What kind of revolution is "Eyll"? – ANHA

Rauf Karakocan

One should think of the events of 1961, what is called the "Eyll Revolution". As every year, the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the KDP celebrated its anniversary and it even went even further. It did not see the historical background of the Kurdish people, and linked the history of the Kurds to this revolution only. History was mentioned in empty terms such as unity, inspiration, glory day, and so on. Whatever gains the Kurds have achieved, and whatever they may be, they are among the achievements of the people, and their value is more important and above all. Unfortunately, the truth is not that way.

If it is possible to explain the gains of the war against the Iraqi government, on 11 of September 1961. we must know the nature of this revolution, its historical stage, the social situation, and the form of the government today. The characteristics of the revolution, the reality of the leadership, its ideological perspective and class character, must be researched, in addition to its objectives.

The Kurdish community is a feudal society; in the 1940's when the Kurdistan Democratic Party was founded, based on religious leadership. There was a similar situation in Bar Kurdistan; Sheikh Saeed, Syed Rida, and before them Sheikh Obaidullah Nahr, Sheikh Mahmoud Barzanji, and many others, are considered among the important figures in Kurdish history. because of the character of that era. The chiefs of the clans, the religious scholars, the princes, the bakwas and the agas, were the natural leaders of that historical period; The leaders of many uprisings are clan leaders who have a say in their communities.

When one looks into the leaders of that feudal era, in terms of their leadership approach and goals, one realizes that failure is certain. Their chances of achieving political or military victory were limited. Whether this victory over world powers, or over regional occupation.

In Bar, too, the movement of the mullahs-led KDP, is the same. The Iraqi situation at that time was completely different. In 1958, Abdel Karim Kassem came to power through a military coup. He called for the independence of Iraq. Although he represented the racism of the Baath, he even made some promises in order to get the support of the Kurds and the communists. The interim Iraqi constitution contains some provisions that recognize the Kurds. He even promised autonomy, including Kirkuk. On this basis, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, who was present in the Soviet Union at the time, returned to Iraq and started the meetings.

The racist Kurdish leadership did not gain any benefit from this pervasive situation. Documents in the archives show Mustafa Barzani's reference to the Qur'an in his hand and saying, "We want a system according to this," putting the future of the Kurdish people and Kurdistan in doubt. Nor was Qassem's promises taken advantage of. They were deceived by the tricks of external forces, and the gains were destroyed once, as the method and character of that era is far from the idea of nationalism. This was followed by a major setback in 1975, and a dark page was added to the history of Bar Kurdistan.

In a statement, the KDP leadership presented two options for the people. surrender or emigration, "surrender or emigrate." Hundreds of peshmerga then committed suicide, and thousands of desperate residents left their homes, turning into refugees. The surrender and the process of humiliation paved the way for the complete defeat of Bar.

In 1979 the weapons were brought back inside, and about 700 peshmerga were killed, including Ali Askar. When the latter was arrested, along with his fellow leaders, one of the leaders of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, Sami Abdul Rahman, said: "The big man is killed with a big gun," and he killed them with a missile. The surviving peshmerga were handed over to the Turkish state, where they remained in Turkish prisons for a long time.

During the first Gulf War, which began in 1990, Saddam Hussein's government received a military strike and was subjected to international sanctions. The Bar, Kurdistan, has achieved autonomy. Under the control and protection of America and the coalition forces, the KDP and other Kurdish movements, returned from Iran. They filled the power vacuum, but could not agree on power-sharing.

The 1992 war against the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and the subsequent civil war, between the PKK and the PUK, made the Kurds even more dependent on the occupying forces.

The price of the war of treason was very high. After all these events, national unity was not achieved, and the country was never liberated.

The leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and the leader of the clan, Masoud Barzani, said: "The September revolution is the largest political and military revolution that started from Kurdistan, led by the immortal Barzani, to achieve national and civil rights for the people of Kurdistan.

We have no objection to his saying, but the facts and the things that happened are not like this.

We object to the saying "the decision taken against oppression and occupation has built a strong foundation in the political, intellectual and social struggle of the Kurdistan people." She goes to the side of the occupiers, helps in the occupation of Bar, and thus enters the conflicts. That a person oppresses everyone he sees on one side, and stands against oppression on the other, these two things do not go together. What they are doing today, we do not agree with.

What the Kurds expect from the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Barzani family, is to act according to the spirit of the so-called "September Revolution".

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ANHA

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What kind of revolution is "Eyll"? - ANHA