Daily Archives: June 20, 2024

Cardinal Sarah says US can be ‘place of spiritual renewal,’ urges Catholics to reject ‘practical atheism’ – CatholicVote org

Posted: June 20, 2024 at 3:56 am

CV NEWS FEED // The United States can be a place of spiritual renewal and growth for the Catholic Church, according to Cardinal Robert Sarah, archbishop emeritus of Conakry, Guinea.

He made his remarks at a talk titled The Catholic Churchs Enduring Answer to the Practical Atheism of Our Age in Washington, D.C. on June 13. The California-based Napa Institute and the D.C.-located Catholic Information Center co-sponsored the sold-out talk at the Catholic University of America, which provided the venue.

Cardinal Sarah, prefect emeritus of the Congregation of Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, said that in his visits to the U.S., he has found it a place of great importance for the Universal Church. However, he noted, institutions, hospitals, and universities in the country are often Catholic in name only.

He also said the U.S. President, who self-identifies as Catholic, is an example of what Cardinal [Wilton] Gregory recently described as Cafeteria Catholic.

Still, even though the Church community in the US has been lost at the macro level, Cardinal Sarah said, there is much to celebrate about [the Catholic community here in] the United States.

The Catholic Church of the United States is very different from the Church in Europe, he continued. The faith in Europe is dying, and in some place[s], is dead.

He said that many prelates, who are bishops or cardinals, in the West are paralyzed by the idea of opposing the world. They dream of being loved by the world. They have lost the concern of being a sign of a contradiction.

Cardinal Sarah posited that this compromise may be due to material wealth. Poverty, he said, allows for true freedom.

The modern Church, he said, is tempted by practical atheism, which he defined as a loss of the sense of the Gospel, and the centrality of Jesus Christ. Scripture becomes a tool for secular purpose, rather than the call to conversion.

Though practical atheism is a problem that is growing in the other regions of the West, Cardinal Sarah said, I do not think this is widespread among your bishops and priests here in the United States, thanks be to God.

Cardinal Sarah also said that there is a danger that practical atheism poses when applied to moral theology.

How often do we hear from theologians, priests, religious, and even some bishops, or bishops conferences, that we need to adjust our moral theology for considerations that are only human? he asked.

There is an attempt to ignore, if not reject, the traditional approach to moral theology, he continued, saying that official Church documents have defined moral theology very well. If we do, everything becomes conditional and subjective; welcoming everyone means ignoring scripture, tradition, and the Magisterium.

None of the proponents of [this] reject God outright, he continued, but they treat revelation as secondary, or, at least, on equal footing with experiences and modern science. This is how practical atheism works: it does not deny God, but functions as if God is not central.

Cardinal Sarah also warned against divorcing faith from tradition.

According to practical atheism, tradition is not freeing, he said. And yet, it is through our tradition that we more truly know ourselves. We are not isolated beings, unconnected to our past. Our past is what shapes who we are today.

He emphasized that Salvation history is the chief example of this, saying that the faith always echoes back to Adam and Eve, the Old Testament, and ultimately to Jesus Christ, and the Church that Jesus founded.

This is who we are as a Christian people, Cardinal Sarah said, later adding that Christians are people who live within the context of what God created us to be, which has been perceived more deeply over the centuries, but is always connected to the revelation of Christ, who is the same yesterday and today.

Cardinal Sarah also said that the criticism that practical atheism exists in the Church today is not new, and that in 1958, then-Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger criticized European Christians for embracing paganism.

However, what Ratzinger wrote of in 1958 is more apparent now, Cardinal Sarah said, warning against where there is lack of faith within the Church.

Speaking about the Synod on Synodality, Cardinal Sarah continued, There are voices at the synod that are not speaking within the sensus fidei, or the sense of the faith.

Just because someone identifies as Catholic does not mean they are Catholic or have the sensus fidelium, he said, later adding, And it is a great danger to consider all voices legitimate.

He warned against replacing faith with opinion, and said that attempts to change doctrine cause instability within the Church. He pointed out that Synod Prelate General Cardinal Jean-Claude Hollerich has expressed openness to the possibility of ordaining women priests, which is contrary to doctrine.

Rejecting doctrine implies that faith is something that can be defined by human beings, rather than by God, Cardinal Sarah said: This is not Catholic, and it is a source of great confusion that is harming the Church and the faithful.

Thankfully, Pope Francis has been clear that this is not possible, to ordain priests women, he said. But confusion grows around these questions when the global Synod encourages such considerations. The example of Germany is well-known, but important to remember.

As he concluded, Cardinal Sarah said that the United States is not like Europe.

The faith here is still young and maturing, he continued. This young vitality is a gift to the Church. Just as we saw the African Church, which is also young, provide heroic witness to the faith in the wake of that misguided document, Fiducia Supplicans, and saved the Church from grave error, the Church here in the United States can also be a witness to the rest of the world.

The cultural atheism that has taken over the West does not have to take over this Church here in the United States, he said. You have good episcopal leadership, good, young priests, communities with young, vibrant Catholic families.You must foster the growth of all of this for the sake of your families, but also for the sake of the global Church.

Cardinal Sarah said that both Napa Institue and the Catholic Information Center should be commended for their work, which is vital for the mission of fostering the growth of the Church in the U.S.

America is big and powerful, politically, economically, and culturally, he continued. With this comes great responsibility. Imagine what could happen if America were to become home to even more vibrant Catholic communities? The faith of Europe is dying, or dead. The Church needs to draw life from places like Africa and America, where faith is not dead.

Perhaps it is surprising to some that the United States can be a place of spiritual renewal, but I believe it to be so, Cardinal Sarah said. If Catholics in this country can be a sign of contradiction to your culture, the Holy Spirit will do great things through you.

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The trouble with political Christianity – UnHerd

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In the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas, Jesus condemns those who (either) love the tree and hate its fruit (or) love the fruit and hate the tree. A regular critique of the nominally religious is that they claim to believe in, say, Christianity, but fail to act in accordance with its demanding message of love and compassion. They love the tree, but cant quite swallow the fruit. More recently, however, a strange reverse phenomenon is emerging: a class of thinkers who, unable to rationally assent to the actual truth of Christianity, and yet disillusioned with the politics of new atheism, and fearful of the various religious and pseudo-religious ideas that have filled the vacuum it created, find themselves in the tough spot of being hungry for the fruit but unable to believe in the existence of the tree.

These so-called cultural Christians are appearing in droves: Douglas Murray, Tom Holland (not that one), Konstantin Kisin, Jordan Peterson (depending on what you mean by Christian and cultural and and); even Richard Dawkins the archetypal modern atheist who has done more to confront organised religion than perhaps any other identifiable person in a generation happily adopts this paradoxical moniker for himself.

Paradoxical because, of course, Christianity is more than just an affinity for evensong, disappointment with secular architecture, and suspicion of Islam. St Paul wrote in no uncertain terms to the Corinthians that if Christ has not been raised, our preaching is useless and so is your faith, and the vague, la carte approach to the religion displayed by the cultural Christian which doesnt seem to care about, much less affirm, the historicity of the extraordinary events of Easter Sunday is the kind of attitude that would see you condemned as heretical by the founders of the orthodox church.

Yet Christianity is experiencing a popular makeover, from an affirmative doctrine of truth-claims to a sort of protective garment to be worn as a practical measure against the equal and opposite destabilising forces of radical political religiosity and cynical nihilism which continue to claw away at the souls of those without a firm spiritual conviction.

In the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas, Jesus condemns those who (either) love the tree and hate its fruit (or) love the fruit and hate the tree. A regular critique of the nominally religious is that they claim to believe in, say, Christianity, but fail to act in accordance with its demanding message of love and compassion. They love the tree, but cant quite swallow the fruit. More recently, however, a strange reverse phenomenon is emerging: a class of thinkers who, unable to rationally assent to the actual truth of Christianity, and yet disillusioned with the politics of new atheism, and fearful of the various religious and pseudo-religious ideas that have filled the vacuum it created, find themselves in the tough spot of being hungry for the fruit but unable to believe in the existence of the tree.

These so-called cultural Christians are appearing in droves: Douglas Murray, Tom Holland (not that one), Konstantin Kisin, Jordan Peterson (depending on what you mean by Christian and cultural and and); even Richard Dawkins the archetypal modern atheist who has done more to confront organised religion than perhaps any other identifiable person in a generation happily adopts this paradoxical moniker for himself.

Paradoxical because, of course, Christianity is more than just an affinity for evensong, disappointment with secular architecture, and suspicion of Islam. St Paul wrote in no uncertain terms to the Corinthians that if Christ has not been raised, our preaching is useless and so is your faith, and the vague, la carte approach to the religion displayed by the cultural Christian which doesnt seem to care about, much less affirm, the historicity of the extraordinary events of Easter Sunday is the kind of attitude that would see you condemned as heretical by the founders of the orthodox church.

Yet Christianity is experiencing a popular makeover, from an affirmative doctrine of truth-claims to a sort of protective garment to be worn as a practical measure against the equal and opposite destabilising forces of radical political religiosity and cynical nihilism which continue to claw away at the souls of those without a firm spiritual conviction.

This metamorphosis of the Christian religion in is many ways indebted to Tom Holland not the actor, though perhaps an actor, in that he seems content to live as if Christianity were true whose Dominion thesis has convinced a not insignificant number of intellectuals that the bulk of our celebrated Western ethics is ultimately the product of Christianity, an ideology which has so successfully embedded itself in our culture that we do not even notice it anymore.

This leads our cultural Christians, often those with a special interest in safeguarding Western civilisation, to cozy up to an ideology that they cant quite adopt without qualification due to their rather inconvenient conviction that it isnt true.

Enter Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Re-enter, I should say, as this brave apostate from Islam won successful prominence as an atheist writer and speaker for many years since the early 2000s, before recently announcing that she had embraced Christianity. Indeed, she had originally been scheduled to participate in that famed discussion in Washington D.C. in 2007 which gave birth to the four horsemen of new atheism Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens, Daniel Dennett, and Sam Harris. So news of the almost fifths conversion was met with widespread surprise, joy, and speculation.

Perhaps the most widely read response came from Dawkins, in an open letter whose first sentence contained a rather less than charitable: Seriously, Ayaan? You, a Christian? You are no more Christian than I am.

Why? Because Hirsi Alis article, while passionate and detailed, suffered from the exclusion of anything resembling an argument for the existence of God, or for the theological supremacy of the Christian religion over others (or even over atheism). Instead, it is a political treatise: it begins with her experiences as a Muslim, touching on 9/11, the Muslim Brotherhood, and antisemitism, before asking: So, what changed? Why do I call myself a Christian now?

She answers: Part of the answer is global. Western civilisation is under threat from three different but related forces, which she identifies as Russian/Chinese authoritarianism, Islamism, and wokeism. All of which are distinctly political considerations and so hardly serve as a theological defence of Christianity. Then, referring to Tom Holland, she tells us that the story of the West is a civilisation built on the Judeo-Christian tradition. That is to say, She is ticking all the boxes of a merely cultural Christian.

Strangely, then, they could find initial agreement on one point: their being just as Christian as each other.

Yet she later writes, as if anticipating this objection, I would not be truthful if I attributed my embrace of Christianity solely to the realisation that atheism is too weak and divisive a doctrine to fortify us against our menacing foes. Its a promising interjection, which seems to ready us for an apolitical testimony that might justify her exclusion of the cultural in labelling her new Christian identity.

Here, Hirsi Ali begins to describe her personal struggles as an atheist. I have found life without any spiritual solace unendurable, she writes, claiming that the God hole left behind after her deconversion was not filled with reason and intelligent humanism, as atheists like Betrand Russell had predicted, but instead left painfully vacant.

In this nihilistic vacuum, the challenge before us becomes civilisational, she continues. We cant withstand China, Russia and Iran if we cant explain to our populations why it matters that we do. In explaining, then, her reasons for becoming Christian apart from her desire to defeat her political foes, she tells us that she was struggling with a nihilistic vacuum that was insufficient for defeating her political foes. Once again, the motivation seems political.

Thus Richard Dawkins and his assessment, you are no more a Christian than I am. The funny thing is, Ayaan Hirsi Ali endorses this sentiment. Dawkins has, of late, been airing his misgivings about gender theorists and Islamists, and constantly reaffirms his admiration for Christian art, architecture and music. These political and aesthetic preferences inspired her to refer to Dawkins at one point as one of the most Christian people that she knows. Strangely, then, they could find initial agreement on one point: their being just as Christian as each other.

This uneasy equilibrium provided the mise en scne for an eagerly awaited conversation between the two, which took place in Brooklyn last month. Dawkins tells us at one point that he showed up fully prepared to explain to Hirsi Ali why she is not a Christian: The idea, he says, that the Universe has lurking beneath it an intelligence a supernatural intelligence that invented the laws of physics it invented mathematics [] is a stupendous idea (if its true) and to me that simply dwarfs all talk of nobility and morality and comfort and that sort of thing.

He was, therefore, taken quite unawares, as were many of us, when he asked (or rather told) her, You dont believe Jesus rose from the dead, surely? and she confidently replied, I choose to believe that Jesus rose from the dead. And that is a matter of choice. This, for Dawkins (as for me), changes the game. While throughout the event she had no hesitation in repeating her political grievances, in New York, she finally addressed the truth claims of Christianity, and appeared to confess a belief in them. I came here prepared to persuade you, Ayaan, youre not a Christian, Dawkins told her, before correcting himself: I think you are a Christian, and being Richard Dawkins he added, and I think Christianity is nonsense.

This extraordinary event began with Hirsi Ali recounting her conversion: I lived for about a decade with intense depression and anxiety self-loathing. I hit rock bottom. I went to a place where I actually didnt want to live anymore but wasnt brave enough to take my own life. Through prayer, she managed to escape that hole. My zest for life is back, she declared to a healthy applause, indicative of the one thing that everyone can agree on: it is wonderful to hear that Ayaan is happy again.

After finishing this personal narrative, she could only look at Dawkins and shrug slightly. The audience laughed, in anticipation of something of a shift in tone. I did think there was something comical about following such a moving story of escape from depression and anxiety with, But do you really think Jesus was born of a virgin? Dawkinss decision to do so, however, can hardly be blamed: as touching as his former colleagues story may be, if he is right that Gods existence is a scientific question, then we should remember that bringing personal narrative into the laboratory is as inappropriate an approach as bringing a microscope into a poetry seminar. It should be no more an insult to say that Hirsi Alis emotional struggles are irrelevant to the question of Gods existence than it would be to say to say that scientific observations are irrelevant to the study of Keats.

As Dawkins himself put it, responding to Hirsi Alis fear that an atheistic universe doesnt offer us any way to connect with each other and the cosmos: Suppose it were true that atheism doesnt offer anything. So what? why should it offer anything? Further applause.

Faith offers you something, obviously. Thats very very very clear, he says at one point. But it doesnt make it true. It doesnt make the existence claims of Christianity true. More clapping. Given that such a claim is hardly extraordinary or controversial, this reception seemed to be less in support of the point, and more of Dawkinss willingness to make it plain.

Yet it is worth remembering that believing something for non-rational reasons is not unusual. Our beliefs are quite often formed by our surrounding environment, rather than some kind of perfect logic and analysis of abstract syllogisms. Most people know this. Hirsi Ali is happy to admit it. You may think it imperfect, but it is not unique to her.

The kind of Christianity adopted by Hirsi Ali goes further in asserting its truth, but not very much further in its justification.

This means that any surge in Christian interest we may notice among our public intellectuals is unlikely to be due to a renewed interest in Biblical scholarship or the figure of the crucified Nazarene. It is instead likely a product of their environment. Cultural Christianity, then, is in many ways a political movement disguised as a religious one, reacting not to arguments for Gods existence, but concerns about the practical shortcomings of atheism and alternative religions. The kind of Christianity adopted by Hirsi Ali goes further in asserting its truth, but not very much further in its justification.

Therefore, those celebrating some alleged resurgence of Christianity ought be cautious: it would certainly be a happy day for them if their favourite intellectuals began discovering a relationship with Jesus, but if they begin converting to Christianity principally as an ideological bulwark, we may witness the return not of a meek and mild community of believers, but of a more strong-armed, aggressive Christianity that has historically been a touch more controversial.

But Ayaan does seem genuinely transformed by her new faith: she looks happy, speaks humbly, and seems genuinely uninterested in point-scoring or winning any arguments. It troubles me not at all to admit that I found myself applauding her more than Richard Dawkins. It transpired in Brooklyn that her conversion, which at first appeared mostly political, was more a result of her personal battle with nihilism. This is hardly going to convince anybody else to become Christian, but such personal experience isnt ever supposed to.

Atheists are often told that they are plagued with a God-shaped hole. Hirsi Ali appears to have developed for herself a hole-shaped God. But despite the probability of at least an element of motivated reasoning in this conversion, Im genuinely happy for her. We should keep in mind, too, as her story evolves, that our ideas are the most unclear to us when they are new, and Ayaan is a new Christian. While we are all trying to work out what she really believes, she is probably trying to work out the same thing. She, however, has the unusual courage to do it out loud.

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UK and US at loggerheads over Ukraine joining Nato – The Telegraph

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UK and US at loggerheads over Ukraine joining Nato  The Telegraph

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Joining NATO binds countries to defend each other but this commitment is not set in stone – The Conversation Indonesia

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The outcome of the upcoming U.S. presidential election is going to have major consequences for the relationship between the U.S. and its allies. While President Joe Biden is a firm believer in the value of the transatlantic alliance, Republican contender Donald Trump has for years railed against U.S. participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the military alliance commonly referred to as NATO.

In February 2024, for example, Trump said that if he were reelected president, he would tell Russia to do whatever the hell they want against NATO members that are delinquent in not having invested enough in their own military capabilities. Foreign policy commentators viewed that as an invitation for Russia to attack these NATO countries.

In September 2022, six months after Russias full-scale invasion, Ukraine applied to join NATO. Now, Ukraines potential membership is one of the top questions that representatives from NATOs 32 member countries in North America and Europe will consider when they meet in Washington in July 2024.

At the root of debates over policy toward alliances such as NATO is the assumption that NATO requires its members to step in and help with defense if another member of the alliance is attacked.

As political scientists who study the role of international organizations like NATO, we think it is important to understand that, in reality, alliance agreements are more flexible than people think.

In practice, it is possible for the U.S. and other Western countries to stay out of a conflict that involves a NATO country without having to break their alliance commitments. The NATO treatys language contains loopholes that let member countries remain out of other members wars in certain situations.

One key part of the NATO treaty that countries sign when they join the alliance is called Article 5. This says that an armed attack against one NATO member in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all.

In the case of such an attack, NATO countries agree to assist the country that requires help, including through the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.

But the treaty does not include a clear definition of a what an armed attack actually is.

This mattered in February 2020, when Turkey asked for a NATO meeting and requested that NATO intervene with military force in response to Russian and Syrian forces attacks on its territory, which had killed 33 Turkish soldiers, during the Syrian civil war. NATO allies chose not to defend Turkey with military force, arguing that the level of violence against Turkey wasnt enough to call it an armed attack.

Even when NATO members decide that Article 5 should apply to a specific situation, each country can still individually decide how to act. That is, while NATO does have administrative staff based in Brussels, there is no central NATO authority that tells each country what it must do.

Instead, each country tells NATO what it is and is not willing to do.

NATO members have only formally invoked Article 5 once following the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon outside of Washington.

At that time, 13 NATO countries sent fighter aircraft to help the U.S. patrol its skies from mid-October 2001 to mid-May 2002.

But most NATO allies chose not to send troops to Afghanistan to support the U.S. in its fight against the Taliban. This lack of action on the part of some NATO allies was not seen as breaking the treaty and didnt prompt a major debate and the countries that chose not to join the fight were not sanctioned by or ejected from the alliance.

The NATO treaty also provides some exceptions based on geography. When Argentina went to war with the United Kingdom (a NATO member) over the Falkland Islands in 1982, the U.S. and other NATO members were able to use the fact that the alliance only applies to the North Atlantic region as a reason to stay out of the conflict.

Some political scientists argue that voters will demand their leaders take the country to war to defend an ally. This implies that what really binds the members of an alliance together is not the legal text of an international treaty itself, given that no international court is empowered to enforce the treaty, but rather the publics expectations of what it means to be an ally.

As part of our research into how the American public thinks about international legal obligations, we decided to construct an experiment to see if presidents could use alliance loophole language to justify keeping the U.S. out of a war involving an ally.

In 2022 and 2023, we conducted a pair of survey-based experiments that involved asking nearly 5,000 American adults to consider a hypothetical scenario in which a U.S. ally comes under attack from a powerful neighbor.

Some of the respondents were told that the text of the alliance treaty would allow the U.S. government to avoid having to send troops to defend the embattled ally, while others were not told that information. Though the survey did not mention a specific alliance, we described the terms of the alliance in a way that matches the language used in treaties like NATOs. We then asked the respondents to tell us their views on sending U.S. troops to defend the ally under attack.

Our results revealed a big difference between the people who were told about the flexibility in the alliance treaty and those who were not. While respondents from both groups were generally inclined to come to the defense of an ally, their willingness to do so was significantly lower when they were told that the alliance treaty did not necessarily require the U.S. to send troops.

This suggests that political leaders can, under certain circumstances, manage to convince a large segment of the public that its OK to abandon an ally in a time of need.

So, when it comes to debates about U.S. policy toward its alliance partners and whether it should admit new members like Ukraine it is important for both sides to appreciate that alliance commitments are not quite as binding, either legally or politically, as the conventional wisdom suggests.

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Stoltenberg: Record number of NATO allies hitting defense spending targets during war in Ukraine – Voice of America – VOA News

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  1. Stoltenberg: Record number of NATO allies hitting defense spending targets during war in Ukraine  Voice of America - VOA News
  2. Record Number of NATO Allies Hit Military Spending Targets  The New York Times
  3. More than 20 countries will meet NATO spending targets, Stoltenberg says  POLITICO

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Ukraine Needs a ‘Wet Gap Crossing’ to NATO – Foreign Policy

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The Biden administration sometimes refers to the need to build a bridge to NATO membership for Ukraine. Its an apt metaphorjust not in the way its proponents might think.

One might think of a bridge as a mere symbol of hope. But, invoked in a military context, a bridge is best understood in its role as wartime infrastructure. And that metaphor works precisely because building a bridge in wartime is an incredibly difficult and complex operationone that military planners call a wet gap crossing. Conducting a contested wet gap crossing is periloussee Ukraines evisceration of a Russian battalion attempting to cross the Siverskyi Donets River in May 2022but the possible strategic rewards are high. In 1944, George S. Pattons Third Army crossed the Moselle River at Nancy, turning the German defensive line and opening a strategic position for the Battle of the Bulge.

Much like a wet gap crossing, bringing Ukraine into NATO would be risky and costly, but it could lead to strategic success. If NATO nations are truly serious about bringing Ukraine into NATO, then creating a bridge to NATO cannot just be a clever diplomatic metaphor, and it should not be attempted merely in order to get to the other side, like the Russians at Siverskyi Donets. It has to be approached like the difficult, sophisticated, multifaceted operation that it is, and it must be part of a broader strategy for postwar Euro-Atlantic security, as was the Moselle crossing in World War II.

Diplomats and politicians planning for Ukraines future role in NATO at Julys NATO summit in Washington would do well to understand the U.S. militarys own approach to wet gap crossings. The lessons are instructiveand sobering.

Step 1: Try to go around

Because wet gap crossings are so difficult, the preferred option, if possible, is to avoid them altogether. Some would say we should not bring Ukraine into NATO because it is too risky. But that ignores the fact that there are no good options short of NATO membership for Ukraine, and the risks of not bringing Ukraine into NATO are greater in the long run. As in military operations, crossing a river often is the fastest, most effective way to an objective.

Despite the known risks and difficulties inherent in combat bridging, militaries still maintain this capability because they know that sometimes the strategic opportunity afforded by a successful wet gap crossing is worth the risks and difficulties. They also know that sometimes, going around is not an option. Russia has invaded its neighbors and rattled its nuclear saber, but one thing it has not done is attack NATO directly. That is because NATOs Article 5 remains an effective deterrent. Nothing else has worked.

Those arguing against Ukrainian membership in NATO assert that perhaps we should choose an Israel model of continued materiel support to Ukraine or that a combination of countries, such as the G-7 nations, providing long-term economic support to Ukraine, would convince Russia that it cannot win. The Israel model will not work because Israel has nuclear weapons and Ukraine does not. In fact, thats the whole point. Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons in 1994 when Russia, among other nations, agreed to respect Ukraines sovereignty and territorial integrity. Similarly, Swedens and Finlands decisions to join NATO despite already being members of the European Union demonstrate that bringing Ukraine into the EU and affording it the EUs Article 42.7 mutual assistance clause would be insufficient to deter Russian aggression.

Step 2: Plan and rehearse

Once a decision has been made to conduct a deliberate wet gap crossing, planning is crucial. Simply moving your forces up to the edge of the water and trying to figure out a way across when you reach it would guarantee disaster. You must reconnoiter potential crossing sites, assess which will likely be successful given the terrain as well as your and your enemys strengths and weaknesses, and prepare multiple crossing sites.

There are several options for bridging Ukraine into NATO, all of which should be considered but not all of which seem promising. The firstdeclaring Ukraine a NATO member while hostilities are ongoingis theoretically possible but likely politically untenable given the need for unanimity among the 32 allies to bring in a new member. The fact that it took a year to bring the geographically blessed and militarily advanced Sweden into the alliance belies this harsh fact. If, somehow, this became politically tenable, then NATO would have to quickly deploy forces into Ukraine to make the Article 5 guarantee more than just lip service.

The second option would be to bring Ukraine into NATO as part of a guarantee during negotiations over a cease-fire or cessation of hostilitiesi.e., as soon as a cessation is in place, Ukraine will accede to NATO. This likely would not work because Russia would continue fighting rather than agree to a cessation of hostilities that triggered Ukrainian membership in NATO.

The third option would be for a critical mass of NATO nations to guarantee Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity following a cease-fire by deploying forces on Ukrainian territory. This has the benefit of offering concrete security guarantees to Ukraine while allowing time to bring onside skeptical NATO nations.

While the future shape of Ukraine is unknowable, and the timeline for Ukrainian admission to NATO is unknown, the alliance should start working now to achieve unanimity of political support among NATO nations for Ukrainian accession and also to determine how, where, and when forces from NATO nations will be used to guarantee the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Both measures will be unavoidable, regardless of which option is deemed most credible.

Step 3: Prepare the battlespace

In combat bridging, you dont just line up all your vehicles in a convoy and drive directly to the location where you want to build your bridge and then start putting things in the water. That would be suicide. You plan, rehearse, prepare your forces, and conduct a preparatory campaign to establish favorable conditions. Similarly, simply declaring a Ukrainian bridge to NATO without doing any planning or preparation would just leave Ukraine in the same strategic limbo it faced following the 2008 Bucharest declaration and similarly would motivate Moscow to redouble its efforts to undermine Ukrainian sovereignty before it is able to join NATO.

For NATO, this means that members need to begin whipping together votes in favor of Ukrainian NATO accession now. Diplomats need to understand who in the alliance already is on board with bringing Ukraine into NATO and under what conditions. For those whose position is never or not until the war is over, more creative solutions must be proposed, discussed, and solidifiedin private. This cannot be a one-off discussion; it must be a constant campaign to prepare the battlespace for eventual Ukrainian accession.

Regardless of whether the war ends with Ukraine in control of its 1991 borders or Kyiv settles for something short of that, troops from NATO nations will need to be stationed on Ukrainian soil to provide the time, space, and security necessary to complete the bridge into NATO. These forces should include a coalition of key alliesideally including NATOs three nuclear states (Britain, France, and the United States) to signal that despite a lack of Article 5 security guarantees, NATOs nuclear nations are committed to upholding the agreed-on bordersjust as NATO troops were stationed in West Germany to deter Soviet forces in East Germany in the years between the end of World War II and West Germanys accession to NATO.

Moving these forces into Ukraine in a short timeframe following an armistice or cease-fire would be extremely difficult both logistically and politically. Therefore, NATO nations should begin to set the theater now for those moves by declaring that NATOs air defenses surrounding Ukraine will begin to shoot down Russian missiles and one-way attack drones that are on a trajectory to hit NATO territory; sending small numbers of NATO military personnel into Ukraine to provide training to Ukrainians; and negotiating with Turkey on allowing NATO naval capabilities into the Black Sea to protect civilian shipping.

Step 4: Commit

A wet gap crossing is a massive operation. It is viewed as a corps-level effort in the U.S. Army and is assumed that the Air Force, Space Force, and cyber assets also will provide critical support. It is difficult, risky, and costly, but if done properly, it can lead to strategic breakthrough.

Precisely because it is so risky, the commander of the operation must assess the risks involved, mitigate as much risk as possible without jeopardizing the mission, and accept that it is impossible to mitigate every risk. This is a critical step because once a combat wet gap crossing has begun, a commander must fully commit to the plan and leverage all forces available to make it a success. Half-measures in this type of operation lead to failure.

If NATO is serious about bringing Ukraine in as a memberand it should bethen it must be clear-eyed about the risks. It must develop a concrete plan, not just a political laundry list. This plan must be in support of a broader strategy. And most importantly, it must commit itself to success. Anything less is likely to lead to failure.

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Ukraine Needs a 'Wet Gap Crossing' to NATO - Foreign Policy

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Elusive hypersonic arms need Western teamwork, NATO researcher says – Defense News

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Elusive hypersonic arms need Western teamwork, NATO researcher says  Defense News

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Secretary General in Washington – NATO HQ

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Secretary General in Washington  NATO HQ

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Secretary General meets with Secretary Blinken to prepare NATO’s Washington Summit – NATO HQ

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NATO Defence Ministers agree plan to lead coordination of security assistance and training for Ukraine, address … – NATO HQ

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NATO Defence Ministers agree plan to lead coordination of security assistance and training for Ukraine, address ...  NATO HQ

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