Category Archives: Abolition Of Work

To attract the "brightest and best" early in their careers, the United Kingdom will offer work visas to graduates from the world's best universities, including India. The move is said to be the expansion of the UK's post-Brexit immigration system. Under a new visa scheme, graduates from the world's top 50 non-UK universities can now come and work in the country through a new High Potential Individual (HPI) visa route, which was launched in London on Monday (May 30). Notably, applicants must have been awarded degrees not more than five years before the date of application. Rishi Sunak, who is the finance minister of the UK, mentioned that such policies would help the country to grow as an international hub for innovation, creativity, and entrepreneurship.

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To be applicable for the same, a person must have graduated with a bachelor's or master's degree from the top 50 universities, which appeared in the top 50 of at least two of the following: Times Higher Education World University Rankings, the Quacquarelli Symonds World University Rankings or The Academic Ranking of World Universities. The appearance in the top 50 must be in the year in which they graduated.

The applicants can opt for a two-year work visa and those who receive doctorates can apply for a three-year visa. It is mentioned that they will be allowed to bring family members with them. The government said that the successful applicants will then be able to switch to longer-term employment visas.

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Sunak said, "We want the businesses of tomorrow to be built here today - which is why I call on students to take advantage of this incredible opportunity to forge their careers here."

"This new visa offer means that the UK can continue to attract the best and brightest from across the globe. The route means that the UK will grow as a leading international hub for innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship," he added.

A benefit to Indian students?

Meanwhile, international students, including Indians, who are studying in the UK at any of the top universities are already eligible to stay for up to three years through the Graduate visa "popularly referred to as a post-study work visa" opened in July last year, India-based news agency PTI reported.

The Guardian cited a survey to report that international students would be more likely to "consider studying in the UK if they were allowed to stay and work for three years instead of two".

The report added that such an extension would be especially appealing to Indian students. It was also noted that the number of Indian students choosing to study in the UK fell dramatically after the abolition of the two-year post-study work visa in 2012. The numbers have quadrupled since it was reinstated, which is a huge difference.

Post-Brexit scenario

Since leaving European Union (EU), Britain has ended the priority given to EU citizens. The nation has introduced a points-based immigration system that ranks applicants on everything from their qualifications and language skills to the type of job offered to them.

But the country has faced a tight labour market for several years, which has gotten worse due to Brexit and COVID-19.

The companies in manufacturing, logistics and the food sector have urged the government to loosen the rules for entry-level jobs.

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New UK visa option for graduates, including Indians, from world`s best universities - WION

Throughout the primary election cycle, news outlets and universities hosted several debates to feature a handful of candidates running for Mayor of Los Angeles in the 2022 primary election. Despite the 12 candidates on the ballot for mayor in primary, only five candidates were invited to debates at Loyola Marymount University (LMU) and California State University - Los Angeles (CSU-LA) and only three candidates were on the stage at a KCRW-hosted debate.

The first mayoral debate took place on Feb. 22 at LMU, with candidates Karen Bass, Kevin De Len, Mel Wilson, and former candidates Joe Buscaino and Mike Feuer onstage. The candidates discussed their plans to address the homelessness crisis, with four out of the five naming it the number one issue impacting the city currently.

If we can move heaven and earth to build football stadiums and basketball arenas, we can sure as hell do the same thing to get our students, our veterans, and people of color out of encampments and into housing now, De Len said.

The candidates then shared their platforms on funding the police and laid out the steps they would take to increase public safety. Candidates proposed increasing the number of police officers, from an additional 200 officers proposed by Bass to 1500 officers from Wilson.

Ninety-nine percent of the police officers are good, Wilson said. Theyre hardworking, they want to come home safe that night. We need to help them. We need to help ourselves.

Several protestors disrupted the debate by shouting at the candidates, criticizing their willingness to increase police funding and their inaction on addressing homlessness. One of the protesters attempted to rush the stage before being escorted out by security.

On May 1, the CSU-LA Pat Brown Institute (PBI) of Public Affairs and ABC 7 hosted a debate between Bass, De Len, Buscaino, Feuer, and businessman Rick Caruso. The candidates shared their plans to solve L.A.s homelessness epidemic and expand public transportation, among other issues.

Absent from the debate stage were candidates Gina Viola, Alex Gruenenfelder Smith, Craig Grewe, and former candidate Ramit Varma, who all stood outside the theater doors during the debate. Violas support as first-choice for mayor at 2% was 1% ahead of Buscaino in an April 2022 University of California-Berkeley poll. She described the decision to not invite her as a speaker in the May 1 debate as voter suppression.

Its not fair to voters when they get their ballot and they open them on June 7, Viola said. Theyre going to see 12 names on it, and theyre only going to recognize five of them.

Before the debate, police forcibly removed professor Melina Abdullah, the co-founder of Black Lives Matters Los Angeles Chapter and the former chair of Pan-African Studies at CSU-LA, from the theater. An officer approached Abdullah and informed her the debate was a ticketed event. In response to him, Abdullah said that she had a right to attend the event as a professor at the university.

The group of police officers then grabbed Abdullah and dragged her from her seat to remove her from the premises. Theyre hurting me, she said. Theyre hurting me, this is a public university.

Later in the event, all the candidates onstage affirmed their plans to expand policing. Former candidate Buscaino attacked Violas abolition platform.

What we're not going to do is one candidate that's not here, we're not going to demolish and decimate the police department, he said.

Buscaino and Varma dropped out of the race on May 12 and May 24 respectively, both endorsing Caruso, while Feuer dropped out on May 17 and throwing his support behind Bass.

On May 20, KCRW hosted a discussion focusing solely on homelessness at the Annenberg Performance Studio on the Santa Monica College (SMC) Center of Media and Design campus. Karen Bass, Kevin De Len and Gina Viola were the only candidates in attendance, with LA Times columnist and host Gustavo Yano mentioning that Caruso was invited several times, but declined to attend. There was a tight police presence, with no protestors outside.

The discussion began with a yes or no question asking if housing is a human right, with all three candidates agreeing that it was. Mutual agreement between candidates deviated when the discussion touched upon the use of tiny homes as transitional housing in De Lens City Council District 14 and in other districts. For a human being whos been living on the streets every single day for years if not for decades, its a godsend, De Len said.

Viola characterized the tiny homes as a prison cell. I know people whove been in them for a year in CD15. I know people who have been in them for a year, she said, remarking on councilmember Buscainos district. Theyve been sexually assulted there, theyve had their belongings trashed, the sheds flood.

Viola then pointed out that the city budget under Mayor Garcetti for the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) increased 52 percent in the last 10 years. That's all that the city has prioritized over housing, over health care, over things that truly do keep us well and keep us safe, she said. There's nothing in this budget that says housing is a human right. So if we're not starting there, we'll just keep spending.

Karen Bass talked about uniting fronts with all governments working together to find solutions to different aspects of homelessness. She said while the goal is permanent supportive housing, issues leading to homelessness such as substance abuse, mental illness, and other factors need to be considered in the response as well.

In this atmosphere right now, people are lumping the unhoused together as a monolith, as people who are service resistant, don't want to be inside. We have to break that mentality. Bass said. She urged the need for the county and the city to unite and work together on the issue rather than being disjointed in its approach.

According to a May 2022 poll by FM3 Research of likely primary voters, frontrunners Caruso and Bass are in a dead heat, polling at 37% and 35% respectively. De Len polls at 6%, and other candidates poll at a combined 6% as well.

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Disruption and Division on Display at Mayoral Debates The | Corsair - The Corsair

Last week, delegates at the national conference of Frsa, the public service union, unanimously backed a motion for paid leave for the victims of domestic violence.

At the conference, Ann Collins, an employee of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) said her office had seen a massive increase during the pandemic of files concerning domestic violence and gender-based violence.

A birds eye view of last weeks news stories in Irish newspapers throws up the following.

In the Dublin criminal court, Fine Gael TD Jennifer Carroll MacNeill spoke of her cold sense of dread and concern for her personal safety at receiving messages from Gerard Culhane including nude pictures and videos of a male masturbating.

At a meeting of the Irish Womens Parliamentary Caucus, which is a cross-party forum for Irish women parliamentarians to discuss and campaign on issues predominantly affecting women, Senator Fiona OLoughlin, the Fianna Fil chair of the caucus, spoke of parking her car near a bright light when attending political meetings at night.

She also spoke of the fear of intimidation and harassment including sexualised threats that female politicians are subject to.

The Labour leader Ivana Bacik, another member of the womens caucus, said that she believes that female politicians are subjected to more abuse than their male counterparts and that there is a particularly nasty gendered aspect to it.

She said: Its not just about women in politics but about women getting harassed online in a more general setting, in workplace or school settings as well.

Elsewhere, it was reported that a senior official at Garda Headquarters who helped to expose the misclassification of homicides has threatened legal action against the force over its alleged failure to address her complaints about sexual harassment and discrimination.

Lois West, deputy head of the Garda Siochna Analysis Service, has been on sick leave for six months after complaining about the forces refusal to deal with her complaints.

In 2018 West and a colleague Laura Galligan told the Oireachtas justice committee that they were belittled and treated poorly after exposing failures in the way garda were recording homicides.

The BBC journalist, Aileen Moynagh, was interviewed about her ordeal of being subjected to what a judge called horrific sustained online harassment and threats from a young man who was just 16 when the abuse began.

Cyberflashing

Emily Clarkson, an English female social media influencer, daughter of the personality and columnist Jeremy Clarkson was reported as calling for the toughening of online flashing laws. She spoke of being cyberflashed relentlessly on Insta. I get dick pictures all the time.

She also gets regular rape threats, death threats.

On the surface, what ties these six different women is that they each have a public profile and/or a degree of professional power.

Michelle Butler, a criminologist at Queens University says that male sexually aggressive behaviour running the gamut from lewd remarks to sexual assault may be interpreted as stemming from a need for power and control.

In January, the senseless, brutal killing of Ashling Murphy triggered both a public outpouring of anger and a national debate about male violence against women and how to tackle it.

In the last five years since the establishment of the #metoo movement, toxic masculinity has been consistently on the slate.

A recently introduced Labour Party private members Bill proposes the abolition of state-funded single-sex schools within 15 years.

Labour TD Aodhn Rordin says that the bill addresses the legacy of single-gender schools tackling gender inequality and toxic masculinity.

In the past, He has previously spoken of the link between increased levels of domestic violence in Ireland and the warped sense of power that he believes is fostered in some single-sex male schools.

Last week, Fine Gael senator, Regina ODoherty, speaking at the Oireachtas Committee on Gender Equality, which is examining the recommendations of the Citizens Assembly on norms and stereotypes in education said that if she had a magic wand, every school would have to have both sexes and it would be a gender empowering environment.

However, she also said that her daughters in their co-educational school wouldnt be continuing with the subject of metal and woodwork for Leaving Cert, because the culture and the environment in the class was male toxic.

Education Minister Norma Foley told a committee that she would not support the Labour bill abolishing single-sex state schools, saying that while it was positive that two-thirds of our schools are currently mixed-gender schools, it benefits society when we have every possible benefit of choice available in terms of parents choices in choosing the educational path for students.

People Before Profit TD, Brd Smith, accused the minister of not answering a question about religious ethos influencing the teaching of sex education in certain schools.

In response to a question from FG spokesperson for equality Jennifer Carroll MacNeill (mentioned above) on whether every child will receive an identical [sex] education with no opt-out for parents or schools in accordance with the curriculum, Minister Foley answered that the curriculum will be followed as laid down in our schools.

Minister for Further and Higher Education Simon Harris was adamant before the committee that he would defend to the death the right of a parent to decide the ethos of the school they choose to send their child to.

He was less clear on how he might achieve what he identified as the urgent need to deliver impartial sex education from primary school upwards while being undecided about whether legislation was needed to oblige all schools to provide this sex education.

And frankly, therein lies the nub of the matter.

Education Act

Currently, under the Education Act (1998), schools may determine what they consider to be appropriate sex education in line with the characteristic spirit of the school.

It is known that many religious schools opt out of teaching sensitive topics on grounds of their ethos.

So, while age-appropriate, impartial, fact-based information on sex and consent may be on Mr Harris wish list, as he almost certainly knows, its not going to happen in schools who exercise their right to derogate unless they are legally forced to comply.

The National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) is currently reviewing the curriculum and is due to produce a draft sex education curriculum for the Junior Cycle age group which will address issues like male violence, consent and gender-based violence which is to be welcomed.

However, once more a derogation from this curriculum will be permissible based on school ethos.

Orla OConnor, director of the National Womens Council of Ireland has spoken of the need for a core curriculum to tackle misogyny and gender-based violence. Presumably, she means one that cant be opted out of.

At the very basic level, there is a question in Irish schools about how we tackle gender-based violence.

In May 2021, the ombudsman for children Niall Muldoon told a joint Oireachtas Committee that the Department of Education has persistently chosen not to ask about sexual bullying. In 2022, the State will have to account for itself again to the UNCRC (United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child) and confirm that no progress has been made on the collation of sexual violence data in schools.

In 2021, the problem of rape culture and sexual abuse was found to be rife across both state and private English schools being designated by Scotland Yard as a national issue.

This prompted one feminist writer and human rights activist Natasha Walter to write on Twitter that although she was ashamed of her reaction, having read of some of the accounts of abuse in co-ed schools, she was relieved that she and her daughters had gone to single-sex secondary schools.

Outdated models

In Ireland, the views of educators on the merits of single-sex schools are a mixed bag with many calling for the abolition of what they view as a harmful outmoded form of education, others extolling the merits of educating particularly girls separately, and some saying the key issue is not whether a school is single-sex or co-educational but rather whether a school is good with teachers doing their job and with happy pupils.

In America, research on different learning styles between the two genders is apparently resulting in more public schools contemplating single-sex schools.

The belief is that by educating them separately, gender gaps that leave girls behind in maths and boys behind in literacy can be narrowed thereby undoing seemingly entrenched gender disparities.

This volte-face is also founded on the hope that the pervasive problem of boys generally falling behind in comparison to their female counterparts could be addressed.

Schools are a crucial piece of a bigger more complicated societal picture. Taking one random example, anybody who has raised teenage boys will know of the eye-wateringly misogynistic and often violent lyrics of rap songs where women are reduced to harmful archetypes and their value is essentially the sum of their sexuality.

Im not suggesting some Tipper Gore style censorship Irish mothers against rap campaign but I do think that deconstructing these songs for impressionable boys would be useful.

Ditto grasping the nettle of porn, and grappling with its warping effect on young peoples notion of sexuality, bodies, and relationships.

This should be done in a core subject on respecting girls and women, one that couldnt be opted out of by any school.

Drawing a direct line between single-sex schools, misogyny, and toxic masculinity seems overly simplistic.

Many European countries with predominantly co-ed schools have not been exempted from the out-flowerings of toxic masculinity in their schools; France is a case in point.

How our children are educated about consent, sex, and sexual violence regardless of whether the school is single-sex or co-educational goes to the heart of the matter.

Dismantling misogyny so deeply embedded in our culture will take a group effort.

Government, educators, parents, and campaigners need to work together to fight the ingrained and endemic misogyny, abuse and harassment that exists both online and in the real world.

The media reports above culled from one weeks reportage put this beyond doubt.

More:

Sarah Harte: Male violence and the opt out from sex education - Irish Examiner

Eight major companies including Toyota Motor Corp. have started a joint project to support foreign workers in Japan.

Officials said the project will provide counseling services to non-Japanese citizens working at the participating companies or their business partners on the difficulties they face at their workplaces, such as rights violations.

These services will help give the companies and workersa grasp of the reality and seek solutions.

There has been no end to allegations that many foreigners are being forced to work under wretched conditions, and the issue has been raised internationally. The situation should be promptly rectified.

Technical intern trainees, who dont have the freedom to switch their workplaces, are facing particularly tough circumstances.

An out-of-court settlement was reached recently in a case wherein a male Vietnamese technical intern who worked for a construction company in Okayama, the capital of Okayama Prefecture, complained that he had been physicallyabused by his colleagues.

Both the construction company and a supervising organization, which arranged for his placement with the company, apologized and paid him settlement money.

The man enlisted the help of a labor union based in Fukuyama, a city in neighboring Hiroshima Prefecture.

The union obtained a video showing how he was physically abused and presented the recording as proof of the misconduct during its collective bargaining with the company. The labor union also brought the inhumane practice to the attention of the public.

Technical intern trainees have been harmed physically and mentally by a succession of irregularities, such as violations of safety standards, illegal overtime, unpaid wages and abuses of authority.

Labor unions have helped rescue some of them in other cases as well. They should work with local governments, bar associations and employers alarmed about the current situation to step up their efforts.

The Organization for Technical Intern Training (OTIT), an authorized corporation founded five years ago, is tasked with supervising, and giving guidance to, training program implementers and other parties. Still, more than 5,700 violations of labor standard laws and regulations were recognized in 2020 alone.

There have also been frequent reports of cases, like the one in Okayama, wherein a supervising organization, which is supposed to provide assistance to technical interns in matters of their lives and livelihoods, has failed to fulfill its role. Many supervising organizations have seen their licenses rescinded.

The OTIT itself has not been spared from criticism.

It was learned recently that an official with the OTIT Sendai Office emailed a trio of female Vietnamese technical interns to call on them to secede from a local labor union that they had joined. Labor minister Shigeyuki Goto last month expressed regret over the matter in the Diet.

Training program implementers, supervising organizations and the OTIT are all facing the question of whether they understand that they are tasked with giving just treatment to foreign workers, who are essential supporters of society, and defend their livelihoods and human rights.

The Asahi Shimbun has called for, in its editorials, prompt abolition of the technical intern training program, which is serving as a means for securing access to cheap labor despite the programs stated goal of having foreigners acquire professional skills in Japan and take them back to their home countries.

A specified skilled worker program was introduced in 2019 to allow foreign workers who fall under the corresponding category to change jobs and, under certain conditions, also bring their families to Japan.

There were, however, only about 64,000 specified skilled workers in Japan as of March, less than one-quarter the number of technical intern trainees in the country. And those who are working under the new framework have been voicing the same old complaints about their workplace environments and the way they are treated.

A study group was set up under the justice minister early this year to discuss the pair of frameworks--the technical intern trainee program and the specified skilled worker program--and study what they should be like in the future.

Political leaders should recognize this as a pressing matter and responsibly end the abnormal situation we are facing.

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 30

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EDITORIAL: Technical intern program needs prompt review by government | The Asahi Shimbun: Breaking News, Japan News and Analysis -

For many years, Lois Ahrens has been pushing to change the nations prison system. The Northampton activist, who heads the Real Cost of Prisons Project, has worked with fellow activists, artists, researchersand incarcerated people to try to end extreme sentencing such as life imprisonment without parole and to improve conditions for people behind bars.

Ahrens has corresponded with hundreds of incarcerated people over the years. But in one of her more unusual exchanges, in 2005, she sent 50 blank sheets of music paper to a man named Tiyo Attallah Salah-El, a jazz saxophonist and composer serving a life sentence in a Pennsylvania prison.

Later that year, Salah-El sent back to Ahrens an extended series of compositions on those music sheets, with melody lines, basic chords and some harmonies. For years afterward, Ahrens tried to find some performers who might bring that music to life and now its finally happening.

After recording an album of Salah-Els music last fall with three other players, jazz saxophonist and composer Felipe Salles will bring his ensemble to the Bombyx Center for Arts & Integrity in Florence June 11 to play Tiyos Songs of Life, a rich mix of blues, swing, bop and ballads thats also a testament to Salah-Els own efforts to reform the prison system.

Salles, who lives in Florence and teaches jazz and African-American Music Studies at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, said he was drawn to the project not just for the music but because of his own concerns about mass incarceration, both in the U.S. and other countries. Salles, a native of Brazil, says harsh sentences are also a problem there.

Social justice has been a component of some of his own music. A few years ago, Salles composed and produced a large ensemble jazz piece, The New Immigrant Experience, which was based on interviews he conducted with several Dreamers, the young immigrants granted legal status in the U.S. after being brought to America and raised by undocumented parents.

I was really struck by Tiyos music and by what I learned about him as a person, Salles said. As part of his preparation for recording the music, he read the 2020 book Pen-Pal: Prison Letters from a Free Spirit on Slow Death Row, which features many samples of the correspondence Salah-El had with different people during his 40-plus years serving a life sentence, including Ahrens and the late historian Howard Zinn.

He was someone who remained positive and engaged in life, engaged in music and committed to changing the prison system, Salles said. He didnt let prison destroy him. As much as I admired his music, it was the social justice aspect of this project that was really important to me.

People who commit serious crimes must face consequences, Sallesacknowledged. But he also noted, If the prison system is only set up to punish people, how does that make us better as a society? Why not give [incarcerated people] a chance to improve themselves, to get an education, to evolve?

Ahrens says Salah-El, who died in prison in 2018 at age 85, earned an undergraduate degree and a masters while imprisoned and was also a teacher, a bandleader, and a writer. In 1995, he also reached out to scholars and activists to form a group called Coalition for the Abolition of Prisons (CAP).

He had a great writing style, Ahrens said. He could be funny and philosophical, but also very serious about what it was like to be incarcerated.

About 15 years ago, Ahrens arranged with the late Rob Cox, then the head of Special Collections at UMass, to have many of Salah-Els papers stored there; a summary of his life thats part of the collection provides some basic background on him. He was born David Riley Jones in 1932, in West Chester, Pennsylvania and fought in the army during the Korean War; afterward he played music part time and worked in his fathers plumbing business.

Salah-El he changed his name when he converted to Islam in the 1960s tangled with the law after getting involved with drugs through his nighttime music life; at one point he served six years in prison for aggravated assault, according to the UMass summary. In the 1970s, he was sentenced to life for other drug-related charges and for his conviction in a murder he said he did not commit.

Ahrens says Salah-Els prison activism likely worked against him ever getting a chance for parole, as did Pennsylvania law for certain crimes. She also notes that the U.S. prison population has mushroomed from roughly 200,000 people in the 1970s to 2.2 million today: Its an industry the growth has been exponential.

Ahrens says Salah-El, who she visited in prison a few times, didnt request that she try to get his music recorded or heard when he sent his compositions to her in 2005. I think he just wanted to write it, to have it be part of his legacy, she said. But I really wanted to hear what it sounded like.

She talked to a number of saxophonists over the next several years about performing the music, but those efforts fell through. Then one player, Berhani Woldu, who in 2018 had agreed to perform some of Salah-Els music at a UMass event but had to back out at the last minute, suggested Ahrens contact Salles, Woldus former teacher.

Salles couldnt do anything immediately, either; he had plenty of his own commitments, including his work on The New Immigrant Experience. But he was intrigued enough to meet with Ahrens and hear more. I was curious the best way to grow is to learn something new, he said.

The pandemic caused further delays in playing the music live, but it also gave Salles time to review Salah-Els compositions in depth. He had written them as lead sheets, with basic guidelines for melody, meter and chords, but no scoring for specific instruments. Salles arranged the music for saxophone, piano, bass and drums and made other adjustments as needed, including changing the meter of some tunes or combining a few compositions.

My idea was to arrange it in a way that would honor the traditions of the music Tiyo played while giving it a more contemporary feel, he said.

Salles enlisted another musician with UMass connections, bassist Avery Sharpe, and a friend and former fellow music student, Zaccai Curtis, on piano; Curtis in turn recommended drummer Jonathan Barber for the project. Salles says those three players made sense not only because of their shared roots with the style of music Salah-El composed but also due to their own commitments to social justice.

Sharpe, for instance, has composed a number of works that honor historical African American figures including Sojourner Truth and Jesse Owens; more recently he recorded 400, a musical exploration of four centuries of African American history.

The ensemble rehearsed a few times at Salles house last fall before recording about an hours worth of Salah-Els music in a one-day session in a studio in Acton (the album is on Tapestry Records of Colorado). Salles says they had plenty of material to choose from: Tiyo wrote a lot of music. I picked out [compositions] that I thought would be good examples of what he did.

Salles says hes indebted to his fellow musicians for making the project a reality it was funded through a grant Salles received and by funds that Ahrens raised and Ahrens says shes indebted to Salles for taking on the project and seeing it through. Both are pleased as well that the music will debut at the Bombyx Center, based at the Florence Congregational Church, which was an important meeting place for local abolitionists and free thinkers when it opened in 1861.

It feels wonderful to have Tiyos music here, with the legacy of the church and of Florence being such an important part of the abolition movement, Ahrens said. It feels like were completing a circle.

Tiyos Songs of Life will take place at 8 p.m. at the Bombyx Center for Arts & Equity. Tickets are $20 in advance ($25 at the door) and can be ordered at bombyx.live.

More here:

Freeing music from prison: Florence concert to debut jazz composed behind bars and finally seeing the light of day - GazetteNET

Saving Kashmir from separatists is our civilisational goal and we are winning. But India is up against a dark and violent adversary who will stop at nothing. Knee-jerk responses, loud jingoism, and lapses in patience resolve can break that winning streak

Pakistan-backed separatists lost the war in Kashmir on 5 August 2019, when Article 370 which gave it special status was revoked. Nearly three years later, they are fighting a bloody but defensive battle to salvage domination and demographics.

The terrorism ecosystem has its back against the wall, but mistakes at this point will cost India dearly and undo much of its work in the last three years.

A spate of killings of Hindus in the last few weeks has already shaken up the sense of security the state has been trying to create for the states historically savaged and persecuted minorities. The killing of Kashmiri Pandit (KP) teacher Rajni Bala in Kulgam or of government employee Rahul Bhat in Chadoora have made hundreds of KP families start fleeing again. For the community, such violence instantly brings back memories of the 90s genocide and ethnic cleansing.

File image of Rahul Bhat.ANI

That makes them easy targets and high-profile advertisements for jihadis who want all non-Muslims to keep out of the Valley, which they view as an Islamic state.

In a statement dated 2 June, terror group Kashmir Freedom Fighters (KFF), which claimed responsibility for bank manager Vijay Kumar in Kulgam, said: Anyone involved in the demographic change of Kashmir will meet the same fate. So, its an eye-opener for all those non-locals who are living in fools paradise that the Modi-led government will settle them here. Its nothing but just an illusion for them and they should not understand the reality that will cost them their lives. Think. Its not too late, otherwise the next turn will be yours.

This threat reeks of fear among the killers themselves of impending doom.

So, what have been the chief driving factors for the latest wave of Islamist violence? These are the three Ds domicile, delimitation, and disempowerment.

Domicile

Just before the second anniversary last year of scrapping Article 370, the Jammu and Kashmir government listed its successes in a 76-page booklet titled Jammu and Kashmir Marching To A New Era.

The report had a startling figure. It said 41.05 lakh domicile certificates had been issued in J&K including 55,931 certificates to West Pakistani refugees, 2,754 certificates to Valmikis and 789 to Gorkhas. In the last one year, that figure may have doubled.

A domicile certificate makes one eligible for recruitment in J&K. All former permanent residents are automatically eligible.

This set off panic among the Pakistan-backed Islamist ecosystem in Kashmir.

Is the demography protected so far by guns and a special status which robbed migrants, women, Dalits, and LGBT+ citizens of their rights being rapidly and systemically changed?

If Kashmirs demographic sanitised of non-Muslims through violent ethnic cleansing gets balanced or inverted, what will happen to Pakistans design of making it an Islamic state separated from India?

Interestingly, KFFs missive begins by mentioning that slain banker Vijay Kumar had a domicile.

Acres of oped space in local and national newspapers have been taken up by columnists who do not speak a word about forced demographic change happening in Bengal or Assam, or the missionary conversion sprees in Punjab, Tamil Nadu or Andhra Pradesh.

Delimitation

Adding to demographic fears, came delimitation. The number of Assembly constituencies in Jammu, the BJPs stronghold, increased from 37 to 43. But seats in Kashmir only went up from 46 to 47. Nine seats have been earmarked for the Scheduled Tribes six in Jammu, three in Kashmir so no Muslim candidate can contest from these constituencies.

Kashmirs separatists and parties that relied mainly on the Muslim vote reacted with alarm. The reorganisation may end the anti-minority politics of the state and give the BJP an edge.

Besides, the Central government has started settling non-Muslim populations in safe enclaves. Instead of shifting Kashmiri Hindu employees to Jammu, the government has decided to create eight safe zones in Kashmir where they will be relocated. To begin with, 177 teachers posted in Srinagar downtown and other vulnerable areas have been shifted to secure zones.

Coupled with domicile given to migrant labour, delimitation may change the electoral fortunes of the Valley itself. A 2019 study by the International Scientific Research Organisation for Science, Engineering and Technology shows that of the 7 lakh-odd migrant labourers, most were concentrated in Anantnag, Srinagar and Pulwama. With the opening of Kashmir and massive issuance of domicile, the electoral fate of some pockets in the Valley may have changed.

Disempowerment

The biggest disempowerment of the jihad ecosystem came with the scraping of Article 370. The main tool of separatism was removed.

With it, all 890 central laws were made applicable to Jammu and Kashmir, 205 J&K state laws were repealed and 130 state laws were modified. The Centre repealed the Big Landed Estates Abolition Act and has started treating all property sold by Kashmiri Pandits after 1989-90 as distress sale, overturning such transactions and making local Muslims who took over those lands now liable to surrender these.

In places like Ganderbal, people from outside the state now own large tracts of land. Only fair, since Kashmiris own a fair bit of property in the rest of India.

Taking away of statehood has shrunk the political space and delimitation has ensured that brute Muslim majoritarianism cannot return when the political processes are restored.

While that may be good, the over-dependence of the people on an unelected and often indifferent bureaucracy instead of elected leaders to solve their problems can be frustrating. Also, the daily inquisition of Kashmiri Muslims on national media and not enough acknowledgement that thousands of local Muslims who stood by the Indian state and Pandits during the bloodiest years also paid with blood gives rise to hurt and anger.

The Indian state, agencies and media will have to tread very sensitively. Changes have to be done in a nuanced way instead of hype. The might of the Pakistani establishment is at work to destabilise efforts and tap into local resentment.

Saving Kashmir from separatists is our civilisational goal and we are winning. But India is up against a dark and violent adversary who will stop at nothing. Knee-jerk responses, loud jingoism, and lapses in patience resolve can break that winning streak.

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Terrorists fear of these 3Ds is behind killings of Kashmirs non-Muslims - Firstpost

Somewhere off Key West, a hurricane-battered sloop drifts, dismasted, in heaving seas. A bare-chested Black man lies on its perilously tilted deck, gazing at something beyond the picture frame. He has the muscular beauty of classical statuary, the stoic resignation of a fallen gladiator facing down death. And death is coming: lashing its way toward us is the waterspout that will surely capsize his boat. In the shadowy foreground, sharks circle, on the edge of frenzy; one of thema gape-mouthed monster erupting out of the depthsseems as if its about to lunge through the picture frame.

For as long as I can remember, The Gulf Stream (1899; reworked by 1906), the iconic painting at the heart of Winslow Homer: Crosscurrents at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (on view April 11 July 31, 2022), has played an enigmatic yet powerfully evocative role in my personal mythology. Its a deeply, darkly polyvalent work, which explains its mesmeric spell and shifting meanings from 1906, when the Met acquired it, right up to the present.

For Homer, the deeper meaning of The Gulf Stream was, he claimed, the deep. I have painted on the picture since it was in Phila & improved it very much(more of the Deep Sea water than before), he wrote in a 1900 letter quoted in the exhibition catalogue. His capitalization, for emphasis, hints at deeper, symbolic meanings.

Nonetheless, Homer, like most artists, was doggedly hostile to interpretations of his work.The Gulf Stream, he protested, was about the Gulf Stream, the fast-moving river of warm water in the Atlantic Ocean that flows from the Gulf of Mexico, traces the contours of the United States eastern seaboard, and, ultimately, splits in two on the crossing, heading toward Northern Europe on one hand and West Africa on the other.

But as the shows co-curator Stephanie L. Herdrich makes clear in her catalogue essay, Homers insistence that the subject of this picture is comprised in its title [overemphatic italics his] and that the boat & sharks are matters of very little consequence is contrarian to the point of perversity. As an illustrator for Harpers Magazine, hed recorded the frontlines skirmishes and camp life of union troops in the Civil War. Vacationing in the Bahamas in later years, hed documented, in sun-soaked watercolors bright with irony, the gulf of race and class separating the White elite from the islands Black underclass, for whom abolition meant little more than swapping slaverys lash for sharecropper servitude.

In A Garden in Nassau (1885) and Rest (1885), poor Black Bahamians gaze yearningly at the paradisal gardens of the rich, fortified against them by whitewashed walls topped with glass shards sharp as a sharks teeth. Homer started work on The Gulf Stream in 1899, the year Rudyard Kipling justified colonial ambitions in The White Mans Burden, the year after the Spanish-American war established American dominance in the West Indies, and amid a Southern white backlash against the gains of Reconstruction characterized by Jim Crow laws and the night terrors of the Klan. The deck of the wrecked boat is strewn with stalks of sugarcane, shorthand for an exploitative industry built on slave labor.

Its hard to imagine Homer looking at a Black man adrift in a sea of horror at the turn of the 19th century, a period which historians regard as the nadir of race relations in this country, and seeing nothing but the river beneath the sea.

Conversely, the Gulf Stream is the last thing on our minds when we look at Homers painting. The politics of identity dominates our moment of racial reckoning, white-supremacist backlash, and white anxiety over the Browning of America. Herdrich is in tune with our times, reading The Gulf Stream through the lens of colonialism, imperialism, and, of course, race.

The Gulf Stream had been essential to the traffic of human beings, accelerating the transport of slaves across the Atlantic. In Homers day, chattel slavery and sharks were closely linked in the public mind. One of the pictures avowed influences, it turns out, was J.M. Turners 1840 painting Slave Ship (Slavers Throwing Overboard the Dead and Dying, Typhoon Coming On), a nightmarish evocation of the murder of 130 sick or dying Africans thrown overboard in chains, to drown or be devoured by sharks by the captain of the British slave ship Zong so he could file an insurance claim for human cargo lost at sea.

Herdrich uses the Afrodiasporic and African American experiences as magnifying glasses to reveal new ways of seeing a painting whose depths we thought wed plumbed yet another sign that the stately, tradition-bound Met is turning, slowly but determinedly, to face the hard truths of American history and the incendiary issues of our era. (The museums decision to moderate a dialogue between The Gulf Stream and works commenting on it elsewhere in the American Wing by Kara Walker, Kerry James Marshall, and other contemporary Black artists, is, much like its recontextualization of Jean-Baptiste Carpeauxs 1873 sculpture Why Born Enslaved? in Fictions of Emancipation: Carpeaux Recast, timely and daring, turning old into new by restoring lost historical and contemporary context.)

And not a moment too soon: its been more than two decades since the New Criterion art critic and conservative culture warrior Roger Kimball issued a fatwa against politically correct overreadings of innocent seascapes that, until academic leftists got their hands on them, had been gamboling along, minding their own shark-infested business. He was especially peeved by a 1989 essay on The Gulf Stream whose author, the art-history professor Albert Boime, was more concerned to declare his correct attitudes about race than to appreciate Homers painting in its own terms.

It isnt incorrect attitudes about race that make Kimball squirm, but race, period. Hed rather not discuss the Black man in the room, even though Homers decision to place a Black man at the center of his drama, and to portray him not from the perspective of the White gaze, with its minstrel-show caricatures and sentimentalized racist clichs, but as the doomed fisherman saw himself dignified, strong, resolute in the face of certain death was nothing less than radical in 1899. Writing in 1935, Alain Locke, a leading light in the Harlem Renaissance, had no doubt the musculature and physical power of Homers Black protagonist broke the cotton-patch and back-porch tradition and began the artistic emancipation of the Negro subject.

Of course, neither Kimball nor the Met curators, Herdrich and Sylvia Yount, account for subjective readings, largely because both are combatants on the battlefield of identity politics, but also because the subjective sense we make of a work of art doesnt lend itself to outside intervention by critics and curators. At its most psychologically potent, subjective interpretation is deeply personal, translating our lived worlds into the secret symbolism of our neuroses, traumas, fetishes, and obsessions. The deepest meanings of such sensations are often inaccessible even to us, shadows circling in the unconscious.

Looking at The Gulf Stream, what do I see? One of those political allegories that winds up Kimballs bowtie, to be sure: a parable about American democracy in rough seas, menaced on all sides by white supremacists, the imminent overturning of Roe v. Wade, the election of opportunistic demagogues like J.D. Vance by right-wing billionaires like Peter Thiel, the assault on congress from within by nihilist trolls like Marjorie Taylor Green, the terrifying metastasis of a Punisher cop culture accountable to no one and brutally hostile to Black and brown people and anyone to the left of the Proud Boys.

But thats just my art-historically literate, politically engaged self my public-facing self, if you will encountering Homers painting in a cultural context, at a historical moment, and reading it in that light. My subjective impressions, on the other hand, have little if anything to do with any of these issues and everything to do with the time I almost drowned off the coast of La Jolla.

Caught in a rip tide, struggling to the point of exhaustion, I resolved to give up, to be tuckedunder one arm of a gray mother-wave, like the boy in Kiplings Captains Courageous, who when the great green closed over him went quietly to sleep. Letting myself sink down, down the water column, far from sound and sunlight, I opened my mouth to swallow the sea. Seconds later I was bobbing on the surface, coughing and thrashing and yelping for help. Help came, in the guise of lifeguards on surfboards, who towed me to shore, clinging to a plastic float.

Ive never forgotten what it was like to hang suspended in the bosom of the sea, waiting for it to fold me into its cold embrace.

Stare at the Pacific long enough, as I used to do in the endless summers of my San Diego youth, and youll feel your sense of self dwindling to a pinprick and, finally, swallowed up, like Pip, the African American cabin boy in Melvilles Moby-Dick. He falls overboard and is rescued, but not before his time adrift, alone in a measureless vastness, has driven him mad: The sea had jeeringly kept his finite body up, but drowned the infinite of his soul.

Is that what Homer, who spent so much of his life staring at the ocean in Gloucester, Massachusetts; in Cullercoats, England (on the North Sea, near Newcastle); in the Bahamas, in Cuba, in Bermuda, at Prouts Neck, Maine was trying to capture: the sensation of losing your soul to the deep blue sea?

His excitement at having improved the painting very much by adding more of the Deep Sea water than before betrays the creative fervor of an artist wrestling with a paradox: How can you reveal the unseen depths of a thing if all you can see is its ever-changing surface? (The Gulf Stream, remember, is a river of warm water below the oceans surface, its banks and bottom bounded by colder water.) Yet somehow, in The Gulf Stream, he does just that. Its the work of a man who knew that the sea is uncanny, not a being but inescapably a presence, indifferent to you, me, and all humanity, its crashing waves and hissing foam the untranslatable speech of leviathans, its fathomless depths the last refuge of mysteries.

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The Unseen Depths of Winslow Homer's The Gulf Stream - Hyperallergic

President Hakainde Hichilema announced the development on Tuesday in a speech on the eve of Africa Day, according to media reports.

We warmly welcome the Zambian Presidents pledge on 24 May to abolish the death penalty in the country and work with Parliament to end this cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment, said OHCHR Spokesperson Seif Magango.

Use of the death penalty is incompatible with fundamental human rights and dignity, he added.

While Zambia has maintained a moratorium on capital punishment since 1997, when executions last took place, Mr. Magango said that formal abolition in law would be a major step forward for human rights in the country.

Zambia would also join the growing consensus worldwide for universal abolition of the death penalty. Some 170 countries have abolished it, or introduced a moratorium, either in law or in practice.

OHCHR called on the Government and Parliament to bolster the Presidents pledge with tangible legal reforms, including amending the Penal Code Act and the Criminal Procedure Code Act.

Additionally, the authorities should re-launch the Constitutional Reform process to expand the Bill of Rights, including with explicit prohibition of the death penalty.

The Government was also urged to demonstrate further international leadership on the issue by ratifying the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, on abolition of the death penalty.

Mr. Magagno said OHCHR stands ready to provide technical assistance and cooperation to the Zambian authorities to make this promise a reality.

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FIRST ON FOX: Stacey Abrams serves as a board member of a UPS family foundation that awards millions of dollars to professors and scholars who advocate anti-capitalist and prison abolitionist views, Fox News Digital has learned.

Abrams, who is taking another shot at running for Georgia governor, is currently listed as a board member at the Seattle-based Marguerite Casey Foundation, a private grant-making foundation named after Marguerite Casey, the sister of UPS founder Jim Casey.

The far-left foundation has repeatedly voiced support for defunding and abolishing the police.

Abrams, who has tried to distance herself from thehardline rhetoric of the #DefundThePolice movement in the past, has received at least $52,500 in income from the foundation, according to her financial disclosures.

STACEY ABRAMS SERVES AS BOARD MEMBER, GOVERNOR OF FOUNDATION THAT SUPPORTS #ABOLISHTHEPOLICE

Stacey Abrams, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for Georgia, speaks during a news conference in Atlanta, on Tuesday, May 24, 2022. (Elijah Nouvelage/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Abrams' campaign told Fox News Digital last week that Abrams, who joined the foundation's board in May 2021, does not hold the same views as the foundation.

In December, the Marguerite Casey Foundation and Group Health Foundation announced the recipients of the 2021 Freedom Scholars Awards, which gave $250,000 to each of six professors who are "leading research in critical fields including abolitionist, Black, feminist, queer, radical, and anti-colonialist studies."

The $1.5 million annual award, established in 2020, "counters the limited financial resources and research constraints frequently faced by scholars whose work supports social movements,"the foundation said.

One of the professors who received an award wasRobin D. G. Kelley, who teaches African American history at theUniversity of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) and has argued that capitalism is inherently racist.

In aFebruary NPR segment, Kelley said, "The secret to capitalism's survival is racism."

"So any true liberation has to be anti-capitalist," he said. "There's no way capitalism can save us. And even if you could create a capitalism that's somehow non-racial, which of course, is impossible - but let's say in theory you can do that. We still have deep exploitation and inequality produced by it."

During the same NPR interview, Kelley said his "goal" growing up was to be a "communist for life."

"I was involved in a study group organized by the All-African People's Revolutionary Party, AAPRP, and we'd study Walter Rodney, Frantz Fanon, C.L.R. James, Angela Davis, I mean, Kwame Nkrumah. So this was outside the classroom. This is where I got the real education," Kelley said.

"I wanted to be a communist for life. I wanted to make revolution," he continued. "And it's like, of course, you've got to be a historian to be a real good communist, not the other way around."

During another segment of the NPR interview titled, "There are no utopias," Kelley argued that a truly communist country has never existed throughout history.

"I'm the first to say that what we think of as state socialism or communism has been a disaster," he said. "I'm the last one to defend what actually becomes, in the case of Soviet Union, for example, not socialism at all, but state capitalism that's redistributive. That's what the Soviet Union became. And China's the same thing. China did amazing things in terms of being able to raise the basic standard of living. But China is a state capitalist neoliberal society. We don't have a communist country anywhere in the world. We've never actually had one. It has never happened."

GEORGE SOROS THROWS $1M BEHIND STACEY ABRAMS' SECOND GUBERNATORIAL RUN

Stacey Abramw sits on the board of a foundation that has repeatedly voiced support for defunding and abolishing the police. (Elijah Nouvelage/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Another professor awarded $250,000 by the Marguerite Casey Foundation wasLorgia Garca Pea, a formerLatinx-studies professor at Harvard University whose tenure was rejected in 2019, sparking weeks of protests at the Ivy League school. According to the New Yorker,some members had complained that Garca Peas work amounted to activism rather than scholarship.

Garca Pea, who is now a professor in Tufts Universitys Department of Studies in Race, Colonialism, and Diaspora, argued in June 2020 that ethnic studies is an "urgent" area of study "from elementary schools up to college," because it is "charged with filling in the immense gap left by our Eurocentric education systems."

"What we teach at every school right nowwhat we consider to be the standard humanities and social science curriculumis actually grounded in white supremacy, but is masked as objectivity,"she told Boston Review at the time.

During the same interview, Garca Pea said she "was part of a program" called "Freedom University" at the University of Georgia, which supported "undocumented students when the governor banned their enrollment."

"I was part of a program, Freedom Universitywhich created a parallel university system to support University of Georgias undocumented students when the governor banned their enrollmentand because we had students and we had teachers we had a school," Garca Pea said. "Literally, that is all you need, and then everything else is extra. So its critical to support students and support their demands."

Other recipients of the 2021 Freedom Scholars Awards includedAnglica Chzaro, a Critical Race Theory (CRT) professor at the University of Washington School of Law who advocates for prison abolition, and Amna Akbar, an Ohio State University professor and proponent of "movement law," which she describes as the "approach to legal scholarship grounded in solidarity, accountability, and engagement with grassroots organizing and left social movements."

In 2020, the Marguerite Casey Foundation awarded $3 million to its Freedom Scholars. Those recipients includedAlisa Bierria, a gender studies professor at UCLA who recently argued that the possible overturning of Roe v. Wade signaled "a broader attitude by this government that treats womens lives as disposable and trans peoples lives as disposable."

Stacey Abrams and Gov. Brian Kemp (Drew Angerer, Getty Images | Nathan Posner, Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

The foundation also awarded $250,000 to Ananya Roy, an urban studies professor at UCLA who has argued in support of abolishing private property, which she says is rooted in whiteness. She also supports the government using eminent domain to turn hotels into housing for the homeless.

The foundation also awarded $250,000 to Charlene Carruthers, founder of the Black Youth Project 100, which she described in 2019 as "a political home for anti-capitalists, radical Black feminists, abolitionists, artists, educators and many more types of freedom fighters."

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Abrams, theGeorgia gubernatorial Democratic nominee, will face Republican Gov. Brian Kemp for a second time in November. If elected, she will be in charge of appointing members to seven-year terms on the Board of Regents, which overseesthe public colleges and universities that comprise the University System of Georgia.

Abrams' campaign did not immediately respond to Fox News Digitals separate inquiry about whether she supports the Marguerite Casey Foundation's efforts to fund the aforementioned academics.

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In 2001, University of Pennsylvania law professor Dorothy Roberts released a groundbreaking book, "Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare," laying out the case that most children in the U.S. foster care system are there not because of abuse, but for reasons that boil down to poverty. At the time Roberts was writing, one in 10 children in central Harlem was placed in foster care. Today, Roberts writes in her new book, "Torn Apart: How the Child Welfare System Destroys Black Families And How Abolition Can Build a Safer World," more than one in 10 Black children across the nation can expect to land in the system by age 18.

Just as the U.S. is a global outlier when it comes to mass incarceration, Roberts writes, "The United States extinguishes the legal rights of more parents than any other nation on Earth." And as with so many other state systems, the brunt falls disproportionately on nonwhite communities.

As a reproductive justice advocate Roberts' 1998 book "Killing the Black Body" is another classic of its field Roberts has written about the child welfare system within that Black feminist framework, arguing that true reproductive autonomy must include the right to parent the children one has and to keep those children safe. That's a timely issue as we face the likely reversal of Roe v. Wade, with numerous conservatives, including Supreme Court justices, citing a dwindling "domestic supply of infants" relinquished for adoption as a partial justification for re-criminalizing abortion.

RELATED:Adoption means abortion just isn't necessary, SCOTUS claims: That's even worse than it sounds

As Roberts argues below, many of the children born of unwanted pregnancies if Roe is overturned are likely to find their way into the child welfare system. That makes it vital to understand, as Roberts argues more forcefully than ever before in "Torn Apart," how the system is fundamentally designed not to promote child welfare but to police and punish the most marginalized communities in the nation.

Under that system, parents who come under scrutiny because, say, a teacher reports that their kids wore dirty clothes to school, are regularly sent on months- or years-long missions to complete an impossible array of tasks including classes on parenting, anger management and substance abuse, as well as mandatory counseling appointments, court dates and meetings with case workers rather than receiving support that addresses their core problem: poverty. Mothers who suffer domestic violence have often been re-victimized by CPS agencies that charge them with child abuse for allowing their children to witness the abuse. Legal scholars who seek to expedite adoptions argue that entire city neighborhoods should be declared unfit for children. And meanwhile, the children placed in foster care often emerge traumatized, so isolated and unprepared for adulthood that many end up in prison, homeless or entangled in sex work.

But Roberts' book also comes amid a new movement calling not for reforming broken system but abolishing it altogether, arguing that "The only way to stop the destruction caused by family policing is to stop policing families." Roberts spoke with Salon this May.

I want to start by asking about your argument at the end of the book: that you can't fix a system that isn't broken. Few people know much about the problems in child welfare to begin with, let alone the argument that the system is functioning as it was designed.

I think you're right that people aren't aware of how the system operates. Many know there are flaws because of headlines: stories that refer to children killed in the home who were known to the system. But the way people usually respond is, "That means we need the system to take more children away from their families." So to the extent they are aware of problems, the response is often to shore up the system.

What I'm trying to get across is that this isn't a system designed to protect children at all. It's designed to police the most politically marginalized families in the nation. It's always been designed that way, from its origins centuries ago. And when you have a system that is fundamentally designed to oppress people, you should expect that its outcomes will be oppressive.

You've worked on this issue for decades. Is there one case that encapsulates so much of what can go wrong?

I tell the story of a Chicago woman named Jornell, who was instrumental to my understanding how the family policing system operates, especially in the lives of Black mothers. I met her in the late 1990s. She had a baby who was under investigation from the day he was born because she had participated in a hospital program for recovering substance users. So they were already paying close attention to her. One day when she brought the baby to the hospital for care, the staff felt she was overmedicating him and took custody. She fought for years and never recovered custody of her son.

This isn't a system designed to protect children at all. It's designed to police the most politically marginalized families in the nation, and it's always been that way.

She gave me access to her case records and I could see that no matter what she did to get her son back, it was never good enough. She went through two drug treatment programs, even though she'd already recovered from using drugs when her son was born and he didn't test positive. But they said she might relapse, so they made her go through a relapse program too. There were constant comments in her therapists' records, as if they were looking for some reason to keep her son in foster care.

Even when they found that she was a loving mother, they would find some little quirk in her personality to claim that she should be kept under evaluation longer. One time she went into a therapist's office and noted that the rug had been kicked up and she put it down. The therapist wrote that this showed she believed these little gestures could convince him she was a good mother, and that therefore she didn't really understand what it took to be a good parent.

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Another case is the one that I tell in the introduction of "Torn Apart," of Vanessa Peoples, a young nursing student who was undergoing a number of health challenges. She was at a family picnic when her youngest son strayed away after a cousin who had left, and a passerby called 911. Vanessa noticed right away that her son had strayed away and went after him, even saw the woman talking on the cell phone. And this woman refused to give her son back until the police arrived. The police eventually let her have her son back, but ticketed her for child abuse. That led to caseworkers coming to her home to investigate. They called the police for backup and Vanessa ended up being hogtied by seven police officers who arrived at her home, terrorizing her, her children and her mother.

She was able to keep her children out of foster care, but the whole encounter shows how Black mothers are dehumanized and how this system harms families in ways that can ruin lives. Vanessa now has trouble getting a job because she's on the child abuse registry in Colorado. She cannot practice the profession she trained for. She's finding it hard to get an apartment. And she and her children have been traumatized with lasting effects.

Vanessa stands out to me because she was punished not only for a lapse which, in a white middle-class family, would never have led to that kind of state violence but also for standing up for herself, because she protested when the caseworkers and police arrived at her home. It shows how, fundamentally, family policing and criminal law enforcement work hand in hand.

Both cases reflect the fundamental ways the system polices Black mothers in particular and harms Black children. They're not aberrational.

What do people who have never come under that sort of scrutiny need to understand about how it works?

There are children in America who have unmet needs, and we should be concerned about that. But the answer isn't to take them from their families. All that does is paper over the true changes we need to make. But it's also important to note that there are many cases where impoverished Black parents lose their children for the exact same behaviors that wealthy white parents engage in and are not only not punished for, but are sometimes praised for.

A clear example is drug use. There are many Black children who have been taken from their parents because of evidence, or just suspicion, that their parents use drugs. At the same time, we see wealthy white people boasting about using drugs at home and nothing happens to them. A lighthearted New York Times article during the pandemic covered a forum where middle-class white parents talked about drinking in order to handle the stress of having their children at home. That would be unimaginable in poor Black communities, where drug use is frequently seen as a reason to take children away.

It's important to reject this myth that children are in foster care because their parents abused them. Most of them are there because their parents simply could not afford the resources they need.

In the book I mention a Minnesota study that showed caseworkers an image of a bedroom and switched out a Black baby with a white baby; it found the race of the baby made a difference to their judgments about whether it was a "messy home" something used frequently in caseworkers' judgments about whether or not a child is being maltreated. Or examples like Vanessa Peoples, where Black mothers are blamed for allowing their children to stray away, while in more privileged communities, finding a lost child would be cause for celebration, not grounds to remove the child from the home. I also cite multiple studies showing that clinicians are more likely to suspect injuries to a child as resulting from child abuse in the case of Black families compared to white families.

It's really important for people to reject this myth that children in foster care are there because their parents abused them. Most of them are there because their parents either could not afford the resources they need or simply because of discrimination against poor families, especially if they are Black or Native. The propaganda machine around saving Black children from their families has been very effective, and I think there are a lot of white liberals who want to believe this story: We have a child welfare system that's saving Black children from dysfunctional homes. That is just simply false.

Can you talk about why you use the language of "family policing" instead of "child welfare"?

The names used to describe this system foster care, child protection and child welfare are all a kind of propaganda to cover up how the system actually functions. It isn't designed to care for children. It's designed to accuse family caregivers of harming children and then investigate and punish the family for harms to children that are actually caused by systemic inequities. When it accuses a parent of neglect which is the main reason children are taken from their families in the U.S. not only do child welfare agencies not provide what families need to meet children's needs, they also divert attention from what it would really take to provide for children's welfare. It blames parents for not having money for the material resources children need, instead of interrogating why we have a society where families are unable to afford basic needs.

You trace many aspects of these systems back to the worst atrocities in U.S. history: slavery and the genocide of Native Americans. You discuss some programs I was familiar with, such as the 19th-century Orphan Train project and the forced removal of Native American children, but also things I was not, like the role of "apprenticeship" programs in the post-Reconstruction South.

The enslavement of Black people and the genocide of Native people are both intimately, and I think inextricably, tied to the origins of our child welfare system. The ease with which Black children are removed from their homes and the power of the narrative that the child welfare system is saving Black children stem from the routine separation of Black families during the slavery era and the way in which enslavers had authority over Black families, including over their children.

The enslavement of Black people and the genocide of Native people are inextricably tied to the origins of our child welfare system.

What was more of a revelation to me was how the apprenticeship system was used after the Civil War to virtually re-enslave Black children. In that court-based system, there were judicial orders based on petitions accusing Black parents of child neglect that sent Black children to former white enslavers as "apprentices," to work for them. It was part of the same white supremacist effort to take back the South, dominate Black people and exploit their labor that we hear more about with the convict leasing system and the "Black Codes" that allowed for the arrest of Black people for everyday activities.

But less attention has been paid to how the apprentice system stole child labor from Black families to be exploited again by the very people, in many cases, who had enslaved them prior to the Civil War. We're talking about tens of thousands of Black children who were returned to former white enslavers through this system. It's eerie how closely it parallels the contemporary child welfare system.

I don't see how you could argue that the roots of today's family policing system are in charitable organizations saving children from abusive homes, when this history of Black child apprenticeship is much closer to what's happening today. Not to mention that the narrative about charitable organizations saving white immigrant children from abusive parents is also false, because impoverished white children were also being exploited for their labor by the system.

You've written about this issue so authoritatively for so long. What made you want to revisit this at book length? Is it the potential today for talking about abolition?

Since I wrote "Shattered Bonds," a few developments made me want to write a new book. One was that my own thinking changed over the last 20 years. I got very involved in various reform efforts, including working on the settlement of a big class action lawsuit in Washington state that lasted for nine years, but lots of other projects aimed at reforming the child welfare system. I became completely disenchanted because I could see that none of them were really getting at the design of the system. As long as this system relies on threatening to take children away, and is aimed at policing families, not supporting them, the reforms are not going to make a difference.

Another development has to do with this moment. I learned a lot more about abolitionist thinking and organizing over those 20 years, and came to see how it applies to family policing. There has been a huge increase in organizing among people, especially Black mothers, who want to end the family policing system. We are at a moment, largely because of Black Lives Matter and organizing by prison abolitionists, where more people are open to understanding how principles of abolition can lead to transformative change and to a world that is more caring, humane and just. All of that made me believe that it was time for another book that was more geared toward an abolitionist vision.

When people talk about abolition, or even just more family preservation, there's an automatic response that it will lead to more abuse, more child deaths. You have argued that, paradoxically, the opposite is true: that overzealous CPS policing can make some cases of extreme abuse more likely, since CPS agencies overwhelmed by too many cases lack the ability to spot truly dangerous situations.

The fear people often raise when you make the argument for abolishing this harmful and oppressive system is that, despite all the evidence of the harms it inflicts, it would be dangerous to end it because we still need it for the extreme cases. People point to the cases that make it into the headlines, where a child known to the system is killed in their home. Instead of recognizing that this means the system failed to protect that child, the response is that we should invest more in this failing system.

Part of the problem is the difficulty people have in imagining another system, either because they are invested in this system or they can't imagine something better. For some people, it's a financial investment; this is a $30 billion industry that many people have a stake in. Then there are people who have an ideological stake in this system, because they want to believe that there are so many Black children in foster care because their parents aren't fit. Then there are many people who simply have not imagined another way of caring for children and supporting families, because all they know is the system we have.

One way to address that is to point out that we already have examples of other ways of supporting families and keeping children safe that don't rely on family separation and blaming family caregivers for what are actually social inequalities. When the formal child welfare system excluded Black families, we had a history of taking care of children through other means: extended kin networks; Black clubwomen providing daycare for struggling Black mothers; the Black Panther Party giving out free breakfast and health care; and mutual aid networks that sprung up during the COVID lockdown in New York City and provided groceries, diapers and health care to people when the child protection agencies were virtually shut down.

We have to be willing to let go of this oppressive system that has caused so much suffering, and work on building other ways of truly meeting children's needs.

Anna Aron's article about the "unintended abolition" in New York during the lockdown shows that, despite dire predictions that there would be a huge spike in child abuse because children were not being investigated, instead, children were kept safe at home because of the outpouring of material resources for families by mutual aid networks and because of the concrete supplemental income that they got from the federal government.

There's lots of evidence that we don't have to rely on a system that is hurting people. We have to be willing to let go of this oppressive system that has caused so much suffering, and work on building up other ways of truly meeting children's needs.

How should we think about these issues while facing the likely end of Roe v. Wade and how Supreme Court Justices Amy Coney Barrett and Samuel Alito have seemed to argue that the existence of adoption precludes the need for a right to abortion.

The idea that we don't need a right to abortion because women can give up their babies for adoption, first of all, ignores the oppression of forcing anyone to go through a pregnancy and give birth. But it also ignores the way in which the entire system of adoption is based on unequal social hierarchies and usually has a coercive aspect. If the state is compelling women to go through pregnancies and give up their children, that is a form of compulsion. It also reflects the coercive aspects of the adoption industry in general, in that it's usually less privileged people putting their children up for adoption to more privileged people. Even in his footnote, Alito's reference to the "supply" of infants for people who want to adopt them indicates that view of children as commodities for the benefit of more privileged people who seek to adopt.

I'm also not sure we can separate private adoption from public adoption of children through foster care. Because if Justices Alito and Barrett are actually envisioning that millions of women who seek abortion will turn to adoption instead, some of those children are going to be put in the foster care system. And if we look at what goes on in the foster-industrial complex, there are tens of thousands of children who are neither adopted nor returned to their families. Many of them age out of foster care without any legal family ties whatsoever, and the system boots them out without the support they need. Many of them become homeless. They have no income and no college degree. Some of them don't even have a high school diploma.

We have to take into account how the family policing system treats children whose family ties have been terminated, and to recognize that children in foster care who are "available for adoption" are only available because a judge has permanently severed their relationships with their families. This vision that Alito and Barrett have of adoption coming in to save the day after the right to abortion is ended ignores the violence that makes children available for adoption in the first place.

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Is our child welfare system "broken"? Or is it ripping apart Black families by design? - Salon