Charles Djou and Adam Kinzinger on the need to expand NATO to Asia – The Economist

Jul 14th 2021

by Charles Djou and Adam Kinzinger

THE RISE of a China that is mercantilist, militaristic and aggressive presents the most significant security challenge for Western democracies since the Cold War. Chinas growing influence is likely to overwhelm individual countries responding on their own and set the stage for an international system designed in Beijing. Resisting this pull toward authoritarianism, however, can be achieved with a unified group of democracies. The best means to secure this comes by transforming the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) into a global alliance of nations that are democratic, have market economies and respect civil liberties and the rule of law.

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The first job of the new NATO should be to welcome democratic countries from the Asia-Pacific region into the alliance. A strong American commitment to expand NATO to include all experienced democracies is vital. Only America has the resources, strength and leadership capacity to bring this to fruition. The countrys national-security policy should prioritise transforming NATO into an alliance of democracies throughout the world.

When NATO was established in 1949, its purpose was to defend Western Europe from the Soviet Union and the communist bloc. It was a time when protecting countries in the North Atlantic area was the same as defending Western democracy. Today NATO continues as historys most successful and enduring alliance. Although the Soviet Union no longer exists, the commitment of its members continues, while democracy and democratic values have spread far beyond the limited physical geography of Europe.

However in the 21st century, NATO must tackle not only security challenges in the West, but also issues that span the globe.

Following the attacks of September 11th 2001, NATO joined America for a nearly two-decade fight against Islamic extremism. Today the alliance not only combats cyber attacks and disinformation campaigns, but it has come to understand the grave threat that Chinese authoritarianism poses to our way of life. As such, NATO membership should extend beyond defending the physical landmass of Europe and cyberspace to the defence of all democracies.

Of course, Russia remains a clear and present security challenge. But we must also address the threats of an increasingly assertive China. Its authoritarianism presents the most pronounced challenge to Western liberalism since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Though Americas economy and military are larger, over the next 20 years China will surpass the country in both respects.

Wherever China believes it has national interests, it will increasingly challenge and undermine Western ideals of civil liberty, rule of law and democracy. As Chinas economy and military strength grow over the coming decades, America by itself (let alone any other democracy) will not be able to compete one-to-one against it. Collectively, however, likeminded democracies can defend our shared values. The multilateral approach of NATO remains the best vehicle for such collective security.

Right now, the Asia-Pacific security framework for democracies is largely bilateral. Security relationships exist between America and Australia, with Japan and with South Korea. But these security relationships do not necessarily exist among Australia, Japan and South Korea. This existing bilateral framework functions so long as America continues serving as the hub, but it could easily be challenged once China is both the worlds largest economy and military. Americas alliances would be made stronger if it were conceived of as a web of interrelationships.

There are other international institutions nominally dedicated to preserving democratic values. Yet none of these organisations can as effectively provide security to the worlds democracies as NATO. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, draws together America, Japan, India and Australia. It promotes defence co-operation between the Asia-Pacific regions largest democracies, partially in response to increased aggression by China. But the Quad is only an informal forum for security communication among countries and lacks any concrete mechanism for defence co-operation and co-ordination. Although a step in the right direction, more will be needed to strengthen the Quad.

The West must rethink outdated defence strategies of regional security in Europe and bilateral security in the Asia-Pacific region. If a new NATO extends its reach to include experienced democracies globally, then it may peacefully resist creeping global authoritarianism. A united West will give illiberal leaders pause before trying to undermine democratic ideals.

Australia, Japan and South Korea all have democratically elected governments, market economies and healthy government institutions. The new NATO should start expansion by inviting these three countries into the alliance. In the long term, the organisation could look to others, such as New Zealand, as well as Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Philippines and India, should their democracies meet NATO requirements. Eventually it should be open to adding experienced democracies from elsewhere too.

Transforming todays alliance into the new NATO will not be easy. The NATO charter will need to be amended, notably the provisions that limit membership to European nations. European countries will also require significant assurances and compromises. The process will be time consuming and bureaucratic.

American leadership will be crucial. It will be needed to connect the European and Asian democracies together. America already has existing mutual-defence obligations with NATO as well as Australia, Japan and South Korea. Linking these commitments together will result in a stronger and much more robust global security alliance for America and its allies. No other country can perform this critical job.

At its core, NATO is a mutual-assistance defence treaty. All members, new and old, will need to agree to Article 5, which states that an armed attack against one or more shall be considered an attack against them all to invoke the right of individual or collective self-defence. After all, when democracy is threatened anywhere, it harms democracies everywhere.

The formation of a new NATO that includes countries in the Asia-Pacific region might inadvertently antagonise China and thereby stir up the very militarism the alliance seeks to prevent. That is certainly a risk, but the alternative is a larger and weightier risk: an emboldened China that makes a mockery of international law and is a source of continual global instability.

Standing up against authoritarianism demands that the West joins forces in a way that it hasnt since the original alliance was created more than 70 years ago. It is a testament to the wisdom of those who conceived of the organisation that it has led to a peaceful period in Europe. Our generation needs to build on their work and courage, and take on this challenge. Democracy might be in recession today but it can recover with an alliance against authoritarianism, united under NATO and led by America.____________

Charles K. Djou is a former Republican congressman for Hawaii who served on the House Armed Services Committee and is a Lieutenant Colonel in the Army Reserve. Adam Kinzinger is a Republican congressman representing Illinois, who serves on the House Foreign Affairs Committee and is a Lieutenant Colonel in the Air National Guard.

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Charles Djou and Adam Kinzinger on the need to expand NATO to Asia - The Economist