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Outer Space Treaty – Wikipedia

Posted: December 2, 2022 at 3:36 am

Basis of international space law

Parties

Signatories

Non-parties

The Outer Space Treaty, formally the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, is a multilateral treaty that forms the basis of international space law. Negotiated and drafted under the auspices of the United Nations, it was opened for signature in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union on 27 January 1967, entering into force on 10 October 1967. As of February2022[update], 112 countries are parties to the treatyincluding all major spacefaring nationsand another 23 are signatories.[1][5][6]

The Outer Space Treaty was spurred by the development of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) in the 1950s, which could reach targets through outer space.[7] The Soviet Union's launch of Sputnik, the first artificial satellite, in October 1957, followed by a subsequent arms race with the United States, hastened proposals to prohibit the use of outer space for military purposes. On 17 October 1963, the U.N. General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution prohibiting the introduction of weapons of mass destruction in outer space. Various proposals for an arms control treaty governing outer space were debated during a General Assembly session in December 1966, culminating in the drafting and adoption of the Outer Space Treaty the following January.[8]

Key provisions of the Outer Space Treaty include prohibiting nuclear weapons in space; limiting the use of the Moon and all other celestial bodies to peaceful purposes; establishing that space shall be freely explored and used by all nations; and precluding any country from claiming sovereignty over outer space or any celestial body. Although it forbids establishing military bases, testing weapons and conducting military maneuvers on celestial bodies, the treaty does not expressly ban all military activities in space, nor the establishment of military space forces or the placement of conventional weapons in space.[9][10] From 1968 to 1984, the OST birthed four additional agreements: rules for activities on the Moon; liability for damages caused by spacecraft; the safe return of fallen astronauts; and the registration of space vehicles.[11]

OST provided many practical uses and was the most important link in the chain of international legal arrangements for space from the late 1950s to the mid-1980s. OST was at the heart of a 'network' of inter-state treaties and strategic power negotiations to achieve the best available conditions for nuclear weapons world security. The OST also declares that space is an area for free use and exploration by all and "shall be the province of all mankind". Drawing heavily from the Antarctic Treaty of 1961, the Outer Space Treaty likewise focuses on regulating certain activities and preventing unrestricted competition that could lead to conflict.[12] Consequently, it is largely silent or ambiguous on newly developed space activities such as lunar and asteroid mining.[13][14][15] Nevertheless, the Outer Space Treaty is the first and most foundational legal instrument of space law,[16] and its broader principles of promoting the civil and peaceful use of space continue to underpin multilateral initiatives in space, such as the International Space Station and the Artemis Program.[17][18]

The Outer Space Treaty represents the basic legal framework of international space law. According to the U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA), the core principles of the treaty are:[19]

Among its principles, it bars states party to the treaty from placing weapons of mass destruction in Earth orbit, installing them on the Moon or any other celestial body, or otherwise stationing them in outer space. It specifically limits the use of the Moon and other celestial bodies to peaceful purposes, and expressly prohibits their use for testing weapons of any kind, conducting military maneuvers, or establishing military bases, installations, and fortifications (Article IV). However, the treaty does not prohibit the placement of conventional weapons in orbit, and thus some highly destructive attack tactics, such as kinetic bombardment, are still potentially allowable.[20] In addition, the treaty explicitly allows the use of military personnel and resources to support peaceful uses of space, mirroring a common practice permitted by the Antarctic Treaty regarding that continent. The treaty also states that the exploration of outer space shall be done to benefit all countries and that space shall be free for exploration and use by all the states.

Article II of the treaty explicitly forbids any government from claiming a celestial body such as the Moon or a planet as its own territory, whether by declaration, occupation, or "any other means".[21] However, the state that launches a space object, such as a satellite or space station, retains jurisdiction and control over that object;[22] by extension, a state is also liable for damages caused by its space object.[23]

Article VI of the Outer Space Treaty deals with international responsibility, stating that "the activities of non-governmental entities in outer space, including the Moon and other celestial bodies, shall require authorization and continuing supervision by the appropriate State Party to the Treaty" and that States Party shall bear international responsibility for national space activities whether carried out by governmental or non-governmental entities.

As a result of discussions arising from Project West Ford in 1963, a consultation clause was included in Article IX of the Outer Space Treaty: "A State Party to the Treaty which has reason to believe that an activity or experiment planned by another State Party in outer space, including the Moon and other celestial bodies, would cause potentially harmful interference with activities in the peaceful exploration and use of outer space, including the Moon and other celestial bodies, may request consultation concerning the activity or experiment."[24][25]

Being primarily an arms control treaty for the peaceful use of outer space, the Outer Space Treaty offers limited and ambiguous regulations to newer space activities such as lunar and asteroid mining.[13][15][26] It is therefore debated whether the extraction of resources falls within the prohibitive language of appropriation, or whether the use of such resources encompasses the commercial use and exploitation.[27]

Seeking clearer guidelines, private U.S. companies lobbied the U.S. government, which in 2015 introduced the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act of 2015 legalizing space mining.[28] Similar national legislation to legalize the appropriation of extraterrestrial resources are now being introduced by other countries, including Luxembourg, Japan, China, India, and Russia.[13][26][29][30] This has created some controversy regarding legal claims over the mining of celestial bodies for profit.[26][27]

The "Declaration of the First Meeting of Equatorial Countries", also known as the "Bogota Declaration", was one of the few attempts to challenge the Outer Space Treaty. It was promulgated in 1976 by eight equatorial countries to assert sovereignty over those portions of the geostationary orbit that continuously lie over the signatory nations' territory.[31] These claims did not receive wider international support or recognition, and were subsequently abandoned.[32]

As the first international legal instrument concerning space, the Outer Space Treaty is considered the "cornerstone" of space law.[33][34] It was also the first major achievement of the United Nations in this area of law, following the adoption of the first U.N. General Assembly resolution on space in 1958,[35] and the first meeting of the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) the subsequent year.[36]

Within roughly a decade of the treaty's entry into force, several other treaties were brokered by the U.N. to further develop the legal framework for activities in space:[37]

With the exception of the Moon Treaty, to which only 18 nations are party, all other treaties on space law have been ratified by most major space-faring nations (namely those capable of orbital spaceflight).[38] COPUOS coordinates these treaties and other questions of space jurisdiction, aided by the U.N. Office for Outer Space Affairs.

The Bogota Declaration tried to complement shortcomings of the treaty on safeguarding control of Earth's geostationary orbit, but was not implemented.[39]

The Outer Space Treaty was opened for signature in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union on 27 January 1967, and entered into force on 10 October 1967. As of February 2022, 112 countries are parties to the treaty, while another 23 have signed the treaty but have not completed ratification.[1]

Multiple dates indicate the different days in which states submitted their signature or deposition, which varied by location: (L) for London, (M) for Moscow, and (W) for Washington, D.C. Also indicated is whether the state became a party by way of signature and subsequent ratification, by accession to the treaty after it had closed for signature, or by succession of states after separation from some other party to the treaty.

The Republic of China (Taiwan), which is currently recognized by 13UN member states, ratified the treaty prior to the United Nations General Assembly's vote to transfer China's seat to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1971. When the PRC subsequently ratified the treaty, they described the Republic of China's (ROC) ratification as "illegal". The ROC has committed itself to continue to adhere to the requirements of the treaty, and the United States has declared that it still considers the ROC to be "bound by its obligations".[5]

Twenty-three states have signed but not ratified the treaty.

The remaining UN member states and UN observer state which have neither ratified nor signed the Outer Space Treaty are:

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Taraji P. Henson On The Importance Of Space Exploration And Her NASA Experience With Artemis I – Forbes

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Taraji P. Henson On The Importance Of Space Exploration And Her NASA Experience With Artemis I  Forbes

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Fake news: How to spot misinformation : Life Kit : NPR

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Fake news has consequences.

Back in 2016, before the term was even part of our national vocabulary, it threw the government of Twin Falls, Idaho, into chaos.

Rumors of a government cover-up involving child molestation and Syrian refugees swirled. They soon leaped from the fringes of the Internet to kitchen tables and the mainstream media.

"Members of the local government, the mayor, the city council members, local judges, the county prosecutor, they were basically inundated for months on end with threats," says Caitlin Dickerson, who covered the story for The New York Times. "Violent threats. Very visceral and descriptive threats from all over the world."

But the outrage was not based on facts. The details were blurred in some cases, completely fabricated in others, depending on the storyteller and their agenda.

It was a grave example of how misinformation can have a terrifying real-world impact. But falsehoods aren't hard to come by in today's information landscape.

Here are five tips to help you spot misinformation. (Or if you would rather listen, check out the Life Kit podcast here.)

1) Exercise skepticism

Take in any new information, whether it's the news or on social media or from a buddy at happy hour, with a bit of doubt. Expect the source to prove their work and show how they came to their conclusion. And try to compare information from a number of different outlets, even if you have a favorite.

2) Understand the misinformation landscape

Misinformation, as a concept, isn't new. But the social media platforms for engaging with it are constantly changing and increasing their influence in the media world. Those platforms have no financial obligation to tell the truth their business models depend on user engagement. Reducing your dependence on social media will be good for your news judgment (and your sleep).

3) Pay extra attention when reading about emotionally-charged and divisive topics

Misinformation is most effective on hot-button issues and immediate news. Ask yourself: Is this a complicated subject, something that's hitting an emotional trigger? Or is it a breaking news story where the facts aren't yet able to be assembled? If the answer is yes, then you need to be ultra-skeptical.

4) Investigate what you're reading or seeing

What does that skepticism look like in practice? It means asking some questions of what you're reading or seeing: Is the content paid for by a company or politician or other potentially biased source? Is there good evidence? And are the numbers presented in context?

(The News Literacy Project created an app to help people test and strengthen their media literacy skills.)

5) Yelling probably won't solve misinformation

It's important to value the truth, but correcting people is always delicate. If someone in your life is spreading objective falsehoods and you want to help, be humble. Don't assume bad intentions or stupidity, just meet the other person where they are and be curious think about opening with common ground and a question. Try to have the conversation in person or at least in a private online setting, like an email.

If you want more resources, Media Literacy Now is a good place to start.

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How the US Government Used Propaganda to Sell Americans on … – HISTORY

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When the United States declared war on Germany in April 1917, President Woodrow Wilsonfaced a reluctant nation. Wilson had, after all, won his reelection in 1916 with the slogan, He kept us out of the war. To convince Americans that going to war in Europe was necessary, Wilson created the Committee on Public Information (CPI), to focus on promoting the war effort.

To head up the committee, Wilson appointed a brilliant political public relations man, George Creel. As head of the CPI, Creel was in charge of censorship as well as flag-waving, but he quickly passed the censors job to Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson. The Post Office already had the power to bar materials from the mail and revoke the reduced postage rates given to newspapers and magazines.

George Creel, head of the Committee on Public Information, at the War Exposition in Chicago in 1918. (Credit: Library of Congress/Corbis/VCG/Getty Images)

Creel dispatches positive news to stir a war-will among Americans

Handsome, charismatic, and indefatigable, Creel thought big and out of the box. He disliked the word propaganda, which he associated with Germanys long campaign of disinformation. To him, the CPIs business was more like advertising, a vast enterprise in salesmanship that emphasized the positive. A veteran of Wilsons two successful presidential campaigns, Creel knew how to organize an army of volunteers, and 150,000 men and women answered his call. The Washington office, which operated on a shoestring, was part government communications bureau and part media conglomerate, with divisions for news, syndicated features, advertising, film, and more. At Wilsons insistence, the CPI also published the Official Bulletin, the executive-branch equivalent of the Congressional Record.

Creels first idea was to distribute good news and disclose as many facts about the war as he could without compromising national security. His M.O. was simple: flood the country with press releases disguised as news stories. Summing up after the war, Creel said he aimed to weld the people of the United States into one white-hot mass instinct and give them a war-will, the will to win.

The Committee on Public Informations Official Bulletin. (Credit: The National Archives)

During the 20 months of the U.S. involvement in the war, the CPI issued nearly all government announcements and sent out 6,000 press releases written in the straightforward, understated tone of newspaper articles. It also designed and circulated more than 1,500 patriotic advertisements. In addition, Creel distributed uncounted articles by famous authors who had agreed to write for free. At one point, newspapers were receiving six pounds of CPI material a day. Editors eager to avoid trouble with the Post Office and the Justice Department published reams of CPI material verbatim and often ran the patriotic ads for free.

Propaganda describes the enemy as mad brute

For the first two months, nearly all of the information generated by the CPI consisted of announcements and propaganda of the cheerleading variety: salutes to Americas wartime achievements and American ideals. At Creels direction, the CPI celebrated Americas immigrants and fought the perception that those who hailed from Germany, Austria, and Hungary were less American than their neighbors. Creel thought it savvier to try to befriend large ethnic groups than to attack them.

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But after two months, Creel and Wilson could see that popular enthusiasm for the war was nowhere near white-hot. So on June 14, 1917, Wilson used the occasion of Flag Day to paint a picture of American soldiers about to carry the Stars and Stripes into battle and die on fields soaked in blood. And for what? he asked. In calling for a declaration of war, he had argued that the world must be made safe for democracy, but with his 1917 Flag Day speech, he trained the countrys sights on a less exalted goal: the destruction of the government of Germany, which was bent on world domination.

World War I US Army enlistment poster Destroy this Mad Brute. (Credit: Photo12/UIG via Getty Images)

After Flag Day, the CPI continued to churn out positive news by the ton, but it also began plastering the country with lurid posters of ape-like German soldiers, some with bloody bayonets, others with bare-breasted young females in their clutches. Destroy this mad brute, read one caption. It also funded films with titles like The Kaiser: The Beast of Berlin and The Prussian Curse.

Vigilantes inflict terror on suspected skeptics of the war

The CPIs happy news sometimes downplayed the shortcomings of the U.S. war effort, but the demonizing of all Germans played to low instincts. Thousands of self-appointed guardians of patriotism began to harass pacifists, socialists, and German immigrants who were not citizens. And many Americans took CPIs dark warnings to heart.

Even the most casual expression of doubt about the war could trigger a beating by a mob, and the humiliation of being made to kiss the flag in public. Americans who declined to buy Liberty Bonds (issued by the Treasury to finance the war) sometimes awoke to find their homes streaked with yellow paint. Several churches of pacifist sects were set ablaze. Scores of men suspected of disloyalty were tarred and feathered, and a handful were lynched. Most of the violence was carried out in the dark by vigilantes who marched their victims to a spot outside the city limits, where the local police had no jurisdiction. Perpetrators who were apprehended were rarely tried, and those tried were almost never found guilty. Jurors hesitated to convict, afraid that they too would be accused of disloyalty and roughed up.

Both Creel and Wilson privately deplored the vigilantes, but neither acknowledged his role in turning them loose. Less violent but no less regrettable were the actions taken by state and local governments and countless private institutions to fire German aliens, suspend performances of German music, and ban the teaching of German in schools.

In their effort to unify the country, Wilson and Creel deployed their own versions of fake news. While the worst that can be said of the sunny fake news flowing out of the CPI was that it was incomplete, the dark fake news, which painted the enemy as subhuman, let loose a riptide of hatred and emboldened thousands to use patriotism as an excuse for violence.

Patricia OToole is the author of five books, including The Moralist: Woodrow Wilson and theWorld He Madeand TheFive of Hearts: An Intimate Portrait of Henry Adams and His Friends, which was a finalist forthe Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Critics Circle Award.

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TMCs Saket Gokhale spreads fake report claiming 30 crore was spent on PMs Morbi visit citing RTI response that does not exist – OpIndia

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TMCs Saket Gokhale spreads fake report claiming 30 crore was spent on PMs Morbi visit citing RTI response that does not exist  OpIndia

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Fighting Misinformation, Meet Andy Norman, Who is Empowering People to Combat Fake News – News18

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Fighting Misinformation, Meet Andy Norman, Who is Empowering People to Combat Fake News  News18

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Hudson Valley Pattern for Progress Our mission is to promote regional …

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In that spirit, Pattern brings together business, nonprofit, academic and government leaders from across Columbia, Greene, Sullivan, Ulster, Dutchess, Orange, Putnam, Rockland, and Westchester Counties to collaborate on regional approaches to housing, municipal sharing and local government efficiency, education, land use policy, transportation and infrastructure to move the dial, inspiring growth and vitality for our regional economy.

It is important to Pattern that diverse populations within the Hudson Valley are beneficiaries of its mission to enhance the growth and vitality of the region and to improve regional quality of life. Pattern believes it is uniquely suited to move the dial on the integration of issues of inclusivity and fairness into its traditional areas of work including, but not limited to housing, education, health, community development, economic policy, government efficiency and environmental quality. Pattern can do this because of its research capabilities, its broad relationships and ability to convene diverse groups.

Learn more about Patterns commitment to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion.

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Human hibernation is possible and could boost longevity | New Scientist

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Mounting evidence suggests that humans may have the biological hardware to benefit from some aspects of hibernation. Switching on these mechanisms could treat cardiac arrest, boost longevity and help people travel further into space

By Alex Wilkins

Humans may retain the biological mechanisms to trigger aspects of hibernation

Antonio Sortino

IF YOU could rewind the evolutionary clock millions of years, you might discover that your ancestors had a remarkable trait. It wouldnt be obvious at first. But in certain conditions if food were scarce or there were a cold snap it is possible that their eyes would grow heavy and their bodies begin to slow until, eventually, they switched off entirely. They would be hibernating.

In this low-energy state, todays hibernators can fend off a remarkable array of threats, from the inside and out. Extreme cold and famine are the obvious ones, but hibernation also has the power to combat conditions that plague modern humans, including Alzheimers disease, stroke and heart attack. It could even hold the key to longevity and colonising space. No wonder some researchers are keen to reinstate what might have been our long-lost superpower.

The idea that ancient humans could hibernate may seem far-fetched, but mounting evidence suggests that many non-hibernating mammals retain an ability to enter reduced-energy states, including through dormant brain-signaling pathways that slow metabolism. The distribution of hibernating species on the tree of mammals makes the likely conclusion that the common ancestor of all mammals was a hibernator, says Sandy Martin at the University of Colorado. Its possible we all have the genetic hardware.

It remains to be seen whether any underlying circuitry can be fired up enough to bestow us with some of hibernations protective properties. But the potential spoils are too great not to try.

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