like most white businessmen, Sionis thinks hes the solution to the citys problems, and offers his help to the Gotham police force against masked vigilantes.

Meagan Tandy had herself an EPISODE and yall, Sophie is ON ONE right now. She storms into Crow Headquarters and demands all of the information they have on the murder. She had me scrambling for footage in my own apartment before I remembered none of this is real and also she works for The Man. Women in power. Whew. The Bat Team is watching the same footage as the Crows and they realize someone scrubbed five minutes from the tape. Ryan notices that someone was tagging the building as the murder happened and Mary found the artist faster than you could say Whats a finsta?

Which one of yall spray painted Crowphie on my office?!

Quick pause to appreciate the wardrobe department for this episode. Thank you for your service.

Her name is Wynonna and she hunts demons, you say?

While Luke does some clicky clack computing to find the artists identity, the team does a little gossiping about She Who Interrupts Roomie Breakfast. Mary does that loyal friend thing where she asks Ryan if we are taking Angelique back, and its all so cute and their friendship is really important to me, okay?! Luke finds the tagger; a woman named Jordan Moore. Yup, that Moore.

Sophie, still high off power, is leaving Big Daddy Kane a voicemail and gets into her car without checking the backseat like some kind of amateur. Jordans in the backseat. HER SISTER JORDAN is in her backseat and admits to seeing the Commissioner get gunned down. Sophies ready to march Jordan upstairs to take her statement, but Jordan refuses. She knows its over for her as soon as the Crows know her name. A guy in a mask breaks the car window and before Sophie can shoot him, Batwoman shows up to save them, much to Jordans apparent awe.

They realize the False Face Society is after Jordan, and Batwoman knew where shed be because she knew she tagged City Hall the night before. Like a Big Sister does, Sophie immediately chastises Jordan. I dont have a sister, so this doesnt necessarily speak to my experience, but Jordan and Sophies relationship feels so authentic. It reminds me of Jennifer and Anissa Pierce in season one of Black Lightning. Theres an ease and a love with which both sets of sisters crack on each other that is so fun to watch. Jordan says, Girl, so not the point right now in a way that you KNOW shes said before. I promised myself I wouldnt spend this entire recap yelling, BLACK WOMEN THOUGH!! but in this scene (and another later), we get three Black women sharing screentime, and two of them are queer main characters on a network superhero drama. I didnt know I was allowed to want this when Black Lightning entered my life, and for it to be happening again? Teenage Nic is screaming right now.

Jordan tells Batwoman everything she saw that night, including that the driver of the getaway car was a woman wearing a babydoll mask (gross) and gold key bracelet. Angelique, you in danger, girl.

I know, all three of us in one frame. Its wild, right?

Back at Alices tea party, she insists that nothing happening is real and Fake Kate confirms it because reality is the last thing Alice wants right now. Alice created this version of Kate because when they were little, Kate is the one who got them out of the trouble Alice caused. And right now, the trouble Alice needs getting out of, is her pain.

Meanwhile, Ryan pounds on Angeliques door and demands answers about who killed the commissioner. Rather than deny it, Angelique wants to know who else knows shes involved. She claims she asked to leave and they wanted her to do this last thing even though she wanted nothing to do with it. Ryan wants her to snitch on the real killers and promises to protect her because she knows Batwoman. Yall, the breath I held when I thought she was about to reveal her identity. Angelique says shell think about it.

As a Batwomansupporter

Luke is none too pleased that Ryan gave Ang time to think. If Angelique testifies though, Jordan doesnt have to, and she stays safe. Dear sweet Ryan is convinced Angelique is going to do the right thing, but even Mary is hesitant this time because shes been through this before with Kate who constantly justified Alices actions. She knows that even though Angelique isnt Alice, no one is ever Alice until they are because someone let them be. The writing in this episode is some of the best Ive ever experienced. Whew.

Next page: Girls night out!

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Batwoman Recap: Wildmoore and Abolition Are Jordan's Plans in "Rule #1" - Autostraddle

Political Report

Racial justice protests rocked the city last year. Activists see next weeks mayoral race as a chance to take a new path.

The racial justice uprisings of last summer, along with the COVID-19 pandemic, have turned mayoral races across the country into a focal point amid demands for leadership committed to representing marginalized communities.

In Omaha, Nebraska, a city rocked by protests against police violence, some see the upcoming mayoral election as an opportunity to chart a new course on policing, public safety, and racial equity.

Protests erupted in Omaha last year after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd, and again in November when Omaha police fatally shot Kenneth Jones, a Black man, during a traffic stop. Police crackdowns on the protests and the murder of a Black demonstrator by a white man known for bigotry further escalated tensions and fueled demands to defund police.

Mayor Jean Stothert, a Republican who first took office in 2013 and is seeking her third term, instead proposed to increase police funding. Now the Omaha Police Officers Association, which did not endorse a mayoral candidate in 2017, is backing Stothert.

This is us rewarding loyalty for a mayor who has stood with us, announced the associations president, Sgt. Tony Conner.

Local activists are rallying behind two Democratic challengers: criminal justice reform advocate Jasmine Harris and school board member Kimara Snipes. The election of either Harris or Snipes would give Omaha its first Black female mayor. Both candidates have spoken about the need for a more holistic approach to public safety that recognizes the root causes of crime that simply increasing policing doesnt address.

Two other Democratic candidates, high school teacher Mark Gudgel and real estate firm owner RJ Neary, will also appear on the ballot for the nonpartisan April 6 primary. The top two vote candidates will move onto the May general election

When were talking about the city [government], this entity thats supposed to represent us, it needs to have the same work ethic and reflect the diversity and the makeup of the people who are doing the work, said Dawaune Lamont Hayes, founder of a community-led local news outlet, North Omaha Information Support Everyone (NOISE). Because were out here, and were making it happen.

Hayes launched a short-lived bid for Omaha mayor with a wide-ranging platform that included restorative justice, equitable transportation, and environmental sustainability. They withdrew from the race after not receiving enough verified signatures to get on the ballot, but that has not deterred them from becoming a driving force for voter engagement along with local grassroots groups.

No matter who wins this years municipal elections, Hayes said, we still need an engaged electorate thats going to hold those people accountable. Hayes is among the activists supporting Harris and Snipes, describing them as brilliant coalition-building women who have offered incredible ideas.

Public safety is a key issue in this race. More than 36 percent of the citys budget goes to policing. During heated fiscal debates last summer, Omaha City Council president Chris Jerram proposed a measure to remove $2 million that Stothert added to the police budget and put it toward mental health services and employment training. The council shot it down, but then passed an amendment to pull $1.8 million from the citys cash reserves to fund those services. Stothert vetoed the amendment saying it would be reckless and irresponsible to take money from the contingency fund during a pandemic.

Harris said one of her first priorities as mayor would be to review all agency budgets to identify programs that need reworking for greater efficiency and equity. She said the police department is no exception.

When people talk about public safety, theyre always saying we need to add more police to keep the public safe, said Harris, who works as the advocacy and policy director for RISE, a statewide organization that supports people coming out of prison and advocates for initiatives to reduce incarceration. But at the end of the day, everybody doesnt feel safe with the police. So we need to ensure that public safety encompasses everyone. And for me thats taking on a preventative and proactive approach.

Harris said she would work to decriminalize activities that traditionally have led to interactions with police, like panhandling. She also wants to demilitarize the police by restricting their use of riot gear and chemical weapons. To ensure police accountability, there should be a transparent misconduct process where our community members know whats going on along the way, Harris explained. That means creating an independent police oversight board. So that way, they have authority to be able to do investigations and to have the discipline afterwards.

Harris wants to see the Omaha Police Departments behavioral health and wellness unit further expand and receive proper funding and support. Last year, Omaha implemented a program that pairs precincts with mental health co-responders. The program debuted shortly before the city settled with the family of Zachary Bear Heels who was shot with a Taser and beaten while handcuffed in June 2017. He was having a mental health crisis and died as a result of the officers conduct.

Harris pointed to the CAHOOTS program in Eugene, Oregon, and the STAR program in Denver as models she supports. These programs send mental health responders to some emergencies instead of, rather than alongside, police.

Snipes, an elected member of the Omaha Public Schools Board, told the Political Report in an email that she would take a holistic approach to public safety, including expanding the role of mental health professionals.

To be a 21st century city, we need to jettison 20th century politics, wrote Snipes. That means we need to show an openness to change and innovation.

Snipes wants to establish an all-civilian police oversight board. And she told the Political Report that public safety requires addressing the root causes of crime, including unemployment and underemployment, mental health, homelessness, poverty and inequities.

During a forum held by the League of Women Voters of Greater Omaha this month, Snipes criticized the mayors handling of protests. The people should not have to wait on leadership, said Snipes. [Mayor Stothert] showed she was out of touch with the community when we were dealing with the social justice protests.

NOISE reported last month that the ACLU of Nebraska obtained emails showing the city of Omaha and police had coordinated surveillance of racial justice organizers. Lieutenant Sherie Thomas told NOISE via email that officers acted in consultation with the citys legal department to determine which sources of intelligence they could legally access.

The events they monitored were generally regarded as protected First Amendment activities, including a sidewalk chalking event, a former NOISE reporters livestream of a City Council meeting, and a prayer vigil for James Scurlock, a Black protester killed by a racist white bar owner.

Omaha Abolition Research (OAR) is among several local groups that have pushed for the city to move away from policing. In an email, the group told the Political Report that in different neighborhoods, safety differences are not correlated with police presence. Safety is correlated with economic stability or instability and the continued impact of class and racial divides.

OAR named affordable and safe housing, transportation access, a clean environment, and access to food and healthcare as some of the things that make a neighborhood safe. OAR added that Omahas status as a city with a large per capita share of millionaires enables wealthy people to disproportionately influence the citys priorities.

Omaha would benefit greatly from a participatory budgeting process so that middle and lower class residents are able to have a voice in how public funds are allocated, explained the OAR team.

Participatory budgeting is underway in Seattle, where community organizers and elected officials are using the process to reallocate funds cut from the police budget. Harris said in a forum in January that she would like to use participatory budgeting to let the community members decide how funding will be spent.

That could lead to investments in housing and transportation, which Harris named as two major issues affecting residents in the city.

In Omaha, people live in one area and jobs are in another, Harris explained. And our public transportation isnt set up to conducively get people from their home to their job, or back from their job to their home if they have a late shift. She pointed to the struggle to find living wage jobs as a key challenge for many community members, particularly people who were formerly incarcerated.

Snipes expressed a similar concern during the League of Women Voters forum, citing a shortage of approximately 80,000 affordable housing units. She referenced a study from the Sherwood Foundation that found that the shortage is concentrated in majority-Black North Omaha.

Gudgel echoes these stances. He told the Political Report that tackling issues like affordable housing, better public transportation, and access to higher education is the way to address the poverty that breeds crime. Gudgel also expressed an interest in having an independent police review board, decriminalizing marijuana, and demilitarizing the police. Military grade weapons, such as tear gas, should never be allowed for use against civilians, Gudgel wrote in an email.

But Gudgels commitment to racial equity was called into question this month when anti-Black Lives Matter comments made by one of his primary campaign donors came to light. Gudgel, who is white, apologized and cut ties with the donor.

Neary, who has raised the most campaign funding among those challenging Stothert, did not respond to requests for an interview.

Despite Nearys financial advantage, Hayes is skeptical he could beat Stothert in the general election. They make the case that Neary lacks the grassroots support necessary to build the kind of multiracial coalition they think it will take to win. The campaigns that Snipes and Harris are running are emblematic of Omaha politics shifting toward electing a mayor that represents the people, Hayes said.

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This Election Could Transform Policing in Omaha - The Appeal

Published 29 March 2021

If the Scottish Governments current social housing target is achieved, the net growth in Scotlands social rented housing stock will be around 25,000 homes over the lifetime of the programme allowing for demolitions and sales, according to theChartered Institute of Housings annual UK Housing Review 2021 (UKHR).

The Scottish Governments 35,000 social homes target has been stalled due to restrictions placed on the construction sector during the pandemic, although the Government has committed to completing the remaining homes over the next year.

The growth in social rented homes is in contrast to the rest of the UK and UKHR figures show that affordable homes delivered per 10,000 population in 2019/20 reached 17.0 in Scotland compared to 14.5 in Northern Ireland, 10.2 in England and 9.3 in Wales.

However, UKHR figures also raise some concerns with affordability showing that the average weekly local authority rent in Scotland has increased from 67.45 in 2015 to 75.44 in 2019. For housing associations, the average weekly rent has increased from 80.99 to 87.98 during this time. These figures do not take into account the issues created by the pandemic and the likely long term financial impact for tenants and social landlords.

Callum Chomczuk, national director of CIH Scotland, said: The Scottish Government and the housing sector have much to be proud of, with the abolition of Right to Buy and a clear ambition to invest in affordable homes that will alleviate poverty, support better health and wellbeing and create jobs across the country we are finally seeing a return to growth of social housing.

We were pleased to see the importance of social and affordable housing reflected in the Scottish Governments long term strategy for Housing to 2040 published on 15 March. A new ten year target to deliver 100,000 social and affordable homes from 2022 will allow social landlords to plan ahead and work with communities to create energy efficient, accessible and adaptable homes in places where people want to live.

However, if these homes are to be truly affordable, we must ensure that subsidy levels reflect the cost of building high quality homes with better indoor and outdoor space standards, zero carbon technology and digital connectivity. The costs cannot be passed onto social tenants, many of whom are on low incomes or insecure employment.

We look forward to working with the Scottish Government and other stakeholders to ensure we realise the ambition that every person in Scotland can assess a home that meets their needs.

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Affordable housing investment results in net growth of social housing in Scotland, finds UKHR - Scottish Housing News

TV: Would it be safe to say that people should keep that same energy?

MK: Of course, people should always keep the same energy. I mean, I don't believe in burning yourself out. I do believe that, you know, you should take breaks and enjoy your life and do a whole bunch of other things too. It's not a 24/7 struggle. And I think we should be counting on, like, a relay race where people tag in and tag out as they need to. But in order for that to really work, we have to have many more people we have to be organizing with. How are we going to incorporate more people and how are we going to do political education with more people? How are we going to get a cohesive vision of a world that we want to inhabit with more people? So that's the work. That's the work going forward. And it's always been the work.

TV: The uprising last summer was one of the most widespread in recent history. What do you see as the most enduring legacy of the 2020 rebellion?

MK: I think it's hubris to suggest that we can tell you what's coming out of a thing that's so recent that's still in play. It's not like people have stopped organizing; [there are] people in Minneapolis on the streets right now around Derek Chauvin's trial. Everything that's going on has an origin and a legacy. And if you understand that, I feel like you're a lot more patient because we're not on the same time clock. I'm on a 500-year clock; I'm not on a seven-month clock. And I think the temporality of organizing and the temporality of living should condition you to be humble because you don't know how what you're doing today will impact the future, or if it will impact the future. You just do the work now by asking better questions than what you were asking six months before then. That's the best we can do.

TV: When prison revolts happen, what can non-incarcerated people do to show support and solidarity?

MK: Take your lead from those folks on the inside. They usually always have demands that they put out for outside people to amplify and support. And there are currently lots of outside organizers who are partnering up with incarcerated resisters and incarcerated comrades who are taking action. So follow their lead. That's my answer.

TV: Lastly, have you felt despair through all of this? If so, what advice would you give to yourself that could be helpful to others who may be feeling despair around abolition and hope that things will change?

MK: My response is that, no, I'm not ever really despairing. I have been disappointed. I have been frustrated. I have been angry. I have all those feelings. But despair for me feels like throwing in the towel and [thinking] like nothing can change. And I know that's not true. I think even people who feel despair sometimes also know that's not true. I think you should find the thing that resonates with you and hold onto that and keep reminding yourself that you're not alone. There are people in every corner of the world struggling to make the world just a tiny bit better for themselves, their families, and their communities, and the fact that we don't know all those people is actually super comforting, because it means that there are enough of us doing this work.

If you are a young person, you definitely have so much to offer and to bring to the world. Your ideas and your thoughts and your dreams and all those things matter so, so much. And I hope you'll bring your stone to the pile, too, and keep building.

Want more from Teen Vogue? Check this out: Beyond the Hashtag: How to Take Anti-Racist Action in Your Life

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Mariame Kaba, Abolitionist and Author, on We Do This Til We Free Us - Teen Vogue

By Cait Kemp@caitlinkemp09

As part of the Day To Confront Racism series that took place on Thursday, March 25, Springfield College hosted a panel discussion titled, John Brown: The City of Springfield Connection to this Abolitionist and Accomplice. The workshop panelists included Joseph Carvalho III, Daryll Moss, and William Nash and was moderated by Assistant Professor of History, Ian Delahanty.

The Day to Confront Racism was on March 25, which is also International Day Of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. The goal was to not let this important day go by without conversation, so the Day to Confront Racism was created in order to acknowledge the important stories dealing with racism that involve Springfield College and the surrounding area. Guest speakers of all different perspectives and experiences were brought together to discuss these important topics for students and faculty to listen in and learn.

Panelist Joseph Carvalho III is the co-editor of the Springfield Republican newspaper Heritage Book Series, and was the former president and executive director of the Springfield Museums. He also authored and edited multiple books in the Heritage Book Series.

The next panelist was William Nash, professor of American Studies and English and American Literatures at Middlebury College. He is also the author of multiple books and the recipient of three grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Lastly was Daryll Moss who rounded out the trio of panelists for the midday workshop. Moss is the executive director of Afro Renaissance Arts Society in Springfield, and was previously the director of Constituent Services, also in Springfield.

The workshop focused on the significance of abolitionist John Brown and his involvement with the city of Springfield. John Brown is probably most well known for his raid of Harpers Ferry and seizure of the federal army and arsenal there. With just several supporters he rallied to join him, Brown strove to acquire weapons to distribute to slaves and freedom fighters, and spark similar movements throughout the country. Unfortunately, his intentions did not go exactly as planned and Brown and his supporters were soon taken back over by the US Marines and Robert E. Lee. For his valiant efforts to support slaves and the African American population, he was put on trial and sentenced to death.

What many might not know about Brown is his affiliation with Springfield and the work he did not just for the community, but in conjunction with them. Brown was in Springfield from 1846 to 1849, and came back periodically throughout the years after that.

He came to Springfield because of the established black community that already existed, which included the Old Yankee African American population as well as groups that came from the Midatlantic states and some of the south atlantic states. It was this wave of a new group who created the first African American church in Springfield, which was thriving at the arrival of Brown.

The unique thing that many might overlook is the fact that Brown did not build this community by himself, but became a part of it because of its already established leadership. Brown was able to help this community become even more successful than it already was through his devout efforts of abolition, and his radical empathy, as Nash described it during the workshop.

We can think about radical empathy as being more than just the idea of putting yourself in someone elses place, or walking in someone elses shoes, and taking actions that will not only help that person but will also ultimately change and improve our society, said Nash. For me when I think about John Brown in Springfield I think about the enactment of those ideas.

Brown was an abolitionist through and through. A lot of times in history we see people who believed in the abolition of slavery, yet still had racist tendencies or believed African Americans were beneath whites in some way. However, Brown truly believed that African Americans should be as free as he is, and he fought for that cause for much of his life.

Frederick Douglass, the famed escaped slave who became a leading abolitionist in the north, visited the church in Springfield and met Brown who really influenced his thinking on the end of slavery. Brown told him that the only way out of slavery was violence and war, and showed him his plan to create a corridor into the South for slaves to come and have the ability to defend themselves.

On reflecting his meeting with Brown, Douglass wrote, Though a white gentleman, he is in sympathy with the black man and is deeply interested in our cause as though his own soul had been pierced with the iron of slavery.

I think perhaps his intensity of advocacy against evil, and when we confront evil society its going to take people to commit to a great deal to fight it, and [Brown] is an example of it, said Carvalho on the takeaway of Browns abolition work.

Moss proposed the comparison of Browns ideals and the American racial climate we live in today, making audience members consider the similarities and differences of racism in the 1800s versus now.

Even today, Brown comes up a lot in conversations in discussing allyship with the black community, and what that should look like in order to create effective movements and relationships.

A real ally is one whos willing to put blood, life, family on the line to ensure that his neighbor is just as free as he is, said Moss.

The panel provided an important discussion about empathy, being an ally, and understanding the impact that both of these things can have on the issues with racism that is still so prevalent in our world today. Insight from many different perspectives was provided, and it was an engaging way to learn more about racism for students, faculty, and members of the Springfield College community.

Photo: Springfield College

The Past is the Present focuses on impact of 1619 Project

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Springfield's connection to John Brown, Abolitionist and Accomplice - SC Student Media

Giada Lagan traces the history ofcivil society organisations in Northern Ireland and explains why their work in tackling youth unemployment is being put at risk both by the pandemic and Brexit.She writes that, other than funding, what must also be maintained is the promotion of values necessary for such organisations to continue developing future connections, training, education and solidarity.

It has long been said that, during the period of violent unrest and beyond, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) have been the glue holding Northern Ireland together. CSOs have had a significant impact in tackling issues from the bottom up and in shaping public, cross departmental youth unemployment policies and politics. Over the years, organisations focused on youth unemployment specifically have formed a much larger proportion of all civil society organisations in Northern Ireland (47.9%) than they have in Scotland (21.1%), Wales (15%) and England (5.5%). Why does Northern Ireland present such an anomaly in the youth work wider UK context?

To investigate the genesis of CSOs role in the field of youth unemployment, it is necessary to first historicise multidimensional context of conflict and division. Since its establishment in 1920, the Parliament at Stormont has behaved like an independent legislature. Inequalities appeared as the result of institutionalised routines, which were only strengthened when British troops were sent to Northern Ireland in 1969 to take over some of the roles which the police could no longer perform. In 1970, when British troops started to operate under the Special Powers Act, they were immediately identified by the nationalist community as relating to Stormont rule, and this eventually led to rioting and civil strife. Subsequently, the abolition of the Parliament in 1972 and the imposition of direct rule from Westminster ended half a century during which the unionists had operated a virtual monopoly of power.

Northern Irelands ambiguous constitutional status and the inequalities entrenched within it made it impossible for the nationalist community to identify with the states institutions. Catholics resented the sacrifice of their identity to political expediency by both Ulster Unionism and Irish separatism; driven by fears of absorption, they started a long tradition of autonomous local community work. The first republican networks and CSOs were born during the conflict, as these were the only groups perceived as trustworthy and able to take care of the communitys most basic needs. Employment and education of young people were at the core of this work. Unionist CSOs developed later, as they were more aligned to the state or to one of the many established churches (the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church).

The work of CSOs continued to evolve after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The GFA constitutional template, with its three interlocking strands, is complex, elaborate, and purposefully ambiguous because it is the outcome of negotiations between a variety of political actors with very different preferences. The Agreement accorded considerable salience to the role of CSOs, pledging continuing support and enhanced financial assistance for the work of reconciliation, especially among young people facing particular development difficulties. Moreover, the GFA recognises the importance of employment for the reintegration of former political prisoners within Northern Irish society. Such provisions have formally institutionalised processes for structuring politics and systems of public policymaking from the bottom up, consciously fragmenting political and institutional power by creating interdependent institutional layers. The expectation was that if these new institutions and ways of pushing for social change became embedded, all of the various political actors, regardless of their preferences, would become locked into a cooperative set of institutions in which the costs of exit would be very high.

The problem that the GFA negotiators could not foresee was the intermittent existence of the executive power-sharing institutions. The desired new cooperative framework should have been filtered by the new establishment, but political and symbolic divisions are still compromising the work and (too often) the existence of the Northern Ireland executive. Such circumstantial condition has de facto increased civil-society reliance on the voluntary sector. CSOs, in the absence of an executive, are the main representatives of peoples and especially young peoples needs from the bottom up.

Finally, we need to account for the impact of EU peacebuilding. This has generally been overlooked by existing analysis, with some notable exceptions. Through economic instruments such as the INTERREG the PEACE programmes the EU was able to fund, create, and develop new ways of working together. These programmes were an especially unique peacebuilding instrument aimed at empowering CSOs to take a more active part in the public policymaking process. They created new alliances and new partnerships between the statutory, private, and voluntary/community sectors. New partnerships were also facilitated between communities and groups at the project level, undertaking cultural, education, and training activities. Recently, the programme PEACE IV (2014-2020) was specifically aimed at young people. Employment has never been mainstreamed in the PEACE programmes, but it has always been considered as a by-product of a peaceful society.

If the practical impacts of the PEACE package have always been questioned, it is undeniable how the experience of working in the EU framework has left a positive imprint on CSOs work. The EU approach has focused on the critical role of the British and Irish governments, thus anchoring the existence of grassroots networks to national agendas. This allowed CSOs to engage directly with the EU, learning from the past, consolidating peace, normalising the needs of the region and lobbying for positive societal change. The unusual openness of the UK government to this vertical communication channel allowed the EU to steer direct engagements between the Commission, the Northern Ireland administration, and CSOs. The latter gained significant autonomy especially in representing the local level in the EU arena, battling for funds conscious of having a deep understanding of the social context in which they were acting. This EU experience inaugurated a new tradition of autonomous grassroots work that benefitted all public sectors in Northern Ireland, including youth unemployment work.

Shedding light and historicising the social forces that played a role in shaping todays context of Northern Ireland youth work helps us to reflect on ways in which policymakers and practitioners might seek to positively develop and enhance the activities of this sector in a post-COVID and post-Brexit context. Northern Irelands reliance on CSOs reflects very much the fragmented nature of the history and society as a whole, the volatile status of executive politics, and the EU peacebuilding strategy. If Northern Ireland seems to have maintained meaningful funding opportunities for young people and youth organisations (also thanks to the Republic of Irelands engagement), much work will still need to be done to help engender an environment that allows space for the individual to become more involved in non-partisan collective action. There is no clear, unifying agenda for the future that underlines what CSOs can hope to achieve, but it is incumbent to promote values and principles that would underpin future connections, training, education and solidarity comparable to the opportunities available to all young people in the EU.

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About the Author

Giada Lagan is a Research Assistant at the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research and Data , School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University. She currently works with Dr Sioned Pearce at the project Youth unemployment and civil society under devolution: a comparative analysis of sub-state welfare regimes. She is the author ofThe European Union and the Northern Ireland Peace Process (Palgrave McMillan, 2021).

Photo by Bewakoof.com Official on Unsplash.

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How the crucial work of civil society organisations in Northern Ireland is being put at risk by COVID-19 and Brexit - British Politics and Policy at...