Boris Johnson’s perversity on the Brexit cliff edge reminds me of the Free State’s rejection of all things British – Slugger O’Toole

Warrenpoint Harbour

The UKs stubbornly negative approach to future relations within the EU reminds me of the newborn Free States attitude to Britain after the trauma of independence. They cant wait to be rid of even the symbols as well as the substance of the former power even to the extent of trying to deny the facts of mutual interdependence particularly over the economy. Granted there are vital differences. No blood has been spilled over Brexit and I was going to write that the EU is no imperial power; but that isnt how Brexiteers see it. We have regained our independence and all that.

Today saw the first meeting of an elaborate piece of bureaucracy which will be responsible for shaping quite a bit of Northern Irelands future destiny, the Joint Committee in which NI is represented by a senior civil servant. Its role and potential is explained here by the QUB experts on the EU Katy Hayward and David Phinnemore.

At the meeting the UK reps stuck to their guns. No need to bid for an extension for negotiations and no hurry- or no need? to set up customs at GB ports to check which goods are destined for NI only and which for onward to the RoI /EU.

The EU believes IT systems and databases for customs checks and controls need to be in place in Northern Ireland by June 1 in order for the Irish Protocol to be properly implemented, according to a nine-page note circulated to member states, reports RTEs excellent Europe editor Tony Connelly. After the meeting the EU put out an anodyne statement and the British said nothing. But behind the scenes the EU firmly rejected the UKs almost casual, light touch approach, as Connelly reports:

UK sources say EU customs and veterinary officials could enter and leave NI in the same way the EU agriculture officials periodically carry out CAP audits in member states. EU sources reject this, saying there is no comparison with the Protocol, which involves the EU is implementing its single market and customs rules in an entire chunk of a country which is no longer a member of the EU. The EU appears determined not to let the matter rest. UK sources suggest the second rejection letter means the issue is all but dead. However, I expect there will be more to come on this.

Then there is the neuralgic issue of a new EU office in Belfast to monitor compliance and the operations of the single market in the province. The British attitude to this reminds me of the slow removal from the Viceregal Lodge, of the British residual presence of the Governor General from 1933 and the offices replacement by the President in the renamed Aras an Uachtarain.

Just a few months ago the EU Commission had a full presence in Belfast as the capital of an EU region. The standoff over a new office is explained in characteristic style by Newton Emerson. The EU and the Republic have both upped the ante to open the new EU office in Belfast. Connellys report again.

discussions on an EU office in Belfast need to be advanced as a matter of urgency. This is despite the UK rejecting for a 2nd time this week the EUs request for a physical presence in NI to allow EU officials to support the implementation of the Protocol. While the meeting was regarded as constructive, with the UK putting forward more concrete proposals than they have to date, both sides are still poles apart on the EU office issue, and on how goods at risk of entering the single market (over the landborder) should be handled. Dublin also flatly rejected the idea that such an office would undermine the Good Friday Agreement. In her letter to Michel Barnier and the EUs Helga Schmidt, (the UK cabinet minister Paymaster General) Penny Mordaunt said an EU presence wd be divisive in political and community terms

And of course the DUP and Sinn Fein have fallen for it and over north-south cooperation over Covid, but perhaps not too far to be unable to get out of the hole. The DUP must see the benefit of cooperation and that imitation English nationalism will get them nowhere. But theyve yet to find the language to express it without losing face. The SDLP and Alliance would do well to keep targeting their fire on the Johnson administration while nudging their awkward Executive partners towards the goal of the common good.

Meanwhile Aodhn Connolly, director of the NI Retail Consortium was making the real pitch for our interests to the Commons ironically entitled Committee on Unfettered access. From his twitter notes.

The Joint Committee There is a difference in Perception. EU thinks that it is about the implementation of the laws that are explicit within the Withdrawal Agreement & UK think it is about negotiation & mitigation. That means friction from day one The first iteration of the NI Protocol had very little friction between NI and GB and vice versa. Now there are new regulatory, jurisdictional and enforcement issues to the free flow of goods including different customs arrangement and remember friction = cost.

Joint Comm has to talk to biz it & give an evidentiary threshold of how it will judge what is it and whats not at risk. It needs to make decisions on 100ks products. All guidance/procedures need to be issued the biz & business needs time to implement. Time we dont have!

Retail and consumers in NI dont have room to absorb higher costs if there is friction. Retail is a high vol low profit margin industry c2% for some major retailers so no wiggle room. NI households have half of the discretionary income of GB so they cant absorb rises.. Unless goods can show that they are not at risk then there will be the presumption that they are at risk. The EU priority will be to protect the customs Union and the single market. For them this is not just about Brexit & the UK but every other border they have too.

Theres been talk of possible waivers & facilitations and of a Special 3rd country status. . But that wont happen. There is no Hail Mary pass or gentlemens agreement. This all has to be pinned down in legislation and treaty. We need an FTA & agreements. A legal framework

Its not for business to interpret the legislation. Needs to be clear and unequivocal guidance from the UK govt & Northern Ireland Exec. We also NEED to see a UK draft plan on the custom checks between NI & GB to allow us to prepare properly.

Some talk about fixing 1 part and think the whole of the friction is fixed. Thats not right. This is a jigsaw of friction pieces that need sorted, SPS, customs, VAT, security & Safety, transit, all need sorted if we are to give the NI public the same choice and affordability.

From UK we need: Reconstitution of the Alter Arguments Working Group to look at NI-GB-NI trade. Biz needs access to Joint Comm to explain challenges & support needed An economic impact assessment UKG on the effects of the protocol on NI business & NI households.

Added to the pressure of leaving the EU on 1 Jan we also have the Corona virus to deal with which is already having a devastating effect. It has proved that Just In Time Supply chains when they work are great but delays or problems can have huge knock on effects.

Former BBC journalist and manager in Belfast, Manchester and London, Editor Spolight; Political Editor BBC NI; Current Affairs Commissioning editor BBC Radio 4; Editor Political and Parliamentary Programmes, BBC Westminster; former London Editor Belfast Telegraph. Hon Senior Research Fellow, The Constitution Unit, Univ Coll. London

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Boris Johnson's perversity on the Brexit cliff edge reminds me of the Free State's rejection of all things British - Slugger O'Toole