There Is a Major Rift Dividing the White Working Class And Democrats Are Clueless – POLITICO

As a scholar studying working-class and rural whites, I have written about this subtle but consequential divide. I have also lived it. I grew up working-class white, and I watched my truck driver father and teachers aide mother struggle mightily to stay on the settled side of the ledger. They worked to pay the bills, yes, but also because work set them apart from those in their community who were willing to accept public benefits. Work represented the moral high ground. Work was their religion.

We lived in an all-white corner of the Arkansas Ozarks, so my parents werent fretting about the Black folks Ronald Reagan would later denigrate with the welfare queen stereotype. They were talking about their lazy neighbors. They called these folks white trash, the worst slur they knew.

Though Vance described this divide in Hillbilly Elegy, readers unfamiliar with the white working class may not have picked up on it. Vances beloved grandparents, Mamaw and Papaw, represented hard work. Papaw had a steady job at the Armco steel millone good enough to draw him and hundreds like him out of the Appalachian Kentucky hills to Middletown, Ohio. Indeed, it was such a good job that Mamaw could stay home and take care of the kids. Though they were crass and unconventional by polite, mainstream standards, Papaw and Mamaws work ethic positioned them in the settled working class.

Vance (bottom) grew up in the shadow of the steel mills in Middletown, Ohio (top), where he became very familiar with two distinct groups of working-class whites. Academics refer to these groups as the settled working class and the hard living.|Al Behrman/AP Photo and Drew Angerer/Getty Images

From that perch, Vances grandparents harshly judged neighbors who didnt work. They even judged their daughter, Vances mother, Bev. Though shed trained for a good job, as a nurse, Bevs drug use and frequent churn of male partners led to the instability associated with the hard living. Indeed, at one point Vance uses that very term to refer to his mother: Moms behavior grew increasingly erratic, Vance writes. She was more roommate than parent, and of the three of us Mom, [my sister], and me Mom was the roommate most prone to hard living as she partied and stayed out til the wee hours of the morning.

Given the childhood trauma associated with his mothers behavior, its perhaps not surprising that Vance came to emulate his grandparents judgmental stance toward the hard living. This is illustrated by his condemnation of shirking co-workers at a warehouse job and those who used food stamps (SNAP) to pay for the groceries he bagged as a teenager. (It seems that Vance also inherited his familys pugilistic tendencies, which have come in handy with his conversion to Trumpism; words like scumbag and idiot, which readers of Hillbilly Elegy can easily imagine coming out of Mamaws mouth, have become staples of Vances campaign vocabulary).

Ultimately, of course, Vance traveled far from his modest roots to graduate from Yale Law School and become a venture capitalist. For this success, he credited the hard work and boot-strapping mentality he learned from his grandparents. What Vance didnt credit not explicitly, anyway were the structural forces that benefitted him and his grandparents. For Vance, these included an undergraduate degree from an excellent public university (Ohio State) and opportunities in the military. For his grandparents, these included that good union job at Armco Steeleven as Papaw complained about the union. (A significant faction of workers believe that hard-working people like themselves dont need unions, that unions simply protect slackers from hard work. My own fathers pet peeve was unionized loading dock employees whose generous breaks delayed getting his truck loaded or unloaded and thus back on the road earning money. The naming of right-to-work laws plays to this mindset.)

Like Vance, settled white workers tend to see themselves living a version of the American dream grounded primarily if not entirely in their own agency. They believe they can survive, even thrive, if they just work hard enough. And some of them are doing just that. Because they lean into the grit of the individual, they tend to downplay structural obstacles to their quest to make a living, e.g., poor schools and even crummy job markets, just as they downplay structural benefits. They also discount white privilege because giving skin color credit for what they have achieved devalues the significance of their work. This mindset is also the reason that when Obama said in 2012, if youve got a business, you didnt build that, the remark landed so badly among the settled working class. Theyre not accustomed to sharing credit for what they have perhaps especially when they dont have much.

Vance and my parents are mere anecdotes, yes, but scholars have documented the phenomenon they represent. Kathryn Edin of Princeton University, Jennifer Sherman of Washington State University and Monica Prasad of Northwestern University have studied folks like them in both urban and rural locales. What settled and hard living express as cultural phenomena, Edin and colleagues express quantitatively as the second-lowest income quintile dissociating from the bottom quintile the very place from whence many had climbed. Edin described that disassociation as a virulent social distancing suddenly, youre a worker and anyone who is not a worker is a bad person.

Journalists have also brought us illustrations of the settled working class. Alec MacGillis did so in a 2015 New York Times essay, introducing us to Pamela Dougherty of Marshalltown, Iowa, a staunch opponent of safety net programs. As a teenaged mother who divorced young, Pamelas own journey had been rocky, and she had benefitted from taxpayer-funded tuition breaks at community college to become a nurse. But at the dialysis center where Pamela worked and where Medicare covered everyones treatment regardless of age, she noticed that very few patients had regular jobs. Pamela resented this. She thought the patients should have hoops to jump through to get the treatment, just as shed had to keep up her grades when she was getting assistance with college. She thought they should have some skin in the game.

Atul Gawande brought us a similar tale in a 2017 New Yorker article about whether health care should be a right. He introduced us to Monna, a librarian earning $16.50 an hour in Athens, Ohio. After taxes and health insurance premiums were deducted, Monna was taking home less than $1,000 a month, and her health insurance annual deductible was a whopping $3,000. It was her retired husbands pension, military benefits, and Medicare all benefits considered earned, not handouts that kept them afloat. In spite of this struggle, Monna didnt support health care as a right because it was another way of undermining responsibility. Noting that she could quit her job and get Medicaid for free like some of her neighbors were doing, Monna explained that she was old school and not really good at accepting anything I dont work for.

Exit polls from 2016 also reflect this division, with the lowest-income voters supporting Clintonand therefore safety-net programs associated with Democratsby the greatest margin, 53 percent to 41 percent over Trump. It was folks earning $50,000 to $99,000, those who depending on region and family size might be considered settled working class, who preferred Trump by the greatest margin of all income brackets 50 percent to 46 percent.

See the original post here:

There Is a Major Rift Dividing the White Working Class And Democrats Are Clueless - POLITICO