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Monthly Archives: August 2023
The Harsh Glare of Justice for Donald Trump – The New Yorker
Posted: August 30, 2023 at 1:25 am
As much as anything, this week was the real start of the 2024 campaign, and the preview it offered suggested how much the next year will be dominated by variations on the tiresome theme of Trump, Trump, and Trump again. Even the former Presidents absence from the first Republican debate, on Wednesday, did little to distract from the story line of the poll-dominating elephant not in the room, as the Fox News anchor Bret Baier put it. But, if the subject is by now a familiar one, the plot has taken a notable twist, summed up in the extraordinary spectacle that unfolded in Atlanta late on Thursday evening.
In a highly public display manufactured for maximum prime-time impact by the worlds most famous criminal defendant, Trump flew into the city on his private jet ahead of a Friday deadline for his surrender, then motorcaded to the Fulton County Jail, where he was arrested, fingerprinted, and had his mug shot taken, before being released on a pre-negotiated two-hundred-thousand-dollar bail. There was no real news in this, of course, since he was indicted earlier this month. But that did not stop the breathless hours of coveragethe scenes of his plane slowly rolling down the tarmac, the extensive motorcade ride through Atlanta, his self-reported and highly suspect description of himself as six feet three and two hundred and fifteen pounds. The big reveal of the evening was his photo, in which he wore a navy suit and red tie. He glared straight into the camera for his big moment; the trademark Trump glowereyebrows raised, vaguely menacing, closer to a scowl than a smileis one he has cultivated for years. In the White House, his aides called it, simply, the Stare. He stands charged with illegally seeking to overturn the results of the 2020 election, in Georgia and nationally. If the Fulton County district attorney, Fani Willis, has her way, he will go on trial as soon as October 23rd, alongside a rogues gallery of eighteen co-defendants in a scheme that Willis has likened to a criminal racketeering conspiracy.
The unprecedented photo of a former American President treated like a common criminal, which Willis seemed intent on orchestratingUnless somebody tells me differently, Fulton Countys sheriff had said earlier this week, we are following our normal practiceswill go down in history, and not, it is safe to say, in a good way. Look at the mug shots of the Watergate conspirators: there is a grainy satisfaction in contemplating those black-and-white figures today, knowing how their stories ended up. Yet, for now, Trump sees only political gainand, quite possibly, the spectre of a historic self-pardonin that snarly snapshot from the Fulton County Jail. And why, after all, shouldnt he? The four indictments this year have been good for his poll numbers with the Republican base, good for his fund-raising, and good for his favored political move of presenting himself as a perpetual victim who must seek vengeance against his persecutors.
Even the big event whose timing he did not orchestrate this week tended to reinforce his preferred narrative of inevitable victory over a largely quiescent field of Republican also-rans. Trumps absence at the debate, on Wednesday, afforded the eight G.O.P. candidates who made it to the stage a chance to argue over policy matterssuch as support for the war in Ukraine and deficit reductionwithout his oxygen-sucking presence. Only ten minutes of questions in two long hours were actually about Trump and the ongoing challenge to American democracy that he presents. But it did not matter. The takeaway from the first debate of 2024 was not all that different from the takeaway from the first debate of the 2016 election cycle: the Republican Party is the Party of Trump, whether hes onstage or not.
The essential moment came at the top of the second hour, when the Fox News anchors finally, belatedly, uttered the T-word, asking which Republican candidates would endorse the ex-President as their nominee even in the increasingly likely scenario that he becomes a convicted felon. The responses that followed unrolled as a sort of democracy car crash: first the young entrepreneur and aspiring Trump clone Vivek Ramaswamys hand shot up, high, followed quickly by Nikki Haleys, Tim Scotts, and Doug Burgums. Ron DeSantis, the Florida Governor once touted as a possible Trump-killer until his leaden personality and clumsy campaigning sent him sinking in the polls, did himself no favors by looking to see what the other candidates were doing, then raising his hand as well.
Next to go was Mike Pence, the former Vice-President whose candidacy has veered between sanctimonious reminders of how he stood up to Trump, on January 6, 2021, and almost inexplicable acts of sycophancy toward him. A few minutes later, Pence would demand, in that deep baritone of his, that the other candidates weigh in on his January 6th choice to rebuff Trump and certify his 2020 election defeat. I think the American people deserve to know whether everyone on this stage agrees that I kept my oath to the Constitution that day, he said. Did he think the audience would forget that he had just pledged to vote for Trump again, criminal convictions be damned? Pence has long since perfected the ability to abase himself in public without seeming the least bit ashamed.
In the end, six out of eight candidates confirmed what we already knew: they would back Trump as the nominee, essentially, no matter what. The two exceptions were Asa Hutchinson and Chris Christie. Someone has to stop normalizing this conduct, Christie said, of Trump, prompting audible boos from the audience. Baier and his co-anchor, Martha MacCallum, didnt even bother to ask which felonyout of the ninety-one counts, in four separate criminal indictments that he is currently facingTrump might be convicted of. That was not the point of their hypothetical, which instead served to remind America that even Republicans ostensibly running against the ex-President are very likely to end up voting for him.
Watching these hopelessly outmatched candidates, I kept thinking back to one of the great lines from last summers January 6th hearings in the House of Representatives. Trumps former campaign manager, Bill Stepien, described how, after the 2020 election, he and others had been part of Team Normal, those who tried and failed to convince Trump that he had really lost the election, only to find themselves pushed aside in favor of Team Crazy, whose members, led by Rudy Giuliani, aided and abetted Trumps lies about the rigged election. The Republican debate stage in Milwaukee this week was filled with candidates who came from what passes for Team Normal in todays G.O.P., figures such as Trumps former Vice-President, Pence; Trumps former U.N. Ambassador Haley; and Trumps former friend and adviser Christie.
All three of them built their careers as governors in the pre-Trump Republican Party: Pence and Haley in the reliably red states of Indiana and South Carolina, respectively; Christie in Democratic New Jersey, a point he emphasizedto little availin his debate-stage pitch for Republicans to go for a candidate who knows how to win a competitive race in unfriendly territory. But, just like Stepien and the rest of Team Normal, they all eventually sold out to Trump. In this, they represent the very considerable part of the Republican Party that knew supporting Trump was a disaster back in 2016 and, yet, when it came time for the general election and divvying up the spoils of power that followed his unlikely victory, they did it anyway.
If this were a different time, a viewer of Wednesdays debate might have concluded that it was not a bad night for Team Normal. Haley and Christie delivered several of the more memorable zingers while making impassioned cases for decidedly normal causes, such as supporting Ukraine, a free country aligned with the U.S., over Vladimir Putins murderous dictatorship, as Haley put it, or choosing to protect the Constitution over terminating it, as Christie put it. Both took especial glee in going after Ramaswamy, a Trump for the millennial set so automatic in his Trumpier-than-thou responses to any question that Christie lampooned him as a sort of ChatGPT version of a Republican candidate. It was a good dig but also perhaps unintentionally revealing: ChatGPT might very well come up with a Trumpist candidate who sounds a lot like this one.
Besides, the polls these days about the Republican race for 2024 are clear: Team Normal is a sideshow, and a highly compromised one at that. There should be little doubt that most of those who now claim to have moved on from Trump, such as Haley and Pence, will nonetheless raise their hands and vote for him again if they have to. For Republicans, for now, there is, once again, only Team Trump.
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The Harsh Glare of Justice for Donald Trump - The New Yorker
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Donald Trump Jr. and His Dad’s Band of Surrogates Don’t Care … – Esquire
Posted: at 1:25 am
(Permanent
MILWAUKEE Much was made prior to Wednesday's debate of the fact that its organizers had banned various of the former president*'s surrogates from the post-debate spin room. Of course, this made all the sense in the world since El Caudillo del Mar-a-Lago had declined to participate, opting instead for a touching bout of virtual make-up sex with Tucker Carlson. Because this move by the debate made such perfect sense, it naturally got all up the nose of people like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, who whined so loudly that NORAD probably issued an alert. From Newsweek:
Not to worry, Marge. We were blessed by a visit from Donald Trump, Jr. and his inamorata, Kimberly Guilfoyle, who carried the former president's water, and bullshit, by the bucketful.
Sluggo scoffed at the very idea that his father, now d/b/a Inmate no. P01135809 in Fulton County, Georgia, even needed to hobnob with this pack of Lilliputian losers.
If you're wondering how this blithe dismissal of the competition, and of the debate itself, squares with the raging tantrums the Trump surrogates threw about being denied access to the spin room, you clearly have been in the northernmost regions of Finland, communing with reindeer, for the past seven years. Don't try to catch up all at once.
The Spokesman-Review in Spokane has found a woman who likely would disagree with Vivek Ramaswamy's contention that the climate crisis is a hoax.
You can see it coming, right?
There was an old episode of The Twilight Zone in which a survivor of the Titanic is picked up by the Lusitania and then picked up by another doomed ocean liner the Andrea Doria, I think and it's all a riff based on The Rime of the Ancient Mariner. Mary Kaneko is living that nightmare, and anyone who denies the crisis for which she has become a tragic focal point belongs in a zoo.
Remember when Inmate No. P01135809 came to Wisconsin with his golden shovel and turned the first earth on what he said was going to be the eighth wonder of the world -- a huge facility run by Taiwanese giant Foxconn that was going to employ 3000 people. Yeah, not so much. From the Washington Post:
This, of course, is a big part of the legacy of former governor Scott Walker, the goggle-eyed homunculus hired by Koch Industries to manage its midwest subsidiary formerly known as the state of Wisconsin. Foxconn played Walker and, later, El Caudillo del Mar-a-Lago for the suckers they plainly were. They rolled Walker for some $3 billion in tax credits, and it stuck the state and local governments for another $500 million in site improvements. And this was all without any real promises that the project would ever happen.
All hail the art of the deal.
You want something that could really scramble the 2024 elections? How about a massive strike in the automotive industries? From CNN:
Shawn Fain, the new UAW president, has been unsparing in his critique of how, by his lights, management has gotten off easy in negotiations over the past several years. He wants pay raises and he wants benefits returned to 2009 levels. Fain's mandate derives from a series of scandals at the top of the UAW that sent two previous presidents to jail. He also has been quite vocal on the subject of how the president must put up or shut up about his devotion to organized labor. My guess is they'll reach some sort of settlement. Whether or not the rank and file will approve it, however, is genuinely up for grabs. And that's going to be quite inflammatory on the campaign.
Weekly WWOZ Pick To Click: "Down On The Levee Blues" (Sidney Bechet): Yeah, I pretty much still love New Orleans.
Weekly Visit To The Pathe Archives: Here, from 1963, we see London cracking down on the diesel lorries that are, as the narrator says, "belching smoke and smell." I do like the hilarious detail that "some tobacco manufacturers believe" that diesel smoke causes lung cancer. Informed sources say! Anyway, hard luck for the guy driving that "proper stinker." History is so cool.
Discovery Corner: Hey, look what we found! From Smithsonian:
Lakefront property always has been expensive.
Bruce Springsteen dropped Born To Run on this day in 1975. (It's also the anniversary of Keith Moon's driving a Lincoln Continental into a Holiday Inn swimming pool, which has something to do with BTR, but I can't quite put my finger on it.) Is it strange that, after all these years, and given the other tracks on the album, my favorite Springsteen track is still "Meeting Across The River"? It's stripped of all the grease-stained mythology that's drives all the other cuts on the record. Eddie and his partner are small-time semi-hoods who have to scramble even to get a ride into the city for a meeting with a guy that you just know isn't going to go well. They even have to fake being strapped. It reminds me of Vincent Patrick's great The Pope of Greenwich Village or, closer to home, George V. Higgins' The Friends of Eddie Coyle. And Randy Brecker's glorious trumpet accents lodge the story squarely in the traditions of the great films noir. The stuff that dreams are made of.
Hey, New York Times, is it a good day for dinosaur news? Its always a good day for dinosaur news!
Congratulations to India for joining the Brotherhood of Diplodocoid Nations. We'll be in touch about the dues. After all, even your dinos lived then to make us happy now.
I'll be back on Monday to see what other nuggets Vivek Ramaswamy has mined from the depths of American history. ("Do we really know that Custer was killed by indigenous soldiers? How do we know it wasn't Vikings?") Be well and play nice, ya bastids. Stay above the snakeline. Wear the damn mask. Take the damn shots, especially the damn boosters, especially the newest boosters. And spare a moment for the people of Ukraine, and of the earthquake zone in Turkey and Iraq, and in the flood zones of Michigan, Nevada, Arizona and Vermont. and in the fire zones in Canada, Hawaii, Washington state, Louisiana, and the Canary Islands, and for our fellow citzens of the LGBTQ+ communities, who deserve so much better than they're getting from their country.
Charles P Pierce is the author of four books, most recently Idiot America, and has been a working journalist since 1976. He lives near Boston and has three children.
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Donald Trump Jr. and His Dad's Band of Surrogates Don't Care ... - Esquire
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Aupito reveals the reservations he helped PM overcome for raids … – RNZ
Posted: at 1:24 am
Photo: RNZ / Marika Khabazi
Former New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern had reservations about the cultural aspects of the dawn raids apology, long-serving Labour Party MP Aupito Williams Sio revealed in his Parliamentary valedictory speech.
Ardern said in her apology on behalf of the New Zealand government that the infamous early morning raids of the 1970s left Pacific communities feeling "targeted and terrorised".
During his final remarks in the House last week, as he retires after 15 years as an MP, Aupito thanked Ardern for agreeing to deliver the dawn raids apology, which was held in August 2021.
He told his parliamentary colleagues and a packed public gallery that he swelled with emotion when Ardern agreed.
"I was even more emotional when you agreed to participate in the ifoga, despite your reservations," he said.
As part of the ifoga, a Samoan ceremony of apology, the party seeking forgiveness typically sits before the house of the wronged party, and is then covered by fine mats.
Ardern performed this at the dawn raids apology, which is understood to have been the first time a world leader has performed the ifoga.
On the Pacific Days show last Wednesday, Aupito explained to host Ma'a Brian Sagala that her reservations were about not being familiar with some of the Samoan cultural customs, especially the ifoga.
"You have to remember, I'm asking a head of state, the Prime Minister of a nation, to humble herself in a foreign ceremony, a ceremony from another culture," Aupito said.
He said he was the only one in Cabinet and the Labour Pacific caucus who had experienced or fully understood the ifoga, so his job was to explain the process and allay any reservations Ardern had.
Aupito William Sio, the MP for Mngere, dressed in traditional Samoan attire for his valedictory speech in Parliament, 22 August 2023. Photo: Johnny Blades / VNP
Aupito told Pacific Days there were risks with a Head of State performing a custom from another culture, and he also didn't want to offend other Heads of State who might wonder why a New Zealand prime minister was participating in the ifoga.
Aupito said his role was to make sure he was protecting the mana and dignity of the prime minister, while also making sure the ceremony was genuine and authentic to the Samoan people and to himself.
This article first appeared on the Pacific Media Network website and is republished thanks to a sharing agreement between RNZ Pacific and PMN
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Aupito reveals the reservations he helped PM overcome for raids ... - RNZ
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AIR New Zealand: Jewish views on NZ’s bruising election battle … – Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council
Posted: at 1:24 am
New Zealands election campaign is now underway, and it is set to be inward-looking and bruising, but there are points to watch for the Jewish community.
At the time of writing, Parliament was in its final two weeks of sitting before it disbands prior to the election on October 14. Valedictory speeches are flowing, alongside policy promises and fundraising appeals.
There have been launch events and manifestos.
Prime Minister Chris Hipkins of Labour has claimed his party is the underdog, but vowed it would fight back and campaign vigorously.
The reason? A sharp downward trend in recent polls, which culminated in a particularly brutal result for Labour in the latest 1NEWS Verian poll.
Hipkins took over as leader earlier this year, following the surprise resignation of then-PM Jacinda Ardern, and the partys fortunes in the polls improved initially.
Labour and the main opposition party, National, had both been jostling around similar mid-30s levels in polls for much of the year, but the latest 1NEWS Verian poll has Labour down 4% to 29% and National up to 37%.
A potential minor party partner for National, the libertarian ACT, was up 1% to 13%, while Labours potential coalition partner, the Green Party, was up 2 points to 12%. The Te Pati Maori (Maori Party), which currently holds one electorate seat, was at 3%.
Veteran populist and former Foreign Minister Winston Peters whose New Zealand First party was knocked out of Parliament in 2020 has also managed to bring his party back to within touching distance of the 5% electoral threshold.
If reflected on election day, these poll results would translate to 65 seats for the centre-right bloc of National and ACT. Sixty-one seats are needed to form government.
These results are Labours worst since 2017, and political pundits have turned pessimistic on Labours chances.
Labours decline in the polls comes after a series of ministerial mishaps, which have dominated headlines.
The 2020 election was dominated by domestic issues and fought against the backdrop of COVID. This year the battleground will again be local.
To quote James Carville (Bill Clintons 1992 presidential campaign strategist), Its the economy, stupid. The cost of living consistently rates as the biggest concern for the public.
Thats left all parties focused on related issues, such as tax and housing, with crime, health and education also in the mix.
So what does that mean for issues that might have special significance for the Jewish community?
New Zealand Jewish Council (NZJC) spokesperson Juliet Moses pointed to antisemitism/community safety and Israel-related issues as key focuses for New Zealands Jews.
I dont think these are figuring high on the agenda of any of the parties, given the numerous issues we have in the country at the moment.
If there is a change of government, I am not sure what its stance might be, but it will depend in part on its composition in terms of coalition partners, she said.
To date, foreign affairs discussions from the two main parties have been limited. But the Greens say they want the government to formally recognise Palestine as a state in their manifesto.
David Zwartz, the former Honorary Consul of Israel in New Zealand and a long-term community leader, said the countrys foreign policy is closely linked to its overseas trade needs.
There are growing business relationships with Israel that are not publicised, partly because the media prefers to report on conflict that can be used to vilify Israel, rather than on successful constructive achievements.
He said he does not think there is any Jewish political consensus on domestic affairs, but there is a strong desire for parties to keep away from foreign affairs policies that help create a negative, anti-Israel climate that impacts on Jews in a way that doesnt happen for any other minority anti-Israelism turning into antisemitism.
One domestic policy being put forward that would have an impact on the Jewish community is ACTs plan to abolish the Ministry for Ethnic Communities, along with a range of other demographic ministries. National has refused to rule out this policy.
Moses said the NZJC would be disappointed if the Ministry for Ethnic Communities was to go. They do important work perhaps it is not visible to all and have provided us with good support.
Zwartz agreed, and said the Jewish community had benefitted from the strengthened security and support for minority communities provided by the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs, and other government departments, since the Christchurch mosques massacre in 2019.
Right-wing electioneering against this is, unfortunately, a reflection of underlying racism, chiefly dog-whistled against Maori.
But more than a quarter of New Zealands present population was born overseas, and increased immigration will continue this trend.
As in Australia, rising local antisemitism has been egged on by overseas social media influences, and this was on display at the raucous 2022 Wellington anti-vaccine mandate occupation outside the Parliament, he noted.
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Wellingtons strategic recalibration for a changing South Pacific region – Observer Research Foundation
Posted: at 1:24 am
Whether New Zealands new strategic direction will help it navigate its shifting relationship with China, while balancing security cooperation with the West remains to be seen
The South Pacific has been a region of geopolitical tussle since the World War II. Critical shipping lanes, untapped blue economy resources, and strategic ports in the island nations have further intensified regional competition. Historically, Australia and New Zealand have been the dominant powers in the region. The United States (US), an ally to both traditional Pacific powers, has also been an active partner here. Among these three major powers, the South Pacific has enjoyed a relatively stable environment conducive to development and economic progress. These traditional powers have also been wary of external forces trying to change the status quo in the South Pacific.
However, there is a new entrant. In recent times, China has intensified its engagement in the South Pacific, especially with the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) countries. China has engaged in chequebook diplomacy at large by providing the region with lucrative Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows and developmental aid. Chinas focus on the PIF is understandable as, at one point, eight of its 14 members recognised Taiwan as an independent country. Today, only four recognise Taiwans independence.
China has intensified its engagement in the South Pacific, especially with the Pacific Island Forum (PIF) countries. China has engaged in chequebook diplomacy at large by providing the region with lucrative Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows and developmental aid.
While Australia has treated Chinese incursions in the South Pacific as hostile, and successive governments since the Malcom Turnbull government of 2015 have made critical remarks about Beijings regional engagement, neighbouring New Zealand followed a different strategy. Unlike Canberra, Wellington embraced Chinas economic opportunities through its growing market and manufacturing base. Today, Beijing is Wellingtons largest trading partner, with bilateral trade reaching US$ 25 billion in 2022. However, as Chinas foreign policy assumes more aggressive tones, in the past six years, New Zealand too has become cognisant of the Chinese threat in the region. Successive governments have expressed concerns regarding Beijings military build-up in the region and the depth of Chinese investments in the South Pacific. This article analyses New Zealands strategic recalibration for the South Pacific and the geoeconomic factors that pushed Wellington to do so.
Commercial orientation drives the China-New Zealand bilateral relationship. In a rare case, New Zealand leads the Balance of Payments, with exports worth US$ 19.2 billion. Yet, New Zealands heavy reliance on China has created economic dependencies in the long run.
Exports to China comprise 35 percent of total global exports from New Zealand. As an export-dependent economy, China has become crucial to the island nations economic progress. Beijings imports mainly constitute perishable commodities such as dairy, meat and wood. As much as 45 percent of exports from these industries in New Zealand are directed towards China, making export returns from China essential. One in four New Zealanders depends on exports for livelihood, thereby making an amicable trade relationship with China an important foreign policy imperative. Another important economic linkage is the impact of the Chinese economy on global terms of trade. New Zealands terms of tradedifference in import-export prices for a countrys commoditieshave grown significantly, as Chinese economic heft has contributed to increasing export prices and Chinese industrialisation has contributed to lowering import prices.
China responded by decreasing its imports to New Zealand by 7 percent in 2023, resulting in a US$ 1.7 billion loss of export revenue for Wellington.
As a small state, New Zealand has historically refrained from directly criticising China over its South Pacific engagement and its increasing military build-up in recent years. Yet, Beijings increasingly domineering strategic policy in New Zealands backyard has prompted criticism from the Labour government between 2017-22. Former Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern raised concerns about Chinas aggressive engagement in the region at Washington DC as well as the Madrid Summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in July 2022. China responded by decreasing its imports to New Zealand by 7 percent in 2023, resulting in a US$ 1.7 billion loss of export revenue for Wellington. Chinese state media also published pieces stating that New Zealands imports mostly consist of elastic commodities and can be sourced from elsewhere and that Wellington needs to weigh in its relationship with China while it builds rapport with the West.
Coupled with incidences of Chinese cyber espionage in 2018 and then again in 2023, the Chinese Communist Partys interference in domestic elections in 2019 and further economic bullying, the Labour government came out with the Pacific Reset policy in 2018, meant to provide a direction to Wellingtons earlier ambiguous stance vis--vis Chinese engagement in the South Pacific.
The policy unveiled New Zealands stance on the intensifying regional competition for resources and influence. Without mentioning China, the document stated that New Zealand faces compounding challenges of a scope and magnitude not previously seen in our neighbourhood. Under the policy, New Zealand stepped up its diplomatic presence and aid in the South Pacific with 14 additional postings in the region and a commitment of US$ 1 billion in developmental aid. The policy also implored security partners such as Australia and US to step up their military coordination with New Zealand in the region for upholding international law, order and the rules-based system.
New Zealand stepped up its diplomatic presence and aid in the South Pacific with 14 additional postings in the region and a commitment of US$ 1 billion in developmental aid.
Complementary to this policy, New Zealands government issued a notification concerning FDI regulation, giving Wellington the right to screen and stop any foreign investment for national security purposes. The July 2018 Strategic Defence Policy Statement further stated that Australia and US were its trusted security partners and expressed concern regarding Chinese ambitions in the South China Sea, North-east Asia, Antarctica, and South Pacific. These laws and national policy directions were seen in action in the same year, when Wellington banned Chinese tech company, Huawei, in domestic 5G rollouts.
Building on these policies and strategic directions, New Zealand released its inaugural national security strategy in July 2023, followed by the Defence Policy and Strategic Statement 2023 and Future Force Design Principles 2023, released in August 2023. These documents outline the countrys approach to a changing international order, and note the intensifying contestation between great-powers in its neighbourhood. The documents state that Beijing has sought to grow its political, economic, and security influence in the Pacific at the expense of more traditional partners such as New Zealand and Australia and that Chinas more assertive pursuit of foreign policy imperatives is the primary driver of global strategic competition and has contributed to a world where power is the norm instead of rules.
The inaugural strategic policy also expresses concern regarding Chinese involvement in strategic sectors such as port-building and airport construction in the Pacific.
These complementary policy documents suggest a shift in Wellingtons strategic outlook: shift towards its traditional security system of ANZUS partners; willingness of the government to counter Chinese ambitions and military buildup in the region; zero tolerance for security incidents such as cyberattacks, espionage and interference in domestic elections by Chinese actors. The inaugural strategic policy also expresses concern regarding Chinese involvement in strategic sectors such as port-building and airport construction in the Pacific. Some multipurpose port designs can be used for civilian and military purposes. It says that this would fundamentally alter the strategic balance in the region.
Wellington walks a tightrope between Western security alliances and its economic relationship with China. As mentioned earlier, New Zealands exports are heavily dependent on the Chinese consumer base. Yet, it needs to shore up Western alliances, for securing its surrounding seas, and providing an environment conducive for economic growth and investments. Australia and the US have already started mounting pressures on Wellington to join the second phase of AUKUS. Yet, economically the island nation is heavily dependent on Chinas burgeoning middle class that has lapped up the island nations exports and generated substantial export revenues. Between 2008, when the China-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement was signed, to 2022, exports from New Zealand rose eightfold. Wellington worries that Chinas authoritarian leadership might instrumentalise its economic leverage to gain political benefits or hinder Wellingtons alliance with the West.
Australia and the US have already started mounting pressures on Wellington to join the second phase of AUKUS.
For long, Wellington has followed a policy of pacification towards China, ignoring its inroads in the Pacific and purporting ambiguous statements about its role in intensifying competition and tensions in the region. While its military partner, Australia has been critical since 2016, New Zealands concerns have found sure footing only in 2018, with the ban of Huawei tech in 5G rollouts. In 2023, there seems to be consensus amongst Wellingtons policymakers to counter Chinas strategic inroads in the region while maintaining crucial economic ties. What remains to be seen is whether New Zealands new strategic direction will help it navigate its shifting relationship with China, while balancing security cooperation with the West.
Prithvi Guptais a Research Assistant with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation
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Election 2023: Why the non-voter will lead to Labours worst defeat … – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 1:24 am
OPINION
Scientists tell us dark matter makes up much of the mass of the universe. They do not know what it is, but they know it plays a key role.
The dark matter in elections is apathy. If apathy were a political party, it would have more than 20 MPs.
Jacinda Ardern won the last election with the biggest mandate of any party since MMP began, with a near-record turnout of 81.54 per cent. Yet apathy got 18.46 per cent - the enrolled voters who did not vote. And another 200,000-plus people did not even enrol.
Pollsters know apathy is important, but there is no way to measure the likely non-vote.
However, candidates detect apathy: fewer people offer to deliver pamphlets, put up billboards, door-knock or donate.
All the signs point to apathy being the kingmaker of this election.
A political reporter said to me last week, I cannot wait until this election is over. No one is saying anything new.
I knew what she meant when I watched Winston Peters on TV. I first saw Winston on TV in 1975, saying much the same thing. In half a century, he has been a minister in three governments, and helped to create this Government.
Like dark matter, we can detect apathy indirectly.
The apathy in the Hamilton West byelection was extraordinary. Labour voters gifted the seat to National by staying home.
Crowds at public meetings are another guide. Christopher Luxon has been holding well-attended meetings, but with nothing like the numbers Sir John Key attracted.
Act, on its nationwide tour, is attracting larger audiences than in 2020, but smaller ones than Sir Roger Douglas meetings.
Labour appears to have abandoned public meetings in favour of unannounced appearances at markets.
There is no sign of any Chris Hipkins mania. His captains calls have disillusioned Labour activists. Labour needs those activists to get out the vote.
To win government, Labour must not just win in Auckland, but run up huge majorities. In Auckland Central, I needed at least 400 volunteers to turn out the vote. It was a pleasant surprise to discover Act voters are self-motivated and I did not need an election-day machine.
There is an objective measure of enthusiasm: money. Parties must declare their donations. For the 2023 election, Labour has declared $1.1 million, less than the Greens on $1.4m, and about the same as New Zealand First. In contrast, National has raised $8.2m and Act has a $4.2m war chest.
This column has warned Chris Hipkins that no replacement PM in the past 70 years has gone on to win. We said his only hope was to set out his vision and call a snap election. Now, Hipkins cannot run on his record of high inflation, an economy in recession, higher Government debt, spiralling crime and having lost four ministers, plus the Revenue Minister asking to be replaced.
Using focus groups to make campaign promises has failed. Many experiments work in the lab but not in the field. The GST announcement has been ridiculed by the left and the right. Not one voter is going to turn out because Labour has promised three tunnels under Auckland Harbour at a cost of up to $45 billion.
Unable to run on Labours record and with the partys campaign promises having flopped, Hipkins has pledged a vigorous campaign. That is code for going negative. Last weekends personal attack on Winston Peters is just the start.
David Seymour had better put on a flak jacket. By election day, it will be understandable if voters think Hipkins has confused Seymour with Genghis Khan.
But negative campaigns can boomerang. Parties must stand for something - and Hipkins is running out of time to tell us what he is for. Advance voting begins in 33 days.
Labours remaining supporters are overwhelmingly women, and women hate personal attacks. We may see the lowest voter turnout since MMP, and Labours worst defeat.
It is that dark matter - apathy - that will defeat Labour.
Richard Prebble is a former leader of the Act Party and a former member of the Labour Party.
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Aussies are after our New Zealand Fashion Week designs – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 1:24 am
Kiri Nathan model.
As New Zealand Fashion Week: Kahuria kicks off on Tuesday at the Viaduct Events Centre, local designers will be out to impress the Australian power players in the front row.
Among the visiting VIPs will be buyers from David Jones, Harrolds and Parlour X, and fashion media titans Damien Woolnough-Reid (the Sydney Morning Herald), Jonah Waterhouse (Vogue Australia), Patty Huntington (Harpers Bazaar) and Pema Bakshi (Grazia magazine).
NZFW Ambassadors broadcaster and former Miss World New Zealand Jess Tyson and stylists-to-the-stars Sammy Salsa and Sarah Stuart will be there. And Spy expects to see deputy PM Carmel Sepuloni by the Kiri Nathan runway and NZFW regulars Samantha Hayes, Antonia Prebble and Petra Bagust attend at some stage. If former PM Jacinda Ardern is in town, she would be the star guest at Juliette Hogans Tuesday night show. Hogan was her chosen go to when Ardern was in office.
Woolnough-Reid, the Sydney Morning Heralds style editor, who has been a fashion week regular over the years, says hes excited by the way the transtasman markets interact. Kiwi designers Maggie Marilyn and Wynn Hamlyn are now key figures at Australian Fashion Week, he points out.
Woolnough-Reid tells Spy he likes to see bravery demonstrated.
Im also a sucker for something that takes a new approach to sexiness and leaves me fanning myself with my programme.
But hes not a fan of trends.
They can feel a bit cut and paste from other collections.
What I am hoping for are unique expressions of people and places. Unique craftsmanship is also a winner and a bit of whimsy has its place, he says.
Woolnough-Reid is particularly looking forward to Kiri Nathan, Campbell Luke and Juliette Hogan.
The Kate Sylvester show is also a must-see because of her unique eye, and the fact she always has the best runway soundtrack. 2023 playlist sorted.
Bakshi, who is attending NZFW for the first time, wants to see brands that are genuinely offering some difference. New Zealand fashion has always had the agility to be more experimental, she says.
Id really love to see designers take a different approach, offering us eclectic pieces that can be mixed and matched to complement an otherwise simple look.
Brands that have a unique look that can separate itself from the rest and bring value to our wardrobes rather than playing into of-the-moment trends. What I like to look for are innovative designs that dont compromise on craftsmanship.
Bakshi says Australian fashion is undergoing a major shift.
Where weve been known for our relaxed silhouettes and coastal vibes, were now seeing designers take a bolder approach, pushing the envelope of what the Aussie aesthetic looks like, which is really exciting to witness.
Rachel White, the buyer for David Jones, says she will be on the hunt for newness. Shes looking for brands offering a point of difference to their current assortment that will resonate with customers.
Shes looking forward to seeing what New Zealands fashion talent has to offer, and developing a better understanding of the Kiwi customer.
Im looking forward to seeing Campbell Luke and Juliette Hogan as well as veteran Kate Sylvester, as well as the Next Gen and grad shows, White says.
Trend-wise, we are seeing our customer come off the party-dress high and reinvest in wardrobe essentials. Pink is hot right now and for next season, all signs point towards blues.
There is absolutely a continuation of the 90s trend across all categories being played into. However, in saying that, I love seeing designers staying in their own lane and remaining true to their brand DNA.
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Election 2023: Green MPs Jan Logie, Eugenie Sage and Labours … – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 1:24 am
Two of Parliaments biggest champions of fighting family violence, and another renowned for her work in the environmental space, have signed out as MPs with rousing speeches calling for greater action.
There was much laughter throughout though, along with tears, for the trio - Eugenie Sage and Jan Logie of the Greens and Labours Poto Williams - with several jokes having the whole House in raucous laughter, along with a unique rendition of Dolly Partons 9 to 5 by Logies supporters.
Logie and Sage entered Parliament on the list after the 2011 election - when the Greens gained a still-record 11.1 per cent - both stating they were reluctant MPs but each being inspired to get into politics to pursue their own passions.
They spoke ahead of Williams, one of the countrys first MPs of Cook Islands heritage, who is also retiring this year. She entered Parliament in 2013 after winning the Christchurch East byelection.
Williams spoke of how advocating for Christchurch residents affected by the earthquakes was her main initial drive.
She also spoke about previous work in family violence prevention and how she thought shed be able to survive anything else as a result.
Then I joined the Labour caucus, she joked, referencing the inner turmoils of the party in 2013, lasting until Jacinda Ardern took over as leader in 2017.
She also drew some big laughs referencing doing the haka on Willie Jackson - likely about her publicly breaking ranks in 2017 about him joining the party, taking issue with his Roastbusters victim-blaming radio interview.
Soz not soz, bro, sometimes you just need to be told.
She then backed the joke up with a dig at Act Party leader David Seymour, saying sometimes she wished she had a cattle prod to shut him up.
After a pause, she corrected: Just joking - a clear reference to Seymours recent comments about sending Guy Fawkes into the Ministry of Pacific Peoples, which many have interpreted as him wanting to blow it up, but for which he has refused to apologise, saying it is just a joke.
Williams was also serious, referencing some of the difficulties in her time as Police Minister - she was the countrys first of Pasifika heritage to hold the ministerial portfolio.
Williams was appointed by Ardern after the 2020 election, a time of global calls for police reform following the murder of George Floyd. In New Zealand, this saw mass criticism over the Armed Response Trials, which predominantly focused on Mori and Pasifika communities despite being sparked by the Christchurch white supremacist terrorist.
At the time Williams, with a background in fighting family and sexual violence, was seen as a good fit. However, as crime increased post-Covid, she was seen by the Opposition as a soft touch in the role and came under intense pressure, ultimately being replaced by Chris Hipkins. Williams paid tribute to Chippy not only as current Prime Minister but for coaching her through Question Time during that period.
In acknowledging this, Williams said she had been subjected to blistering scrutiny in social and mainstream media, likening some of it to bullying.
She also took aim at her former sparring partner, Nationals Mark Mitchell, saying while he and Labours Stuart Nash - also a former Police Minister - would arm wrestle, she was able to deliver record investment for police and get the ratio of frontline officers to New Zealanders down to 480 to 1.
Williams said as Police Minister she was also able to play an integral role in developing Te Aorerekura, the National Strategy to Eliminate Family Violence and Sexual Violence.
Logie, as with her two fellow MPs, acknowledged - albeit with some light humour - the difficulties of family life and being an MP.
Kath, I need to particularly thank you for putting up with some of the worst dates ever including protests, election panels, vigils for murdered women and children.
Both she and Sage referenced their former party co-leader Metiria Tureis resignation, which occurred after she publicly admitted lying about her welfare situation as a solo mother and came under unbearable pressure.
Logie thanked her partner for supporting her when I was struggling to breathe in the wake of Metirias resignation, feeling as if the bastards had won, and needing to be on TV in less than an hour.
Logie said she was not initially interested in parliamentary politics, with politicians set on one-upping each other.
I decided to stand for Parliament to stop yelling at politicians on the radio and now Im leaving because I want to stop yelling at myself on the radio.
Logie, who has drawn bipartisan praise for her work on womens issues and addressing sexual and family violence, also referenced to Te Aorerekura, which she worked on in the early stages.
Family violence and sexual violence are endemic in this country and sadly there is no one solution to changing this.
She also called on the Government to end poverty: Just tax the rich already - a reference to the partys wealth tax proposals, and Labours internal disputes over it.
As a cis-feminist lesbian, she said it was an honour to support the rainbow community.
The last decade had been a renaissance for the womens movement, and she called for that to extend to the transgender community.
Just look at the public joy celebrating the Football Ferns and Black Ferns and the Me Too movement. Strong movements bring people together, they dont drive people apart.
Thats why it has been so disappointing to also see the rise in transphobia in our communities and politics, activated from offshore.
She signed out by calling for more people power.
We need to stop thinking that politicians are going to fix things without stepping up to help them do it. No one in this place succeeds alone, our power is only ever derived from our communities, and the most meaningful thing we can do is honour that gift and give power back.
Sage, meanwhile, said she had been spurred to be an MP after National in 2010 axed elected regional councillors on Environment Canterbury to install commissioners more sympathetic to irrigation development.
Anger became action.
Sage said in 2017 she got her dream job as Minister of Conservation, along with the role of Land Information and Associate Environment Minister with responsibility for waste.
She spoke of special work in conservationand efforts towards a plastic bag ban.
She made reference to East Coast iwi Te Whnau--Apanui and Ngti Porou, who gave a good lesson in how to lobby a minister.
With the help of a helicopter, they dropped me deep in the forests of the Raukmara Range to see how large numbers of deer had not only eaten out the forest understorey, but also stripped trees of their bark.
I was close to tears seeing the collapsing forest.
That resulted in Raukmara Pae Maunga, a tremendous Treaty partnership with $34 million to undertake pest, goat and deer control.
Sage said a lingering frustration was a lack of action on marine conservation and took aim at the commercial fishing industry.
Too many in the commercial fishing industry continue to deny there is a problem in fisheries management, and with methods such as bottom trawling.
Thirty per cent of Aotearoa enjoys some protection from extractive uses as conservation land and waters. Why is it so hard to do the same at sea? Less than half of 1 per cent of our oceans are protected.
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How to Treat Right-Wing Violence in the U.S. – The New Yorker
Posted: at 1:24 am
In the days immediately following the January 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol, antifascists were comparing images online, trying to identify the culprits with methods that one might find in amateur detective guides: focus on the geometry of the ears, the curve of the nose, the parts that cant easily be changed if someone gains or loses weight or grows a beard. The violent far right is often described as a shadowy and somewhat faceless force. But, to those who follow the movements major figures, it looks more like a repertory company, one whose members might take slightly different roles in different performances in different cities: a compact, delineated group of usual suspects. Ethan Nordean, who held the war powers for the Proud Boys on January 6th, had sat for interviews with Alex Jones on Infowars. Stewart Rhodes, the eye-patch-sporting Yale Law grad and founder of the Oath Keepers, had been a prominent militia leader, staging patrols of Cliven Bundys ranch and at Trump rallies, before he was charged with seditious conspiracy and sentenced to eighteen years in prison for orchestrating his groups storming of the Capitol. I remembered Joe Biggs, a bearded Proud Boys leader and right-wing podcaster who broke through police lines at the Capitol, from an event that Roger Stone had staged during the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, in 2016.
It can be disorienting to track these far-right cadres closely. You can lose yourself. Not long after the Unite the Right march in Charlottesville, in 2017, I sat in the kitchen of a likable young humanities professor at the University of Virginia who was devoting hours each day to identifying the marchers and posting the results to antifascist forums online. Wesley Lowery, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who has written perceptively about both left- and right-wing street politics for a decade, knows these patterns well. Ive found, more often than not, when interviewing people who have devoted their professional lives to understanding perpetrators of racial violence, that they often share a similar, if diametrically opposite, radicalization process, he writes in American Whitelash: A Changing Nation and the Cost of Progress. They can identify the very moment their eyes were openedwhen they first realized theyd never again look away from the evil they now saw.
The past few years have forced plenty of ordinary Americans to regularly wonder whether they should open their eyes to the far right in this way, too. Both choices are bad. Familiarize yourself with the activities of Patriot Front or the Boogaloo Boys and you risk letting a very tiny number of unoriginal extremists unnecessarily darken your world view. Ignore them, and you may feel nave when, as at Charlottesville or on January 6th, they play a major role in political events. The events on Saturday, in Jacksonville, Florida, in which a twenty-one-year-old white gunman targeted Black customers at a Dollar General, killing three, were yet another reminder, as in Buffalo and El Paso and Charleston, that the problem of far-right and racially motivated violence isnt going away.
Politicians tend to describe the far right almost spectrallyits protagonists are said to emerge from the dark recesses of the American past or the fringes and fever swamps of the present. In some ways, the batch of new books published about the far right represents a helpful corrective. Their authors tend to see American extremism as a more specific set of political patterns. But, taken together, they also suggest how little agreement there is on basic matters: what the far right wants, and whether it represents an eternal pattern in American politics or a new one.
Lowerys focus is on race. He sees the right-wing tumult of recent years as a reaction to the increasing presence of nonwhite Americans and especially to the election of the first Black President. Even if racists sound much the same as they always have, Lowery thinks they were changed by the civil-rights movement, often referred to as the Second Reconstruction. The advent of multiracial democracy through the Second Reconstruction and the perceived browning of America through immigration has forced todays white supremacists to accept as a premise that theyre losing, Lowery writes. No longer can they claim, as their forebears did, that they aim to return to the norm of a white supremacist status quo. Todays white supremacist movement is revolutionaryits explicit aim being to overthrow our maturing multiracial democracy.
You might draw a straight line from this to Donald Trump, but Lowery takes a more episodic approach, tunnelling in on a few cases of racial violence, each of which made headlines at the time but whose details tend to be largely forgotten. Often, these atrocities turn out to be committed by longtime fanatics. Lowery relays the 2012 massacre at a Sikh temple, in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, in which Wade Michael Page, a forty-year-old skinhead who was active in the neo-Nazi music scene, fatally shot six people and wounded four others, in part, through the eyes of a pair of radicalism researchers. One of them found a Myspace photo of the then unidentified shooter, and exclaimed, Oh my God! Thats Wade. Lowery also lingers on the white supremacy of Frazier Glenn Miller, Jr., a prominent figure in the white-power movement for decades, who, at the age of seventy-three, killed three people at Jewish centers in Overland Park, Kansas. I had good moral reasons for doing what I did, Miller told a judge. Im going to prove to them that Jews are committing genocide against white people.
Racial violence has a way of drawing the eye back into the past because white supremacy is so deeply entwined with American history. Lowery is sharp in his attunement to the anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim violence of the Bush years, which now look like a presage of Trumpism. One episode in his book concerns the Patchogue, Long Island, assault of an Ecuadorian immigrant named Marcelo Lucero, by a group of teen-agers who went out beaner-hopping days after Barack Obamas election. Lucero was killed by a seventeen-year-old named Jeff Conroy, who stabbed him in the chest. Conroy, whose father ran the areas youth football and lacrosse organization, turned out to have a swastika tattooed on his thigh. I knew about it, Conroys father later told a local journalist of the tattoo. It was just one of those stupid kid stunts.
There was a specific anti-immigrant political context in that part of Long Island following Obamas election. In 2007, a legislator from nearby Amityville said that, if he saw day laborers gathered in his community, I would load my gun and start shooting, period. Some of this was channelled politically by the Suffolk County executive, an anti-immigrant Democrat (though he would later become a Republican and maintains that he was never anti-immigrant) named Steve Levy. In 2007, Levy told the Times, Whether you are black or white or Hispanic, if you live in the suburbs, you do not want to live across the street from a house where 60 men live. You do not want trucks riding up and down the block at 5 a.m., picking up workers. A little unexpectedly, Lowery writes that the closest analogue he has discovered for Trump is not Rudy Giuliani or Sarah Palin but Steve Levy.
Lowerys book is elegant. He convincingly shows that, during the Obama years, conservative figures from Levy to Trump worked adeptly to stoke fear of displacement. But, in some ways, American Whitelash reads as a chronicle of a specific timemuch of the action concerns the backlash to Obamas Presidency, and the early years of Trumps. The last deeply reported episode in the book, chronologically, is the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville. That took place six years ago, which raises the question of whether the situation has changed since.
To revisit the Unite the Right rally, as the former CNN producer Nora Neus does in her excellent oral history 24 Hours in Charlottesville, is to realize that the patterns of right-wing violence that are now familiar were then still new. Just hearing lots of reports of people bringing guns. I was like, Oh my God, is this something were going to experience today? a news photographer named Zack Wajsgras told Neus. Part of the novelty was how confident the militias were, raising Confederate and Nazi banners in the center of one of Americas premier college towns. In some ways, they behaved, nine months after Trumps election, as if they were in control. Tom Perriello, a former Democratic congressman from the region who was at the rally as a counter-protester, told Neus, You could not tell who was National Guard and who was white supremacist. They were in full camo. They had earpieces in. They were moving in formations. They had open long guns. They were, in every meaningful way, exactly how National Guard would be out in the streets. And they saw themselves that way.
Charlottesville was understood as a statement of arrival by what was then called the alt-right, the extremist cadres, organized largely online, united by a confrontational white supremacy. They had entered the mainstream. The journalist David Neiwert argues in The Age of Insurrection: The Radical Rights Assault on American Democracy that it was also their Waterloo. Neiwert has been following the far right since the late nineteen-seventies, when he was a cub reporter in Idahoa center, at the time, of the white-power movement. His story, which spans a half century, is most interesting in its account of what happened to the movement after Charlottesville. Many of the alt-rights principals wound up in jail. The Proud Boys and some affiliated groups, particularly in the Pacific Northwest and South Florida, pursued a running sequence of street fights with antifascist protesters. Richard Spencer, the white supremacist who once appeared frequently in the national media, had already effectively vanished from public view by the time a judge handed down a $2.4-million judgment against his organization, the National Policy Institute, in 2021, following a suit brought by a Charlottesville victim. Several members of the California-based Rise Above Movement, who were responsible for many of the most violent acts at Charlottesville, were sentenced to federal prison on rioting charges. These organizations and their slogans, Neiwert notes, fell into disuse. The termand, in most regards, the movement itselfwas quickly discarded, he writes. No one identified as an alt-right group after Charlottesville.
Neiwerts contention isnt that Charlottesville was a death knell for violent extremism: Like a blob of mercury crushed under a thumb, they simply spread out into newer, smaller blobs. Some of these new groups took turns toward religious conservatism, in ways that presaged the loose Christian millenarianism of the QAnon movement. Thomas Rousseau, who, as a teen-ager, had marched in khakis and a white polo at Charlottesville, founded an avowedly fascist splinter group called Patriot Front, whose members were dressed up in riot gear and arrested in a van on their way to a Pride event in Idaho. Nick Fuentes, who, at Charlottesville, had been an eighteen-year-old white-supremacist podcaster and Boston University freshman, now leads groups of his so-called groyper army in chants of Christ is King at anti-abortion and anti-vaccine protests.
Neiwert also traces a more consequential turn. By the pandemic phase of Trumps Presidency, even mainstream Republicans had adjusted their approach to right-wing extremism. In Michigan, for instance, the Republican leader of the State Senate was seen at a political fund-raiser with one of the militiamen who, months later, would be arrested for participating in a plot to kidnap and kill Michigans Democratic governor, Gretchen Whitmer. (He has pleaded not guilty.) Senator Marco Rubio, of Florida, joined a wave of fellow Republican figures in amplifying false claims that Antifathe Proud Boys street-fighting antagonists, but not otherwise a major political forcewas preparing for violence. The former U.S. Attorney and G.O.P. pundit Joseph diGenova appeared on Laura Ingrahams podcast in 2019 and insisted that we are in a civil war and advised viewers to buy guns to prepare for total war.
Neiwert emphasizes how closely the bug-eyed guys with guns follow mainstream politics. He writes that, among the deleted e-mails and online activity obtained during the prosecution of Christopher Hassona Coast Guard acquisitions officer and avowed white nationalist who was arrested, in 2019, for plotting a series of political assassinationswere planning notes for a bioweapons attack and shooting spree, and Google searches for what if trump illegally impeached and civil war if trump impeached. Neiwert writes, Its not hard to find the source of Hassons belief that civil war would erupt if President Trump were to face impeachment: By early 2019, civil war had become an endemic talking point and source of speculation among right-wing pundits.
Many of the quotes that Neiwert lifts, from congressional speeches and cable-news appearances, show how spectral and apocalyptic Republican politicians and conservative media came to sound during the Trump era. Early in Trumps term, the televangelist Jim Bakker warned that, if Democrats sought to remove the President from office, there will be a civil war in the United States of America. The Christians will finally come out of the shadows because we are going to be shut up permanently if were not careful. On the House floor, during Trumps first impeachment, the Texas congressman Louie Gohmert declared, This countrys end is now in sight. Neiwert traces the fallout. An ex-Navy SEAL named Jonathan Gilliam used Gohmerts remarks as a springboard, writing on Twitter, I see exactly what he sees. Therefor it is time we begin considering the possibility of civil war.
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Scalise, No. 2 House Republican, Says He Has Blood Cancer – The New York Times
Posted: at 1:24 am
Representative Steve Scalise, Republican of Louisiana and the majority leader, said Tuesday he had been diagnosed with a rare form of blood cancer but planned to return to Washington to continue working as he undergoes treatment over the next several months.
Mr. Scalise, 57, said in a statement that he had begun treatment for multiple myeloma, which he described as a very treatable blood cancer, after feeling ill over the August congressional recess and having tests that led to his diagnosis.
It came at a critical moment for Mr. Scalise, who is known for his ability to speak to the hard-right faction of the fractured Republican conference and has a pivotal role to play in the House in the coming months, with Congress facing the possibility of a government shutdown on Oct. 1. Lawmakers remain far from reaching any agreement on spending levels that would keep the government running on a long-term basis. The House left Washington last month for a six-week summer recess nowhere near a deal on 11 of the 12 appropriations bills that still must be passed, hamstrung by internal divisions over spending and social issues.
Mr. Scalise, who previously served as the Republican whip, is expected to play a crucial role in negotiating with members of the ultraconservative House Freedom Caucus, who are threatening to force a shutdown unless their priorities are addressed.
Mr. Scalise was gravely wounded in 2017 when a gunman opened fire on members of the Republican congressional baseball team at a practice field in Alexandria, Va. He was shot in the hip and underwent many surgeries to relearn how to walk, regaining almost full mobility.
I am incredibly grateful we were able to detect this early and that this cancer is treatable, Mr. Scalise said in a statement on Tuesday. I will tackle this with the same strength and energy as I have tackled past challenges.
Speaker Kevin McCarthy, who has had a strained relationship with Mr. Scalise, said in a statement that he had spoken with his No. 2 on Tuesday and found him to be in good spirits.
Nothing not a gunshot wound and certainly not cancer will stop him from accomplishing what he sets his mind to, Mr. McCarthy, the California Republican, said in a statement.
In multiple myeloma, certain healthy blood cells become cancerous, throwing off abnormal proteins that can cause problems and crowd out cells needed to fight infections.
A relatively uncommon cancer, it is estimated to be diagnosed in about 35,000 people in the United States annually, more often affecting men and Black people. About 60 percent of patients diagnosed with multiple myeloma in recent years survived the effects of their cancer for at least five years, though the survival rate depends on how far the cancer has spread.
Patients can face more frequent infections and bone and kidney problems, but there are a number of treatment options that depend on how quickly the cancer is growing. Those include immunotherapy, which helps the bodys immune system attack cancer cells, chemotherapy and corticosteroids.
Some patients are also candidates for a stem cell transplant. Drug treatment is first used to reduce the number of cancerous cells in the body and then unhealthy blood-forming stem cells are replaced by healthy ones.
Those treatments can range from tolerable to grueling. The most common side effect is fatigue, doctors said, debilitating some patients even as others are able to keep working full-time. Patients already in poor heart health are especially susceptible to feeling exhausted.
Treatments that suppress patients immune systems also leave them vulnerable to infections that themselves can require prompt treatment. Immunotherapy drugs often carry a risk of painful nerve damage, and chemotherapy can cause nausea and mouth sores, though doctors can prescribe medications to address some side effects.
On Tuesday, Republicans were quick to offer Mr. Scalise their public support and highlight his resilience.
Steve is as tough and kind as they come, and he has beaten so many unbeatable odds, Representative Elise Stefanik, Republican of New York, said in a statement. We know he will fight this next battle with that same resolve.
Steve is a fighter, and we stand with him as he enters this latest battle, Representative Patrick T. McHenry, Republican of North Carolina, said in a statement.
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Scalise, No. 2 House Republican, Says He Has Blood Cancer - The New York Times
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