Federalism and the Nigeria of our dreams (III) – NIGERIAN TRIBUNE

(17) The greatest disservice of military regimes in Nigeria was the mindless and criminal centralization of government by the government led by General Aguiyi Ironsi. On assumption of power in January 1966, the military junta killed the soul of a virile, stable and progressive Nigerian nation by abolishing federalism and instituting a system of government that was meant to promote sectional interest. The promulgation of Decree No. 34 of 1966, the military arrested the countrys progress towards unity in diversity. It has been said that General Ironsi was pursuing an Igbo agenda when he failed to respond appropriately to the putsch that disproportionally massacred top politicians from the Northern and Western regions, when he proscribed all ethnic and cultural associations, dissolved representative assemblies, ignored the moratorium on promotion in the military and surrounded himself, exclusively, with advisers from his own Igbo ethnic group. The coup detat that ousted him was justified as a revenge strike to compensate for the human tragedies of the January coup.

(18) Despite the attempts to restore federalism in Nigeria by the succeeding regime led by General Yakubu Gowon, the deadly blows left on Nigerias national consciousness and identity by the coups, the pogrom against the Igbo in the Northern region and the needless civil war which lasted about 30 months were difficult to heal or remove. The introduction of constitutional and institutional modalities to heal the would were grossly inadequate and often times misapplied. The return to federalism and subsequent creation of states from twelve to thirty-six, introduction of military inspired constitutions and conduct of popular general elections created their own contradictions and challenges which were decisive enough to frustrate every effort to develop Nigeria into a flourishing nation state.

(19) Some policies that were put in place to address the problem of alienation of sections of the country and inequitable distribution of national resources miscarried and became counterproductive. For instance, the pursuit of federalism through atomization of constituent parts has produced insatiable demand for state creation even when they were frivolous and non-sustainable. The systems of federal character and quota system when they were introduced were meant to ensure national spread in the distribution of national resources. Unfortunately, these affirmative attentions were poorly conceived and they have turned out to be major sources of injustice in the allocation of resources. They have been interpreted as attempts to hold a section of the country down for the other to catch up and even surpass them. This allegation is most evident in admission policies into federal government institutions which have sacrificed merit and fairness on the platter of sectional consideration. The system of revenue allocation is equally a major source of friction among the constituent units of the Nigerian Federation. The principle of derivation which was adopted during the first republic federal system has since been abandoned as the present system is fraught with lapsed and slippages that question the good intention of government.

(20) In all progressive federal systems, equity, fairness and justice form the bedrock of relations among the constituent units. The electoral system in Nigeria is already compromised as the political class is more involved in the manipulation of the selection process and the prevention of the emergence of credible candidates. On 28th August, 2007, the President set-up a 22-member Electoral Reform Committee to examine the entire electoral process with a view to ensuring that we raise the quality and standard of our general elections and thereby deepen our democracy. After an exhaustive and comprehensive review of the electoral history of Nigeria spanning about 85 years, the panel observed a progressive degeneration of outcomes of sections conducted in the country, with the 2007 elections coming up at the worst since the first elections held in 1922. It further observed that elections conducted by the military tended to be more credible than those conducted by civilian authorities because of the political practice of winner takes all and therefore the need by politicians to perpetuate their hold on power at all cost. Over the years, the politicians have become more desperate and daring in taking and retaining political power; more reckless and greedy in their use and abuse of power; and more intolerant of opposition, criticism and efforts at replacing them. The electorate, seeing their hopes dashes with each set of elections, have come to believe that politicians lack the will to use state power to transform the lives of ordinary citizens. This loss of confidence in governments by the electorate constitutes a major threat to the democratic project in Nigeria.

(21) Another study on the electoral process and democratic consolidation in Nigeria found that defective electoral processes have resulted in the impositions of corrupt and illegitimate leaders who have no regard for the principles of democracy, good governance, rule of law, constitutionalism and fundamental human rights. It is however painful that in spite of the promise contained in the recommendations of the Uwais Panel on Electoral Reform, the 2010 Electoral Act with its amendments fell short of reasonable expectations. The gross inability of the Act to redress the imperfections and inadequacies of earlier electoral laws would confirm its uselessness as a tool for the transformation of Nigeria. Arguably, the average Nigeria is not only smart, but enterprising, making it possible for him to justify self-help and impunity. The electoral process must therefore be designed to produce readers who will be a couple of times smarter than the average Nigerian. A more secure future lies in an electoral system that could ensure the emergence of leaders who possess requisite intellectual and democratic credentials to rule. Products of this process must be allowed to accede to power irrespective of social, religious, ethnic or gender background.

(22) Leadership should not be determined on the basis of zoning, quota system or federal character, formulae that have all outlived their usefulness as power sharing paradigms. Such dubious affirmative actions have had the undeserved consequences of frustrating prospective and potential state and nation builders; making it totally impossible for persons of character and virtue to aspire to political offices. The obnoxious zoning formula smacks of unfairness in its application and would forever perpetuate unequal of differing access-to power within the context of politics in Nigeria.

(23) What is obvious and cannot be denied is the fact of mass frustration, if not despondency, at the nature, character and direction of the Nigerian Sate. The strident call for a discussion of the terms and conditions of Nigerias federalism can no longer be ignored or swept under the carpet as there are strong indications of general restiveness of the constituent units of the federal system. It is equally true that given the state of leadership and lts helplessness in the face of threats to the corporate existence of the country, the times are not auspicious for the convocation of a sovereign national conference with wide powers to re-position the country for development and progress.

(24) It would however seem that the proponents of a sovereign national conference might have lost sight of the calculations and interests of international capitalism. With a history of one whole century of being together as a country, the average Nigerians have established inter penetrating social, cultural religious and economic relations that the balkanization of the country would be as unprogressive as unrealistic. Nigerias high selling point or bargaining strength at the international level is its enormous human and material resources which are globally recognized.

(25) What is needed is a leadership that will maximize these potentials and add value for the transformation of the country. It may not be too farfetched to suggest an international gang up against Nigeria in all previous efforts at producing a leader with national-clout and impeccable credentials for leadership. We have alluded to one such instance above on the authority of Harold Smith who was a key actor in the unfortunate scheme. In 1975, International capitalism conspired to rob Nigeria of pragmatic leadership of General Muritala Mohammed and in 1998 Chief MKO Abiola the winner of the freest election in Nigeria was served tea and died at the hour of victory in the cold hands of agents of international conspiracy against the unity and progress of Nigeria.

(26) The Nigerian emancipation project that will deliver a more secure future should be anchored on a sovereign national conference that will have just one agenda; the formulation of a transformative electoral process. If elected or nominated representatives of all the ethnic nations in Nigeria will converge at a conference at which a new electoral process will be developed and a referendum in carried out for its adoption as the basis for all elections, the contentious issue of how leaders emerge would have been addressed. In recapturing Archimedes give me a place to stand and I will move the whole earth, Robert F. Kennedy said.

A young monk began the Protestant Reformation; a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth, and a young woman reclaimed the territory of France. It was a young Italian explorer who discovered the new World, and the thirty-two-year-old

Thomas Jefferson who proclaimed that all men are created equal.

Kennedy then stated: These (persons) moved the world, and so can we all.

Today and louder than Endsars, young Nigerians should cry out; give us a credible and transparent electoral reform produced by a sovereign national conference and we will have the Nigeria of our dreams. Herein is our collective destiny, where our collective aspirations could be safely delivered and when we can begin to aspire to global reckoning.

Considering the nature, character and historical trajectory of the Nigerian state and inter-ethnic relationships, federalism remains the most viable model for the emancipation and rapid transformation of Nigeria from a mere agglomeration of states to a prosperous peaceful; and united nation state.

CONCLUDED

Originally posted here:

Federalism and the Nigeria of our dreams (III) - NIGERIAN TRIBUNE