History repeats itself. Instead of demonstrating prudent leadership by proactively crafting a strategic response to the COVID-19 pandemic, premiers Ford and Kenney, in particular, have been playing the politics of blame avoidance to distract from their crisis mismanagement. But no matter how hard they are trying to disappear from the radar or deflect responsibility, in Canadian federalism their leadership failure is on full display.
From the second wave in 2020 to Omicron, the pattern has been the same. Remember when premier Kenney was outraged because a Calgary Herald reporter asked if he would take responsibility for Albertas dire situation in December 2020: I reject the entire premise of your question. Or in January 2021, when premier Ford offered advice to the prime minister on the Pfizer vaccine shortage while a second, preventable humanitarian crisis unfolded in Ontarios long-term care homes: If I was in (Trudeaus) shoes ... Id be on that phone call every single day. Id be up that guys yin-yang so far with a firecracker he wouldnt know what hit him.
The problem is: In Canadian federalism, responsibilities are quite clear. In fact, our federal system provides leaders with the best possible foundation to cope with policy challenges that require swift action. This becomes most obvious in comparison with its antipode, German federalism.
While Canadian federalism concentrates power in single party governments at the federal and provincial level, German federalism enforces power-sharing among multi-party coalition governments. The federal and state governments must agree on all major steps in Germanys response to the pandemic.
This system of joint-decision making is an institutional straitjacket no one can escape from. In March 2021, an increasingly frustrated Angela Merkel announced she would seek a federal solution if certain state governments continue to resist tougher restrictions to combat the third wave. It was clear from the outset, however, that this was an empty threat. Even a federal solution would have required the states consent in the first place.
Intergovernmental relations in Canada are different. Ottawa and the provinces can variously combine unilateral action, mutual adjustment or voluntary cooperation. This is exactly, for example, how the Atlantic provinces created and suspended their bubble. Unlike in Germany, federalism is not an impediment for effective political leadership.
Equally important is the question of political accountability. As political scientist Fritz Scharpf put it so aptly decades ago, in Germanys interlocked federal system, no one really wants what is done, and no one will accept responsibility for it. But in Canadian federalism the decisions of individual governments matter. Hence, it should be much more difficult for the Fords and Kenneys to shift credibly the blame on others.
With the federal election out of the way, it is now time for Ottawa to step up.
The federal government has contributed by far the largest share of all COVID-19-related spending. According to a study from the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, this amounted to more than 90 per cent in 2020 alone. Alberta and Ontario received the highest support.
The implications are clear: What we need is a federal government that exercises committed leadership, capitalizing on its spending power. The Trudeau government must shift gears now to forge a more robust, coordinated pan-Canadian framework, and demand accountability. Ottawa must stop asking the provinces what they need without following up if things get out of control. And it needs to attach and enforce, temporarily at least, more conditionality to transfer payments instead of throwing money at the provinces like a generous donor.
Jrg Broschek is associate professor and Canada Research Chair (Tier 2) in comparative federalism and multilevel governance at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo.
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