Daily Archives: October 23, 2023

Wendell Berry beloved for his novels (Jayber Crow), short stories of Americas rural past, essays on ecological responsibility (What Are People For?) and his memorable nature poetry (The Peace of Wild Things) brandishes a bias that challenges conventional thinking. That attitude reveals itself in the middle section of his insightful new book, The Need to be Whole: Patriotism and the History of Prejudice.

Berry compares racism to puritanism, but in a twist he defines prejudice as our cultural preference for industrial wage slavery instead of policies that favor smallholders who build communities and engage in genuine homemaking.

The nations dominant ambition to never dirty our hands in mind-numbing physical labor inspired slave owners and sparked the Civil War, he asserts. Berry lauds as a true patriot Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was offered leadership of the Union army, for his refusal to raise his hand against his birthplace, his home and his children. He is also critical of the North for introducing the industrial concept of treating everyone as replaceable by machines as well as promoting the nascent concept of nationalism.

Slavery was indefensible, Berry states, but his hottest anger in this new book is reserved for industrialism that loosed a virulent racism across the nation and brought about the next era of wage slavery. In his view, the Civil War was a battle between industrialism and agrarianism.

Seen as an agrarian, pacifist and eccentric Christian, Berry has often spoken up for the dispossessed. The Need to Be Whole continues the work he began in The Hidden Wound (1970) and The Unsettling of America, (1977) which explored how the wealth of the mighty few who govern this nation was built on the underpaid labor of others. In Kansas, we may feel echoes of this resentment when we hear elites referring to our homeland as mere fly-over country.

Berry has been a frequent guest speaker at the Land Institute at Salina and counts as a friend Wes Jackson, founder of that research facility that explores and promotes perennial, diverse and regenerative agriculture. Sarah Smarsh, the fifth-generation Kansan who wrote Heartland: A Memoir of Working Hard and Being Broke in the Richest Country on Earth, has defended Berry from criticism by leftist economist Paul Krugman writing in the New York Times.

Born in 1934, Berry hails from Henry County, Kentucky a border state in the Civil War where he farms and writes (more than 50 books so far). Hes one of the few writers reminding us that country life is far more complex than most believe, that industrial progress is PR, and that living in the country and working with the land represents a rightful existence.

Both sides of Berrys family had cultivated the same land for generations and counted slave owners among their ancestors. He grew up working alongside hired Black laborers on his grandparents farm, gleaning from them many of the pleasures and skills and responsibilities of farm work. Its this section of his book, examining his familys connection to slavery and his revisionist interpretation of history, that raises eyebrows.

The Need to Be Whole poses Berrys old question yet again: How can we live among our fellow creatures in a way that is honorable, just, and as sustaining of our souls as of our material needs? wrote Daegan Miller in Slate on November 5, 2022.

Berry began The Unsettling of America with this observation, continued Miller: One of the peculiarities of the white races presence in America is how little intention has been applied to it. As a people, wherever we have been, we have never really intended to be.

He traces the conflict of two different tendencies that he sees as defining American history: the exploitative one characterized by the pioneer, the trader, the land speculator, the extractor, the investor, the tycoon and stock trader and the nurturing one exemplified by small, subsistence family farms as well as small shops and stores (smallholders). The exploiters stick around in one place as long as theres easy profit to be made, but the nurturers stay put. Berry seems to be casting American history as a conflict between capitalism and something more social, communal, and rooted in the earth, what he calls agrarianism.

We are now reduced to one significant choice, Berry writes. We can take our stand either on the side of life or on the side of death.

This extended synthesis of the history of agriculture, the history of race and the history of work is something new for Berry, who argues that violence is so far our historys dominant theme, that the willingness to exploit people is never distinguishable from the willingness to destroy the land and that our race problem is intertangled with our land and land use problem, our farm and forest problem, our water and waterways problem, our food problem, our air problem, our health problem.

Everything is connected, he observes, and what connects it is exploitation. That represents both Berrys despair, but also his hope. For if everything is connected through the violence of American-style capitalism, then it can be reconnected according to love not rustic sentimentality but the radical love that Berry learned from his conversations with the late writer bell hooks, a fellow Kentuckian.

Miller notes that this elemental conflict between capitalism and agrarianism drives the tension in The Need to Be Whole, with Berry recounting the staggering loss of topsoil; the concentration of agribusiness sometimes enabled by collusion with researchers at land-grant universities; the increased reliance on heavily polluting, toxic fertilizers and pesticides; deforestation; mountaintop removal; climate change the whole litany of environmental costs.

Berry details how attempts to modernize agriculture, driven for 50 years by the federal governments policy of get big or get out, has led to the virtual elimination of Black farmers as well as the devastation of a once more or less independent rural culture.

Berry may be guilty of conflating the legacies of slavery and romanticizing agriculture and rural life. Nonetheless, if we want to understand the backlog of resentments exploited by todays right wing, it behooves us to explore the linkages he presents between our deeply fractured society and our history of disdain for those who do manual labor, as well as our utter disregard for those who want to practice loving husbandry of soil, air, water, plants and animals.

Suppose that our economy should attempt to found itself upon peace and thrift instead of war and waste, Berry writes. Such changes, perhaps necessary to our mere survival, cannot be possible until the good of families and communities can outweigh the malleable and spongy claims of public interest and individual freedom.

Dave Redmon is a retired journalist and educator reared in southeast Kansas and living in Manhattan. Through its opinion section, Kansas Reflector works to amplify the voices of people who are affected by public policies or excluded from public debate. Find information, including how to submit your own commentary, here.

More:

Searching for wholeness in a nation fractured by capitalism and ... - Kansas Reflector

After an end-of-summer visit to Ecuador, UN Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights Olivier De Schutter called on authorities to continue efforts to curb drug-related crime in the country and to increase investment in the education, healthcare, and social protection sectors.

In his report, De Schutter cited poverty as the root cause of the continual increase of crime, violence, and insecurity in Ecuador. This explainer will explore the history of slavery in Ecuador, the current state of poverty in the country, and how poverty implicates slavery.

What is the history of slavery in Ecuador?

Slave ships first arrived in Ecuador in 1526. Between 1526 and 1822, enslaved Ecuadorians worked on plantations and in gold minds. By 1822, slavery was abolished when the country gained independence. However, the legacy of slavery continues to impact the descendants of enslaved Ecuadorians, particularly Afro-Ecuadorians.

What does the current state of poverty in Ecuador look like?

According to De Schutters UN report, in June 2023, the countrys Gini index stood at 0.467, indicating an inequal distribution of income among individuals and households within the Ecuadorian economy. Urban areas experienced a slightly lower Gini index, at 0.440, while rural areas experienced a higher index at 0.479. Income poverty rates during the same time period were higher in rural areas, at 46.4%, while urban areas experienced 18% income poverty. The national rate for income poverty was 27%.

Among Afro-Ecuadorians, De Schutter highlighted multidimensional poverty rates. Multidimensional poverty measures the ratio of households in a given country that experience monetary poverty, educational poverty, and depravation of basic infrastructure services. While the multidimensional poverty rate across Ecuador was 38.1% in 2022, Afro-Ecuadorians experienced a multidimensional poverty rate of 54.3%. Similarly, Afro-Ecuadorians experienced the second-highest percentage of income poverty, at 33.7%.

De Schutter also called attention to women as experiencing disproportionate rates of poverty in Ecuador. Income poverty rates in 2022 had a gender gap of 1.6%, which suggests inequality in the labor market, inequal wages, more women working unpaid jobs, and more time spent on childcare. Also indicated by higher poverty rates among women are a lack of access to education and lack of employment opportunities for women. Within the women population, Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous women experience higher rates of poverty.

How does poverty in Ecuador implicate slavery?

The current poverty rates implicate a lack of economic opportunity and social protection initiatives from the Ecuadorian government. According to De Schutters report, Ecuador spends 9.6% of its GDP on social protection, resulting in health insurance, disability pension, and overall benefit disparities for those in the workforce.

Similarly, Ecuadorians who are not covered by social insurance rely on social assistance, which fails to protect the lowest income group and does not effectively protect individuals from poverty. This results in the exploitation of workers who already live below the poverty line, leaving them with little choice but to continue working without benefits or adequate pay.

Enforcement of labor law also contributes to poverty rates in Ecuador. The UN report cites that Ecuadors Ministry of Labor and Employment reported that there are a mere 140 labor inspectors to enforce labor law in a country with a population of 18 million. Likewise, there are 100 social security inspectors to enforce social security protections in the country. This disparity results in existing labor law not being enforced and further worker exploitation.

An example of the consequences of a lack of labor law enforcement is seen at the Furukawa farms in the abaca plantations in Ecuador. Owned by the Japanese company Furukawa Plantaciones C.A., the plantations were alleged to have slavery-like conditions. According to the UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent, most workers at the plantations are Afro-Ecuadorian. They lack employment contracts and social security and are housed in territories that are owned by the company that lack water, electricity, public lighting, and sanitary and toilet facilities.

Bonded labor, in which people give themselves into slavery as security against a loan or inherited debt, is prevalent in Ecuador. It is found in different sectors, such as the sugar cane, avocado, fruit, maize and beans industry. According to the UN report, it is alleged that in these industries, Afro-Ecuadorian households perform work for wages significantly below minimum wage as a form of debt bondage. This starts for individuals as early as 12 years of age.

How does Ecuador alleviate its current state of poverty and slavery?

De Schutter recommends that the Ecuadorian government take several steps to alleviate the existing plight of poverty and slavery in the country. An increase of the minimum wage is recommended to combat in-work poverty. He also recommends an increased monitoring and enforcement of labor law to ensure protection and equality for workers.

De Schutter also recommends that the government increase its social investment. This looks like an improved quality of education, improved targeting of social assistance, a more progressive and efficient tax system, and rationalizing fossil fuel subsidies.

The wealth of Ecuador, De Schutter concluded, is not in its subsoil; it is in its people and the priceless wellbeing they derive from their environment.

More:

Explainer: The State of Poverty and Slavery in Ecuador - JURIST

"In my point of view, it is digital slavery." Sorry Servitude

AI has a dirty secret: the people hired to train it are making literal pennies on the dollar, tantamount to slave labor.

As Wired reports, AI-labeling workers often live in places like Venezuela and the Philippines and even in refugee camps in Lebanon and Kenya where wages are low and people are in dire need of work. The "microtasks" they find with the gig apps that employ them, however, often end up paying even less than those countries' paltry minimum wages.

Oskarina Fuentes, a Venezuelan national who eventually moved to Colombia to escape poverty, told Wired that working for the Australian data services company Appen, she nets $280 on a good month while working 18-hour days from her bed, which is just shy of her adoptive country's $285 monthly minimum wage.

Fuentes described waking up as early as two in the morning in attempts to get first pick of Appen's tasks, which involve tagging algorithm training data for companies like Microsoft, Google, and Amazon. The tasks pay out between two and 50 cents each, and in a typical hour-and-a-half of work, she'd receive about one American dollar though when work is slow, she'll sometimes make only make a dollar or twoper day.

Mutmain, an 18-year-old from Pakistan, told the magazine that he used a family member's ID to start working on Appen when he was only 15. Today, he works outrageous hours: 8am until 6pm, and then again from 2am until 6am and still often only doesn't make more than $50 per month.

"I need to stick to these platforms at all times," the teen toldWired, "so that I don't lose work."

Because micro-gig companies like Appen and its competitors Clickworker and Scale AI only pay for actual hours worked, Mutmain said that tasks can end up taking multiple hours when accounting for research while only netting him a dollar or two.

"One needs to work five or six hours to complete what effectively amounts to an hour of real-time work, all to earn $2," he said. "In my point of view, it is digital slavery."

An Appen spokesperson toldWired that the company is taking steps to reduce its gig workers' difficulty finding tasks, but it nevertheless must find a "careful balance" between the rapid completion of tasks its clients want and the consistency of work its laborers need.

Though this is far from the first time we've heard about the horrors of AI data-training gigs, it's nonetheless shameful that these well-funded companiesare outsourcing their labor for such incredibly low wages.

When the gig economy meets uber-cheap labor markets, the result can sound a lot like the sorry state of American prison labor.

More on AI and labor:LinkedIn Laying Off 700 as Microsoft Pivots to AI

Excerpt from:

That AI You're Using Was Trained By Slave Labor, Basically - Futurism

click to enlarge

Mark Oprea

Cooks at Miega on Thursday. The restaurant was one of the cohort to win grant money.

On Thursday, on the second floor of the Asia Town Center off East 38th and Superior, Mayor Justin Bibb awarded $5,000 to the winning restaurants in City Hall's partnership with One Fair Wage, a national coalition seeking to raise the sub-minimum wage for servers to a meaty $15 an hour.

The restaurants given the award were:

To the mayor, who bussed at Toby's Kitchen as a teenager, the first series of grants are a precursora "pilot program," he saidthat could act as a legislative rallying cry to bring a $15 minimum wage to the whole state of Ohio.

"I'm really excited about the conversation, the hard but important conversation we're having right now about a fair wage," Bibb told the crowd standing in front of Miega's front door. "And that is not just about putting more money in people's pockets, because that's important, especially in this economy. But this is about dignity."

Mark Oprea

Barbara Bradford-Williams, owner of JB Grill Soul Food. "We're looking to promote the neighborhood. We're looking to hire new employees, and we're looking to pay them $15 [an hour]," she said.

OFW and its campaigners are quick to compare Ohio's sub-minimum tipped wageabout $2.13 an hourto the country's history of underpaying waitstaff and cooks. It's a mentality OFW supporters approach in an anti-capitalist way, suggesting that servers are paid low because, well, the pay has always been that way.

"The sub-minimum wage here in Ohio and here in our entire country is a remnant of slavery, and we are all fighting in those remnants of slavery," Mariah Ross, an OFW campaign manager, told the crowd. "The sub minimum wage was first introduced due to emancipation when Black women and Black men were freed."

As for the meager $2.13 an hour? "That is what we're fighting to change," she added.

Restaurant owners and managers present at Asia Town Center said they'd use the $5,000 to either start or continue higher pay for staff.

"We're looking to build up," Barbara Bradford-Williams, owner of JB Grill Soul Food, said. "We're looking to promote the neighborhood. We're looking to hire new employees, and we're looking to pay them $15 [an hour]."

But both Bibb's and OFW's financial boost for the ten progressive-minded restaurants present brings up questions for those on the other side of receipt.

In a culture run mad with ubiquitous tip suggestions, with flipped iPads and Square terminals everywhere, it seems that tipped workers paid a fairwage might not elicit the same 15 to 20 percent restaurant goers are used to paying them.

Mark Oprea

Chris Nguyen (center) and his wife Claudine (left), owners of Superior Pho. The restaurant was one of 10 to receive a grant Thursday

"Tip percentages and menu prices don't change in the long run," Mikey Knabb, the national director of High Road Restaurants, a partner with OFW, told reporters.

Chris and Claudine Nguyen, owners of Superior Pho down the street, seemed to agree with this new model. They have been paying staff at least $14 an hour since 2021, and said the grant money given to them Thursday will only help bolster their employee pay philosophy. And keep ingredient prices, especially with inflation, manageable.

"Should it change the culture of tipping? I don't know," Nguyen said. "I think people tip if they want, and I think that they should have the choice to patronize businesses and tip if they would like to."

The second round of restaurants to win the $5,000 grant will be announced, the city said, later this year.

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Bibb Announces Ten Winners of $5000 Restaurant Grants to ... - Cleveland Scene

This story was originally published byInside Climate Newsandis reproduced here as part of theClimate Deskcollaboration.

Christine Louis-Jeune knew she was home when she saw ash falling from the sky and onto her windshield.

She hadnt been back to her central Florida hometown of Belle Glade in six months. She was both exhausted after a six-plus hour drive from Tallahassee and excited to tell her parents about her first semester at Florida A&M University.

But as she saw the dark clouds of smoke, all she could think about was how to get out of the car without getting ash on her clothes or in her lungs. She looked for extra masks in her glove compartment. She began to worry about her family, and hoped they were safely at home with all the windows shut.

Her homecoming had been darkened by what Belle Glade residents call black snowash and soot that fall on the low-income communities south of Lake Okeechobee (also known as the Glades) during the six-month sugarcane burning season.

Every year fromOctober to March,farmers in South Florida set fire to over 400,000 acres of sugarcane fields in preparation for their harvest. Residents of the surrounding, predominantly Black towns have long complained of the accompanying smoke, and research has indicated adverse impacts on health. Community organizers and environmental experts propose green harvesting as an alternative to this widespread and controversial practice.

For Louis-Jeune, 21, an organizer for the Florida chapter of the Sierra Clubs Stop the Burn campaign, the black snow that welcomed her home was a reminder of why she had moved to Tallahassee to pursue an environmental science degree. Through organizing and advocacy, she hopes to mobilize young people against sugar crop burning.

These are my people. This is my home. I cant let someone drive me out, Louis-Jeune said. She recalled how she felt as she parked her car that evening amid the falling ash: Once you start trying to advocate for an issue, you cant just stop.

Louis-Jeunes parents immigrated from Haiti over 40 years ago and settled in Belle Glade, Floridas heartland for jobs in agriculture. She would spend large portions of her childhood under the cloud of black snow. Most of the families in Belle Glade share a similar story. The city has been a hub for Caribbean immigrants since the 80s, with agriculture being the most common source of work.

The sugar industry is the towns major economic engine. More than half of the countrys sugarcane is produced in Florida, and Palm Beach County, where Belle Glade is located, contains most of the statescommercial sugar acreage. The total value of agricultural products sold in Palm Beach is$901 million, higher than any other county in Florida. However, Belle Glade, whereover 60 percent of residents are Black and over 26 percent are Hispanic, has continuously been ranked as thepoorest town in Florida. The other cities in the countys GladesPahokee and South Bayshare asimilar story.

It is this same industryBig Sugarthat brings ash to the Glades through sugarcane burning. In this pre-harvesting practice, farmers set canes on fire for one to four hours a day to strip them of their leaves to make the crops less costly to transport. The industrial revolution of the 20th century brought anincrease in population and commercial sugar productionin the Glades, and sugarcane burning became a common practice.

The resulting ash also affected communities in the largely white and affluent Wellington and Royal Palm Beach area. Following complaints from residents there in 1991, the Florida Department of Agriculture banned growers from burning sugarcanewhen winds blow in the direction of those communities. However, for those in the tri-city Glades, sugarcane burning and the thick smoke and haze it brings persists.

You see [its] a prime example where the predominantly Black and brown communities have to disproportionately bear the toxic impacts and are held to a much higher standard of evidence than more wealthy and predominantly white communities are, said Patrick Ferguson, senior organizing representative for the Sierra Club.

Louis-Jeune, who joined Sierra Club Florida in 2020, says it has been a struggle to get any government attention on Belle Glade. Organizers consider this inattention, as well as the history and application of sugarcane regulations, a classic case of environmental racism.

Some communities are designated as worthy of more protection from harmful pollutants rather than others and the color of your skin has a big, big, major impact on the level of pollution protection that youd be afforded, Ferguson said.

If you aint got the right complexion, youre not going to get the protection, said Environmental Health scientist and University of Maryland Professor Sacoby Wilson, paraphrasing the aphorism first coined by environmental justice advocate Robert Bullard.

Environmental justice experts and organizers also maintain that this pollution is not merely negligence, but purposefula result of systemic racism.

I dont like to call it structural racism. I like to call it structured racism, Wilson said. It aint by accident, its by design, and so you see that across the country.

Sugar, once a luxury, became a highly profitable and universal commodity due to chattel slavery in the Americas. The European demand for white gold propelled the transatlantic slave trade which provided a continuous supply of enslaved Africans as dispensable labor. Sugar plantations were notoriously grueling and deadly sites with an average life expectancy ofseven yearsfor an enslaved person.

After abolition, sharecropping trapped many Black families in a cycle of poverty and debt. Some African-American families in Florida have cultivated the same sugarcane fields forgenerations. Families immigrating from other parts of the world have joined them. The economic and environmental conditions of these communities is proof suppression by the sugarcane industry remains, some say.

If its one of the largest employers in the area, why are people in poverty? That means theyre not getting living wage jobs, theyre not really getting the benefits, Wilson said. Youre using my community to host this operation of the sugarcane burning. I get no real benefit, but I get the externalities. Thats environmental slavery.

The Stop the Burn campaign, started in 2015, has pushed for a transition from sugarcane burning to green harvesting, an alternative involving mechanical harvesting machines that cut off the leaves and tops of the canes and leave them on the ground. The industry already practices green harvesting in smoke-sensitive areas located near schools and hospitals, including in Belle Glade, but it hasnt adopted the practice fully. Some sugar executives claim such changes in Florida will result inconsiderable economic impact. Big Sugar is thelargest employerin the area, and not all locals support a transition to green harvesting over fears of job losses.

The environmental justice movement has never been an anti-jobs movement, Wilson said. Its always been an economic justice [movement], about opportunity.

Despiteresearch showing multiple health risks associated with sugarcane smoke, Floridas sugar corporations claim it is safe, and the easiest and most efficient form of pre-harvesting.

Last year, residents of Glades, Hendry and Palm Beach countiesdropped their class-action lawsuitagainst several of Floridas largest sugar companies that claimed the burns lowered property values and emitted carcinogens. In response, U.S. Sugar Corporation spokesperson Judy Sanchez said, we believed the science, data and regulations that support our work every day would show that the air quality in the Glades is good the highest quality under federal regulations. Attorneys for the residents did not respond to questions from a reporter about why the lawsuit was dropped.

While sugar companies maintain the air quality of the Glades is in compliance with the Clean Air Act,a 2021 investigation by ProPublica and The Palm Beach Postdiscovered the single air quality monitor in the area had been malfunctioning for at least eight years.Researchers at the Florida Department of Health recommended a health-risk assessment to study the link between illnesses and air pollutants they found to be released during pre-harvest burning. Seven years later, no such study has been produced by the department.

Big Sugar, which includes Florida companies U.S. Sugar Corporation, Florida Crystals Corporation and Sugar Cane Growers Cooperative of Florida, forms an influential political force in the state. Company billboards promoting the sugarcane industry are a familiar part of Belle Glades landscape.

Lets just say its taboo locally to speak out negatively against the sugar industry in any way, Ferguson said. They spread a lot of money around locally, and fears of being cut off from those sources of funding have definitely made some folks and organizations that would be natural allies want to maintain their distance, unfortunately.

Going against the sugar industry does not worry Louis-Jeune. She reminds herself of how different her town and upbringing would be if the practice was banned.

On days when her parents were at work, Louis Jeune would ask neighbors to drive her and her siblings across town to use the closest clothes dryer. Most families in her community didnt have one of their own. Her home didnt have air conditioning, eitherwhich meant sweltering heat on black snow days when all the windows had to be closed.

But if all the harvesting had been green, she believes, she could have had a normal childhood.

On the days where they did green harvesting, we were able to play sports we could walk home after school. But on days of sugarcane burning Glades Central High would sometimes pack all students in the cafeteria while the black snow was falling. In a state famed for its mild weather, her fondest wish became simply to eat lunch outside. On the days when they [burned sugarcane], she said, it was bad. It was terrible. It was unbearable.

So bad, she said, that she and her friends couldnt have birthday celebrations outside, or hang out after school outdoors.

Louis-Jeune remembers what drove her to join the Sierra Club campaign in 2020. She was working as an urgent care facility receptionist, and witnessed parents asking for nebulizers for their children in preparation for the sugarcane burning season. During this early stage of the pandemic, patients would come in unsure if their respiratory difficulties were because of COVID-19 or thelung-inflammatory ash. Theres a litany of potential deleterious health effects from exposure from burning of sugarcane fields, Wilson said.

Burning sugarcane releases tiny particulate matter into the air. Exposure to this particulate mattercalled PM 2.5can cause or worsen asthma, and lead to heart disease, stroke, cancer, diabetes and other complications and diseases, according to a recent study by Florida State University. These pollutants can also impact fertility, increase infant mortality and decrease life expectancy.

Louis-Jeune says she and her family have developed allergies from the ash. That made her realize how black snow affects every aspect of life in her community. She decided to inspire other young people to push for green harvesting.

She began posting on social media, staffing information tables at community events, helping Muck City Black Lives Matter, and asking her friends to share pictures of sugarcane ash on their platforms. At Palm Beach State Collegean area where black snow no longer fallsshe handed out flyers with information on the Sierra Club Florida campaign.

It wasnt always comfortable; she initially felt intimidated as a young person in her hometowns Sierra Club organizing group. But, she said, Our message to young people is to not be afraid to be like an oddball.

Its easy to get caught up in a sense of defeatism and down spirits, Ferguson said. But I cant think of a better, worthwhile way to devote your time than advocating for the future that we all want and are working to create.

Louis-Jeune added: Theres strength in numbers.

She hopes black smoke will become an issue acknowledged and discussed outside the communities south of Lake Okeechobee. If we just put differences aside, and focus on the fact that these are people who deserve the bare minimum.

More here:

Sugarcane Burning Is a Plague on These Black Floridians Mother ... - Mother Jones

Alabama has beautiful beaches and the best southern hospitality. There is an atmosphere of peace at their Orange and Gulf Coast beaches that you cannot find anywhere else. Alabamians wear their hearts on their sleeves and carry kindness in their eyes. Coincidentally, there is a dark side that not many people know of. Here are 18 of the most haunted places in Alabama.

To be able to explain some of the scary occurrences that have happened within this state, I need to give you some of this states history.

Alabama became a state in December 1819, initially separating itself from the Mississippi Territory. Slavery did not end until 1865, almost 40 years later. They were littering the territory with plantations and enslaved person quarters. Several stories about the civil rights movement are told because it is a massive part of Alabamas history.

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Subsequently, in addition to the states history, the culture that fills it has many depths. Storytelling was an essential piece of history with folktales of every generation. Stories of family ties and statewide politics. With such a rich cultural infrastructure, it should be no surprise that quilt-making and music are a considerable part of Alabamian history.

With storytelling and history being a big part of Alabamas framework, you should already be aware that not all the stories told are pleasant. Some will make the hair on your neck stand on end. They will give you a chill up your spine and goosebumps down your arm.

Stories that could never be untold and places that can never be unseen. These kind of things you will find in their history. Whether you spook easily or are incredibly brave, I have found something you can take to your grave.

During my research of the most haunted places in Alabama, you would not believe the amount of information that I found. It almost seemed endless. Every new search procured thousands of new stories.

Regardless of the reasonings for the hauntings, they happen. Stories upon stories of death and sadness and the darkness lurking in between the borders of this southern state.

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Considering the large amount of information I came across when compiling my list, I found it easier to separate them into categories: Homes, Landmarks, Schools, and Places of Public Service.

These vary. Some are historical mansions that the government has preserved. Others are just homes whose walls are full of the lives theyve built. No matter the kind, they have one thing in common. Spirits have been lurking in their hallways.

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The Sweetwater Mansion was built in 1828 in Florence for officers to use during the Civil War. While there, you can hear children playing that are not there in the house. People claim to see things being moved around the mansion without actually being moved. The TV Show Paranormal State has also investigated this location with its paranormal team.

According to WAFF48, a local New Station,

Architectural historians say it is one of Mobiles best preserved and elaborate examples of mid-19th century domestic architecture.

Found in Mobile, Alabama, and built in 1860, the state of Alabama is specifically preserving Richards DAR House as a museum. It was one of the first mansions built in the Italianate style. A steamboat caption had it made for his large family, with the home totaling 10,000 square feet. The American Revolutions Daughters have been running this house since 1973.

Reports for the haunted house have stated a ghostlike feature stands in the upstairs bedroom window. In the halls, you can hear laughter that is said to be a sound like something youve never heard. Sure enough to make you look in all directions.

This plantation house was built in the 1850s in Demopolis. It was the largest plantation house to be made in the county. That is why this home has garnered much attention. The home is said to be haunted by a former housekeeper from Virginia. You can hear her playing the piano in the music room from time to time.

Another plantation house on our list. Residents have claimed that a former housekeeper stands in the courtyard. Looking in your direction, almost right through you. A gentleman staying there had stated that a light attacked him, explained to be almost orb-like. This happened near the cemetery on the plantation.

These are public places in Alabama where something had happened to change its future. These locations hold so many secrets. Ones that we may never truly know.

Chris Pruitt / CC BY-SA 3.0 License

The Eliza Battle was a steamboat that could carry people and cargo. While on a run from Columbus, Mississippi, to Mobile, Alabama, carrying 60 passengers, 45 crew, and some cotton, the steamboat reportedly caught fire via the cotton bales at around 2:00 a.m.

The captain tried to steer the ship ashore but had difficulty seeing. All the smoke and fire made it hard for the people aboard to get to the lifeboats, causing people to jump into the freezing water and sink somewhere off Alabama Highway 114.

An author named Kathryn Tucker Windham had written about this event in her book called Thirteen Alabama Ghosts and Jeffrey. In her book, Kathryn talks of how the steamboat can be seen floating down the river occasionally. Looking close enough, you can see that it is engulfed in flames while music can be heard in a muffled tone.

You would not expect to find a large tree growing out of a grave, but in Mobile, Alabama, that is just what you will find. In 1835, a 19-year-old kid was convicted of the murder of his friend. This kid was a poet and musician named Charles Boyington. Although he claimed his innocence until the end, he stated a tree would grow from his grave to prove such.

Two hundred years later, every year, on May 14th and 15th, the Bogington Oak Festival is held in honor of Charles. People visit his gravesite and the fantastic southern oak tree that has sprouted. Also, people visit his home and some of his favorite places he likes to go.

In the 1950s, a school bus full of children was on the way home from school. The bus came across train tracks while driving down Country Road 12 in Coy, Alabama. During their crossover of the tracks, a train hit the school bus, thus killing everyone on the bus.

Late at night, you can hear the screams of the children coming from the tracks. If you stop to hang out, you will see apparitions of the children walking the tracks.

Depending on your level of bravery, you can also see a glimpse of the ghosts in action by dusting baking flour over the trunk of your car. People say if you put flour on your trunk, sit on the tracks with your car off. Childrens handprints will be imprinted into the flour when you pull away.

In Hueytown, Alabama, you will find a ghostly man pacing Lilly Lane late at night. Wearing a white T-shirt and blue jeans, he can walk up and down the lane all night. Some residents have even claimed to have found him in their houses.

In Rogersville, Alabama, at the Second Creek Bridge. A musician was trying to catch a ride after a jazz show in the area when he was struck by a car and killed. If caught crossing the bridge late at night, you might see him walking along, trying to flag people down, still looking for that ride. Zoot suit and all.

Locals say if you stop and offer him a ride, he will mumble something about his trumpet before disappearing.

Deep in the woods of Gadsden, a witch is said to wander around. This is as folklore tells us. They say she sold her soul to the devil for immense power. After collecting several photos, investigators found orbs floating down this path.

Victoria Tori Meyer/Shutterstock.com

A little girls death in the gym of an elementary school located in Bonneville, Alabama, has left the school with several reports of hauntings. The girls ghost can be found running up and down the halls outside the gym and in the bathrooms, where you can see her in the mirror. The girls locker room in the school had to be closed off due to her sightings. This was for safety reasons of the other students still attending the school.

Several children of this Fort Payne school died in a fire. They haunt the gym. The girls locker room has been a place of heavy activity. People say you can hear lockers slamming and benches in the locker rooms moving. Also, the showers and faucets will turn on and off in the locker rooms, and the toilets will randomly flush. Lastly, people have made claims to hear kids giggling.

A mansion built on a large plantation in the late 1850s, previously known as the Carlisle-Martin House. Edward Kenworthy Carlisle, a prominent lawyer and cotton grower, owned it before it became a school.

Throughout its lifetime, it is said that a previous housekeeper haunts the fourth floor. She waits in the window for her lover to return. Visitors have reported several testaments of this.

She was known to the staff and residents past and present as The Red Lady of Pratt Hall. Martha attended the college between 1900-1950. Martha loved the color red and would decorate the whole side of her dorm. Her bed, her curtains, and most of her clothing were red. Even though Martha enjoyed her studies and loved the colleges academics, she was not enjoying college life so much. She did not have any friends.

Shortly after, her roommate and the only person she could talk to moved out of the dorms, and people stopped seeing Martha around the school. She quit attending classes, and classmates reported not seeing her at lunch or the library. When concern started to hit peoples lips, her roommate returned to check on her. When she reached the fourth-floor dorm, she found Martha in her bed. She had committed suicide. It was documented that her blood had soaked everything around her. This meant the scene was considered red.

A cheerleader was on the football field taking her homecoming pictures when she climbed on top of the goalpost. Thinking these would make for some great photos, she started to pose, when suddenly she fell to her death.

On homecoming night, if you go out to the 50-yard line on the football field and call her name. This is when she will appear and walk towards you.

This hotel was built in the 1920s and has been known as a great tourist attraction. People from all over the world come to visit for two different reasons:

Hank Williams, the famous country musician, stayed his last night in the hotel before passing the next day in the back seat of his car in 1953. Williams ghost can be seen wandering the top floors, aka The Penthouse, late at night.

Claims of other paranormal activity throughout the hotel have also been reported. According to WHNT, a news station in Alabama,

Redmont guests have reported doors opening and closing, furniture or bags moving around, and even the ghost of a small dog roaming the hallways.

I found this place listed on several things revolving around The Most Haunted Places In Alabama. It is a National Landmark, being built in 1881. The Sloss Furnaces was a steel production plant. Once built, it offered a growing economy for the newly founded city of Birmingham. The steel was in high demand, for railways were the primary source of transportation at that time. Not only did it offer a product, but it also offered employment. Thousands of jobs had become available.

Although the work was hard and incredibly dangerous. The men employed there worked 12-hour days while getting paid a meager wage. Most cases reported only earning scripts they could use at the company store.

Johnny Cash wrote a song very fitting for this type of employment.

As previously said, the work was dangerous, causing several work-related injuries and often leading to death. One of the worst stories told is when a workers item of clothing got caught in the machine gears at the plant. As the gears turned, it dragged the man in click by click by click. Several of his coworkers stood around as they watched in horror, unable to do anything to help, watching him as he disappeared.

The Travel Channel talks of this place in detail, mentioning that,

Screams are heard, apparitions are seen, and on the second floor of the Blower Building, theres the sinister presence known as Slag, an overly cruel foreman who can still be heard belittling his crew.

Paul-Briden/iStock / Getty Images Plus via Getty Images

This was a mental health hospital, helping patients with their psychiatry needs. This is still currently a behavioral health center today. Staff and patients alike have reported hearing strange noises coming from the hospital. There have also been reports of large shadows and dark masses wandering around the facility.

Whether youre coming to Alabama to visit 1 of the 18 Most Haunted Places In Alabama or to swim in one of the great beaches you will find here. One of the things you will not be able to miss out on is the history that fills the place.

It will be hard not to hear of the hauntings of the schools, homes, and places full of such history. It is hard for people to want to leave it behind, so they choose to stay forever.

On a side note, if you want to swim while you are here, you must do your Alligator research. Not all of our waters are a safe spot to submerge yourself.

Read more here:

18 of the Most Haunted Places in Alabama - AZ Animals

1. Name and outline of policy proposal, guidance, or operational activity

Increasing the full rate of Immigration Health Charge to 1,035 per year and the discounted rate to 776 per year.

The Immigration Health Charge was introduced to ensure that migrants contribute to the cost of healthcare provided by the NHS. Prior to the introduction of the Health Charge, temporary non-EEA nationals, in the UK for six months or more, could access NHS treatment on the same basis as UK nationals for the duration of their stay. The NHS entitlement rules in place prior to the introduction of the Health Charge provided a cost burden on NHS resources. In 2013, the estimated cost of treating non-EEA nationals was around 1 billion annually, which placed a significant burden on NHS resources.

The Immigration Act 2014 provided the Secretary of State the power to impose the requirement to pay a Health Charge on migrants applying for temporary immigration permission. The Immigration (Health Charge) Order 2015 (the Order) outlined the level of the Health Charge, the way the Health Charge is calculated (i.e., that the Health Charge is charged in six-month blocks and is based on the duration of immigration permission applied for), consequences of failure to pay the required Health Charge and exemptions from charge for certain cohorts.

On 6 April 2015, The Order introduced a requirement that temporary migrants who make an application to come to the UK for more than six months, or to extend their stay in the UK, pay an Immigration Health Charge, unless they are subject to an exemption. At inception the Health Charge applied solely to temporary non-EEA migrants. Having paid the Health Charge, migrants may access the NHS on broadly the same basis as UK residents for the duration of their immigration permission in the UK. The total Health Charge that a temporary migrant is required to pay, is based on the duration of the immigration permission applied for. In 2015, the Health Charge rate was set at 200 per person, per year for most applications, with a discounted rate for students and their dependants set at 150 per person, per year. The Health Charge rates in 2015 represented around 25% of the average per capita cost to the NHS of treating Health Charge payers.

Additionally, the Order allows for specified cohorts to be exempt from payment of the Health Charge. These exemptions are broadly based on UK treaty obligations, international agreements, and previous ministerial commitments. The exemptions from charge include protection cohorts such as asylum seekers and victims of human trafficking and cohorts exempt on the basis of international agreements such as the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community. Certain migrants employed in the Health and Care Work sectors are also exempt, due to the contributions they make to the NHS through their work.

Overtime, the Health Charge policy has developed alongside the wider immigration system. On 6 April 2016, the Youth Mobility Scheme became subject to the discounted rate and the exemption from payment of the Health Charge which applied to nationals of Australia and New Zealand was removed.

On 6 April 2017, a new exemption was added to explicitly exempt Victims of Modern Slavery from payment of the Health Charge, to reflect the vulnerability of the cohort. At the same time the exemption from charge for Intra-company transfer migrants was removed.

On 8 January 2019, the Health Charge was increased to 400, with the discounted rate for students, their dependants, and applicants for the Youth Mobility Scheme increasing from 150 to 300.

The Governments manifesto, in 2019, committed to increasing the Health Charge to a level which broadly covered the average cost to the NHS of treating Health Charge payers.

On 1 October 2020 the Health Charge full rate was increased to 624, and the discounted rate increased to 470 for students, their dependents, and applications to the Youth Mobility Scheme. The Government recognised that increasing the Health Charge may have a larger financial impact on families than individuals. Therefore, children under the age of 18 also became subject to the discounted rate.

Following the UKs exit from the European Union, EEA nationals became subject to immigration control from 1 January 2021, unless eligible for the EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS). EEA nationals are required to pay the Health Charge when making an immigration application to work, study or join family unless eligible for the EUSS.

The amendments to the Immigration (Health Charge) Order 2020 also exempted those working in the Health and Care sector from payment of the Health Charge. Migrants sponsored on the Health and Care Work visas are exempt from payment of the Health Charge upfront, whereas migrants with a general right to work which is not tied to a specific sector or role can claim reimbursement for periods they were employed in the Health and Care sector.

The Government is aiming to amend the Immigration (Health Charge) Order to increase the Health Charge from 624 to 1,035 per person per year, with the discounted rates for students, their dependents, applicants for the Youth Mobility Scheme and children under the age of 18 increased from 470 to 776 per person per year. The Health Charge increase will apply to immigration applications made on or after the date the amended Order comes into force.

The increase continues to deliver the 2019 manifesto commitment to ensure that the Health Charge reflects the full cost to the NHS of treating Health Charge payers. The increases to the Health Charge will ensure that the full cost of providing NHS services for those who pay the Health Charges are covered.

The Immigration Rules currently provide for exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless immigration route. It is therefore intended to formalise these exemptions from payment of the Health Charge, in legislation. The Health Charge has been waived for applicants on the Ukraine Schemes since the inception of the schemes in March 2022, following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Formalising the exemption will solidify the support for Ukrainian nationals, align the Immigration (Health Charge) Order 2015 with the Immigration Rules, and deliver the will of parliament.

The Stateless immigration route provides a pathway for migrants to regularise their stay within the UK where they are not recognised as a citizen or remain permanently in any country. The Health Charge has not applied to applications for the Stateless immigration route since inception, in line with equivalent provisions for asylum seekers.

The Government also plans to update the legislation to replace obsolete terminology in the Order with current terminology ensuring consistency with the Points Based Immigration System.

The Health Charge is paid by migrants who apply to enter the UK to work, study or join family for six months or more. It is also paid by migrants applying to extend their temporary immigration permission in the UK. Visa Applications made on or after the commencement date of the Order will be required to pay the Health Charge at the increased rate.

The Health Charge is set at a fixed amount which takes no account of an individuals usage. The charge is based on how much healthcare an average Health Charge payer is expected to use and not directly linked to the healthcare usage of each individual payee. This is likely to benefit those who use the NHS more than average, for example those with pre-existing health conditions (which could be young people of working age), pregnant women and the elderly. All migrants who are liable to pay the Health Charge must pay upfront and in full, covering the duration of the immigration permission applied for.

Formalising the exemption from payment of the Health Charge provides legal protections for these cohorts affected and ensures that legislation clearly specifies those that are exempt from the Health Charge.

The Ukraine Schemes are comprised of the Ukraine Family Scheme, the Homes for Ukraine Scheme and the Ukraine Extension Scheme. The Ukraine Family Scheme provides Ukrainian nationals (and their dependants) with family members in the UK who hold permanent status, the ability to join family. The Homes for Ukraine Scheme enables Ukrainian nationals to live with approved sponsors within the UK and the Ukraine Extension Scheme permits applicants to remain in the UK if they have an existing immigration permission. Between the inception of the Ukraine Schemes and March 2023 there were 233,771 grants of leave on the Ukraine Schemes. Since the inception of the Stateless immigration route there have been around 1,000 applications.

1. The public sector equality duty (PSED) under s149 of the Equality Act 2010 provides that public authorities must, when exercising their duties, have due regard to the need to:

(1) Eliminate discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct prohibited by the Act

(2) Advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it

(3) Foster good relations between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it

2. This PSED covers the following nine protected characteristics: age; disability; gender reassignment; pregnancy and maternity; race (including ethnic or national origins, colour or nationality); religion or belief; sex; marriage and civil partnership and sexual orientation.

3. Marriage and civil partnership is not a relevant characteristic for the purposes of limbs (2) and (3) of the duty. It is a protected characteristic for the purposes of limb (1), but only the in the context of employment.

4. Schedule 18 to the 2010 Act sets out exceptions to the public-sector equality duty. In relation to the exercise of immigration and nationality functions, s149(1)(b) of the Act (to advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it) does not apply to the protected characteristics of age, race (insofar as it relates to nationality or ethnic or national origins) or religion or belief.

5. Paragraph 2(1) (Part 1) of Schedule 3 to the 2010 Act provides that the prohibitions against unlawful discrimination provided for by virtue of section 29 of the 2010 Act do not apply to the preparing, making, approving or consideration of particular forms of secondary legislation. However, this EIA demonstrates compliance with the PSED in regard to the formulation of the policy behind these legislative changes. This EIA builds on the equalities considerations which have been undertaken since the introduction of the Health Charge.

6. Schedules 3 and 23 to the 2010 Act operate so that certain discrimination in relation to age, nationality, national or ethnic origins, or place or duration of evidence does not amount to unlawful discrimination. This includes where the discrimination is authorised by the Immigration Rules or by primary or secondary legislation. For example, a Home Office official will not be in breach of section 29 of the 2010 Act on grounds of age discrimination by applying the full rate of the Health Charge to an adult or the reduced rate to a child, nor will they be in breach of section 29 on grounds of nationality discrimination by applying the exemption from the charge to an application for leave to enter or remain made under Appendix Ukraine Scheme. This is because the caseworker will be acting in accordance with the Immigration (Health Charge) Order 2023.

7. However, it is still necessary to consider the justification for the discrimination and the impact on equalities as a matter of public law. This Equality Impact Assessment therefore considers all the proposals through the framework of the 2010 Act.

8. No evidence of unlawful discrimination, harassment or victimisation of any group has been identified during the course of our analysis. However, there are instances where individuals of a certain protected characteristic are likely to be more impacted by the proposed changes. Further detail is below.

To produce this Equality Impact Assessment (EIA) officials considered a range of factors and data from various sources, comprising of Government and external information.

The Health Charge applies to most UK immigration routes unless an exemption from payment of the Health Charge applies. The Health Charge paid is specific to the visa application, for visas for both entry clearance and permission to stay. Therefore, migrants applying for further temporary visas to extend their immigration permission within the UK will be required to pay the Health Charge covering the duration of the further immigration permission.

Data from the published migration statistics provides information regarding the nationality breakdown of visa applicants for work, study and family applications since the current rates of Health Charge were implemented in 2020. Table 1 below provides the continental breakdown of entry clearance visa applicants and Table 2 provides information on the nationalities with the highest visa grants in the same period for each broad category of Entry Clearance.

The data in Table 1 and Table 2 highlights that a significant volume of entry clearance visas in work, study and family routes are associated with a small number of nationalities. In the year ending June 2023, the top five nationalities for sponsored study applications by main applicants and dependents accounted for 73.8% of all sponsored study applications. Similarly, the top 5 nationalities granted work and family visas account for 57.5% and 35.4% respectively of total entry clearance grants. Due to the high proportion of visas issued to a small proportion of nationalities, increases to the Health Charge are likely to have a higher impact on applicants from certain nationalities.

Some nationalities are represented across the top five nationalities for visa grants under study, work and family routes, meaning that increases to the Health Charge may have higher impacts on these nationalities. However, for work especially, the volumes of visa grants will not fully align with Health Charge payers, certain immigration routes within the broad work category will not pay the Health Charge. For example, the Health and Care Worker visa accounted for 259,289 grants of entry clearance (121,290 main applicants and 137,999), meaning nationalities which account for significant volumes of grants on the Health and Care visa (India, Nigeria, Zimbabwe) may not be impacted as highly.

Table 3 below provides the continental breakdown of visa applications for further immigration permission from within the UK.

In line with the breakdown of entry clearance visas, Table 3 highlights that the volumes of visa extensions granted per region is also heavily weighted towards applicants from Asia and Africa with around 80% of extensions granted being submitted by migrants from these regions. Due to the entry clearance visas also being heavily weighted towards migrants of Asian or African origin, it is unsurprising to see extension applications following a similar pattern. For in-country applications, due to switching it is difficult to ascertain whether migrants granted under a pathway (e.g. study) continue on that pathway or switch into a different route, as such there is limited value in determining the most common nationalities for further applications.

The NHS publish information annually on NHS usage which includes demographic information such as age, gender and religion. The data however does not differentiate between the migrant community and the resident populace.

The GP patient survey conducted by NHS England highlights the demographic split of GP Registrations, Figure 1 below highlights the sex split of individuals registering with GP practices in England, the data is based on around 750,000 responses. The data highlights that 52% of respondents were female with 47% of registrations being male.

The split of GP registrations recorded in the survey does not fully align with the sex of visa applicants. Home Office data for Entry Clearance applications between March 2021 and March 2023 highlights that 49% of Health Charge payers were female with 51% of Health Charge payers being male. Figure 2 provides the sex breakdown of the UK populace as per the 2021 Census and the breakdown of sex for Health Charge payers between March 2021 and March 2023. The demographic split of Health Charge payers in relation to sex is broadly similar to the overall populace of the UK.

NHS digital undertakes annual research on the volumes of hospital admissions, critical care admissions and admissions requiring consultants, the data for 2022-23 was published on 21 September 2023.

Figure 3 provides the age and gender breakdown of hospital admissions for 2022-23. The data highlights that the volume of hospital admissions increase substantially beyond the age of 50, individuals who are in the age group of 75-79 accounted for 1.9 million admissions constituting 9.5% of all admissions in 2022-23. The likelihood of being admitted to hospital increases after the age of 50, individuals aged over 50 accounted for 64% of all hospital admissions in 2022-23.

Female patients accounted for 10.9 million admissions, accounting for 54.7% of the total admissions. When age and sex are viewed in combination, the volume of admissions is broadly similar for males and females for each age category, except for treatment for individuals between 20-39 where females are significantly more likely to seek hospital treatment. Females between the age of 20-39 are 2.5 times as likely to be admitted to hospital than males in the same age band. This can be explained predominantly due to maternity services as 20-39 would be the prime age for admissions to access maternity services.

In the period of March 2021 to March 2023, more than half of Health Charge payers (including dependants) were aged between 20 and 29 (52%). This represents a significantly larger proportion than the UK population as a whole (13%), or those who identified as a migrant as part of the census (34%).

More than 75% of Health Charge payers (including dependants) were of working age (20-64). As Health Charge payers are generally younger than the resident populace, they are potentially less likely to access NHS services. NHS England publishes Age-cost curves which show the relative costs of healthcare in selected settings for different age and gender cohorts.[footnote 5] This data is for the general population of England; it is not known whether migrants in the same age-gender categories as the England population impose similar costs on the NHS. The age and gender profile of migrants is captured in the calculation of the Health Charge to reflect the younger, and so lower cost, profile of the cohort.

The NHS also publish information pertaining to the tariff which is applied to specific treatments, this provides information on the cost to the NHS of treating conditions which can therefore be attributed to certain cohorts.[footnote 7] Overseas visitors who are not eligible for free treatment are charged at a tariff of 150% of the cost to the NHS of treating patients.

For example, for maternity treatment the cost is differentiated on the basis of duration and intensity of treatment, with the cost graded within six levels. The cost of the delivery phase is between 2,242 and 6,652 with antenatal costs being between 1,107 and 2,947 with post-natal costs of between 233 and 793. Therefore, maternity treatment will cost the NHS a minimum of 3,582 with the highest cost delivery combined with intensive ante-natal and post-natal care coming to 10,392. The cost to the NHS of providing maternity services equates to a total which exceeds the cost of the Health Charge.

Given that the proposed Health Charge increases will be applicable equally to applications subject to the full and reduced rates, we do not consider that there will be any direct discrimination on the grounds of age as a result of these changes.

The Health Charge is set at a lower rate for children under 18, students and applicants for the Youth Mobility Scheme, however, as the full and reduced Health Charge rates are being increased in the same proportion, the discounted rate will continue to be set at 75% of the full rate, we do not consider the increase fundamentally changes the rationale on which those differential charges were originally set, or that it is necessary or proportionate to revisit that rationale in this analysis.

Neither the changes to formally exempt applications for the Ukrainian Scheme and the Stateless immigration route from payment of the Health Charge nor the technical changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to impact on the protected characteristic of age.

Younger migrants such as students may be indirectly impacted by the increase to the Health Charge. Individuals in younger age brackets have lower average earnings, statistics for the UK highlight a disparity between the median earnings of individuals between 18-29 contrasted with median earnings for individuals 30-69. Figure 5 shows the median weekly wage per age group, individuals in the 22-29 age bracket have a 546 average weekly wage whereas the average weekly wage for individuals between 40-49 is 727. Data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) also highlight the younger workers globally earn significantly less than the mean earnings of individuals within the prime age bracket of 25-54. For the countries featured, including developed world economies, the reported negative differential for individuals in the 16-24 age band is between 25.5% and 48.6% of the average earnings of individuals in the prime age range.[footnote 8]

The disparity between the median weekly wage may mean that migrants who are under 30 may see higher impacts from the increase to the Health Charge due to lower average wages making saving to pay the Health Charge more difficult. However, students and applicants for the Youth Mobility Scheme are already subject to the discounted Health Charge reflecting the lower earning potential during this period of their careers. It is also important to note that the requirement for migrants to maintain and support themselves is a key tenet of the immigration system, the increased Health Charge does not change this.

Migrants employed in the UK are likely to earn above the UK average. A study conducted by Oxford University Migration Observatory in 2021 highlighted that migrant born employees within the UK labour market earned on average more than the median average for the UK resident population. In fact, with the exceptions of Pakistan and South Asian countries, EU2 countries and EU8, the median annual salary for the migrant born populace exceeded the average for the UK resident populace as a whole. The median salary for the UK resident populace in 2020 was 28,600.[footnote 9] As migrants in the UK may earn more than the national average, this may reduce the scale of impact on migrants applying to remain in the UK.

Older migrants may also be indirectly impacted by the increase to the Health Charge due to the lower average earnings. Statistics from the OECD highlight that the mean average earnings among individuals aged 55 or over was generally between 2.2% and 13% lower than the prime age category, however in some instances such as Norway (10.7% higher) the average wage for individuals who are aged 55 or over is higher than the average wage for individuals in the prime age category.

Although older migrants may have lower average earnings with which to afford the Health Charge, they are also likely to use the NHS more intensively than younger migrants and provide a higher cost burden to the NHS. The Health Charge is set at a fixed rate which does not take account of the usage an individual makes of the NHS, therefore migrants who are proportionally more likely to use the NHS at a greater intensity will receive greater value for money.

Home Office analysis suggests that the impact on older people is likely to be minimal, with only around 1% of IHS eligible applications made by those over the age of 65 in the year ending March 2023. Older people who do not have the disposable income to pay the Health Charge are less likely to be able to meet the requirements of the immigration routes affected.

While there may arguably be an indirect impact on migrants who are younger (18-30) or older (65+), the impact is deemed to be justified by the overarching policy objective of ensuring that migrants coming to or remaining in the UK contribute to the NHS through the Health Charge. The calculation of the Health Charge takes account of the age distribution of migrants on relevant visa routes and so the average amount of the Health Charge reflects the lower expected healthcare use (and costs) of migrants due to the younger average age of the cohort.

Neither the changes to formally exempt applications for the Ukraine Schemes and the Stateless immigration route from payment of the Health Charge nor changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to have an indirect impact on the protected characteristic of age.

No direct impacts have been identified for migrants sharing the protected characteristic of disability. The Health Charge is set at a fixed amount and is not differentiated on the basis of the usage a migrant makes of the NHS.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to impact on the protected characteristic of disability.

There is evidence to suggest that individuals within the protected characteristic of disability are less likely to be working and more likely to earn less annually[footnote 11] and therefore may be disproportionately affected by the increase to the Health Charge.

Statistics compiled by the Department for Work and Pensions indicated that for 2022, the disability employment rate in the UK was 52.6% compared to 82.5% for individuals who do not share the protected characteristic of Disability.[footnote 12] The Disability employment gap was therefore 29.8%. Figure 6 below also highlights that the disability employment gap increases with age, with a higher percentage of older individuals sharing the protected characteristic of age being unemployed. This means there is a correlation between the protected characteristics of age and disability and therefore there is likely to be a higher impact on individuals who fall within the intersectionality of age and disability protected characteristics.

The disability employment gap is also significant for countries outside of the UK with the disparity between the percentage of individuals sharing the protected characteristic of disability of those who do not being significant. Figure 7 below highlights that for developed countries, the disability pay gap ranges between 16% (Switzerland) and 39% (USA) with an average disability employment gap of 27%, indicating that individuals sharing the protected characteristic of disability are less likely to be employed. The disparity between the disability employment gap is likely to be larger for developing countries. In countries without a developed social security framework, the disparity could be larger as there may be limited or no protection for individuals sharing the protected characteristic.

Additionally, research conducted by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) outlined that in the UK, individuals with the shared protected characteristic of disability will on average earn 13.8% less than individuals who do not share the protected characteristic.[footnote 14]

Due to the combination of lower employment rates and lower earnings for individuals with the protected characteristic, it is likely that increasing the Health Charge may have a higher impact on migrants sharing the protected characteristic of disability. For those who earn less, it is likely that they would not meet the requirements of the immigration routes that require the Health Charge to be paid. Any additional impact is proportionate to the wider aims of the policy.

Some disabled people may use health services more intensively than other groups. However, the Health Charge is charged at a flat rate, not based on potential use of NHS services by an individual. People with disabilities may use the NHS more intensively and represent a higher cost burden for the NHS. Migrants within the protected characteristic of disability may receive proportionally better value for money due to the NHS care they receive. As the Health Charge paid is not differentiated on an individuals usage, migrants who are in the protected characteristic of disability would likely pay less through the Health Charge than they would pay if charged for treatment directly.

The Home Office does not record data on whether applicants are within the protected characteristic of disability, as such there is no data available to highlight the proportion of applicants who may fall within the protected characteristic of disability.

Although increases to the Health Charge may indirectly impact on migrants in the protected characteristics of disability due to lower average earnings, the impact is deemed to be justified by the overarching policy objective of ensuring that migrants coming to or remaining in the UK contribute to the NHS through the Health Charge.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to have an indirect impact on the protected characteristic of disability.

No direct impacts have been identified for persons sharing the protected characteristic of Marriage and Civil Partnership from the increase to the Health Charge.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to impact on the protected characteristic of Marriage or Civil Partnership.

It is arguable that the increased Health Charge rates may have a higher impact on migrants who share the protected characteristic of Marriage and Civil Partnership. Migrants applying to enter or remain in the UK at the same time as a dependent partner will have an increased upfront burden of costs compared to migrants who do not share the protected characteristic.

The Health Charge is applied to individuals at a flat rate regardless of whether an individual shares the protected characteristic of Marriage and Civil Partnership or not. The Health Charge is paid by each individual applying to enter or remain in the UK, the amount of Health Charge which must be paid is based on the duration of immigration permission applied for rather than the marital status of the applicant.

Fee Waiver applications are available on certain Family and Human rights routes, they enable applicants to request a full or partial fee waiver. Applications for Fee Waivers are assessed on affordability which takes into account the overall cost of visa fees and Health Charge. The provision of Fee Waivers for Human Rights applications is necessitated by the European Convention on Human Rights and the Human Rights Act, Fee Waiver applications ensure the Home Office is compliant with convention rights. These waivers ensure that the department meets its international obligations including under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Migrants with the protected characteristics of Marriage and Civil Partnership are potentially more likely to qualify for a fee waiver due to the overall cost of the visa fees and Health Charge.

Although the upfront cost implications for migrants with the shared protected characteristic of Marriage and Civil Partnership may provide a cost barrier, the impact is justified by the overarching policy objective of ensuring that migrants coming to or remaining in the UK contribute to the NHS through the Health Charge.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to have an indirect impact on the protected characteristic of Marriage and Civil Partnership.

No direct impacts on individuals sharing the protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity have been identified. The Health Charge is applied at a flat rate, it is not differentiated based on pre-existing conditions.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to impact on the protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity.

Migrants with the shared protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity may be indirectly impacted by the increase to the Health Charge. Individuals with the shared characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity are likely to be on lower wages than individuals who do not share the characteristic.

In the UK, statutory maternity pay is set at 90% of an individuals weekly wage for the first six weeks and whichever is lower of 172.48 or 90% of an individuals weekly wage thereafter.[footnote 15] Although statutory maternity pay is set at this level within the UK, this is a minimum requirement which employers can exceed.

Globally, maternity pay generally equates to a proportion of the full salary that an individual would receive. The level which maternity pay is set at differs dependent on country. Some countries require 100% of salaries to be paid throughout maternity leave. However, across countries surveyed the average percentage of salaries is usually significantly less.[footnote 16] For example, in the USA there is no requirement for maternity leave to be paid.

The lower earnings for individuals with the protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity is not solely predicated on the level of maternity pay, it can also be influenced by the statutory period of maternity leave offered. The minimum length of maternity leave provided also varies significantly, for example, some countries which require full salaries to be paid during maternity leave, have substantially shorter periods of statutory maternity leave than those countries which offer longer periods of maternity leave at reduced pay. For example, Germany offers 100% salary during maternity leave, however the minimum maternity period offered is 14 weeks. Optional maternity leave exceeding the statutory period is unpaid, therefore individuals sharing the protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity are likely to have lower incomes throughout the statutory period as well as any additional period of further leave.

Therefore, migrants with the shared characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity are likely to earn less, meaning that migrants sharing the protected characteristic are potentially less likely to be able to afford the increased Health Charge.

The Health Charge is paid at a flat rate which does not take account of individual usage. Migrants who are pregnant at the time of application are more likely to use the NHS during their immigration permission at a higher intensity than individuals who do not share the protected characteristic.

For example, for maternity treatment the cost is differentiated on the basis of duration and intensity of treatment, with the cost graded within six levels. The cost of the delivery phase is between 2,242 and 6,652 with antenatal costs being between 1,107 and 2,947 with post-natal costs of between 233 and 793. Therefore, maternity treatment will cost the NHS a minimum of 3,582 with the highest cost delivery combined with intensive ante-natal and post-natal care coming to 10,392.[footnote 17] The cost to the NHS of providing maternity services equates to a total which exceeds the cost of the Health Charge.

The Health Charge is set at a flat rate regardless of the usage an individual migrant makes of the NHS, whereas the cost of private medical insurance is differentiated where an individual has pre-existing health conditions, additionally certain healthcare such as maternity are not always covered under private health insurance. The Health Charge provides applicants with comprehensive access to the NHS for the duration of their stay, it does not impose further charges for maternity care.

Therefore, migrants with the shared protected characteristic of pregnancy and maternity are likely to get better value from the Health Charge than migrants who do not share the protected characteristic.

Since August 2017 NHS-funded assisted conception services in England are not free of charge to people who have paid the Health Charge unless another exemption applies in the Charging Regulations.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to indirectly impact on the protected characteristic of Pregnancy and Maternity.

The Immigration (Health Charge) Order 2015 will provide an express authorisation for caseworkers to apply an exemption from the Health Charge to applications made under Appendix Ukraine Scheme. The exemption from charge will predominately put Ukrainian nationals in a more favourable position than others, although non-Ukrainian family members of certain Ukrainian nationals are able to apply under the Appendix in certain circumstances. The exemption from payment of the Health Charge supports a proportionate means of achieving the legitimate aim of supporting individuals displaced by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The exemption from payment of the Health Charge supports the broader humanitarian response to the invasion of Ukraine, in line with the statement the Home Secretary made on 1 March 2022.[footnote 18]

No direct impacts for migrants sharing the protected characteristics of Race have been identified from increasing the Health Charge or updating obsolete terminology.

As highlighted in Table 1 through 3 above, entry clearance and extensions visas to the UK are predominantly composed of a relatively small number of nationalities with India, China, Pakistan, Nigeria and the Philippines contributing a significant percentage of applications. For Sponsored study applications, the top five nationalities in the year ending June 2023 (India, China, Nigeria, USA and Pakistan) account for 73.3% of all entry clearance grants. Due to the high volumes of applications from these countries, a higher amount of applicants overall from these countries are likely to be impacted by the increased Health Charge compared to nationals from other comparator groups where the amount of visas granted or extended are lower in number. However, the Health Charge is not differentiated based on an individuals race, the Health Charge is a set rate which applies equally to each individual within those groups, regardless of Race.

Although there is the possibility that migrants may be indirectly affected by the increase to the Health Charge, the Health Charge increase is a proportionate means of achieving the legitimate aim of ensuring that migrants, regardless of their Race, pay the Health Charge at a rate which covers the cost to the NHS derived from treating Health Charge payers.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to indirectly impact on the protected characteristic of Race.

No direct impacts for migrants sharing the protected characteristics of Religion or Belief have been identified from increasing the Health Charge.

Neither the changes to formalise exemptions from payment of the Health Charge for the Ukraine Schemes and Stateless applications nor the changes to replace obsolete terminology are deemed to impact on the protected characteristic of Religion or Belief.

As outlined in Table 1 through 3, the majority of grants of entry clearance and extensions of stay across work, study and family routes originate from Asia, with over 50% of grants in each category. Due to the high proportion of entry clearance applications from the region, analysis of the religions followed in the region would determine any indirect impact. The countries with high volumes of UK visa applications do not have a single homogeneous religious population. For India, the population is predominantly Hindu, Muslim or Sikh and for China Buddhism and Folk Religion form the majority of religious belief.

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Immigration Health Surcharge: equality impact assessment 2023 ... - GOV.UK