Daily Archives: October 17, 2022

Next generation of reforms should focus on reducing cost of doing business – Economic Times

Posted: October 17, 2022 at 10:35 am

India is showing progress in every dimension of economic reforms. Its commitment to do so is evident from the scale undertaken at the pan-India level since 2014. Policies and schemes developed with the aim of Ease of Doing Business (EoDB) are underpinning Indias development with all, and for all, motto.

Various reforms spanning across the business lifecycle have been implemented by Ministries and States. However, most of them focused on simplification of processes, or rationalisation, digitisation and elimination of compliances. There has been limited focus on implementation of reforms from the purview of reducing Cost of Doing Business (CoDB).

India needs to sharpen its focus on CoDB. Reducing the cost is critical to not only attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) but also to accelerate domestic manufacturing activity. The efforts under EoDB exercise resulted in India jumping 79 places i.e., from 142nd rank in 2014 to 63rd rank in 2019 in the World Banks Doing Business Report (DBR). However, as per DBR 2020 India cost for Starting a Business stands at @7.2% of income per capita, highest among BRICS nations as well as higher compared to nations like Vietnam (5.6%) and Indonesia (5.7%). Dealing with a construction permit is nearly 4% of warehouse value in India whereas it is 2.8% in China, 0.5% in Vietnam and 1.3% in Malaysia.

A new approach A bottom-up approach may be looked upon to reduce and monitor the cost in India. Study on the impact assessment of single window systems across States may be conducted to identify bottlenecks leading to physical interventions, a nodal department can be considered to ensure the predictability and standard timeline of policy changes, an accountability mechanism to reduce delays, and fiscal assessment to achieve reasonable standardisation in the statutory cost across States are few critical interventions.

Further, the national level framework shall be developed that spans across the business lifecycle to measure and monitor the CoDB. Such a framework should be adaptive and transparent to provide ground level inputs to states on the cost scenario in their respective states and should have a target driven approach where states thrive to drive reforms to achieve targeted outcomes.

The economic transformation requires trust-based governance which is set to change the culture of regulatory oversight in the country. For example, the magnitude of punishment against procedural lapses and minor non-compliances by businesses affect the cost of doing business which inadvertently impacts the ease of doing business in the country. It is essential to re-look at provisions which are merely procedural in nature and do not impact national security or public interest at large.

India has become the fifth-largest economy in the world. A boost to productivity of businesses through reduction of CoDB will help the economy gear up for the next big leap. To ensure the effectiveness of the next generation of reforms, the spirit of cooperative and collaborative federalism is needed to enable good governance, support from the states is needed to harness the maximum benefits of the various reforms.

(The writer is Partner and National Leader, Economic Development Advisory, KPMG in India)

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Nigeria And The Intrigues Of Insecurity -By Kene Obiezu – Opinion Nigeria

Posted: at 10:35 am

Over the years, one of the direst consequences of Nigeria`s leadership failures is that an increasing and almost unbearable amount of pressure has come to be put on the structures which make the Giant of Africa one country.

This amount of pressure which has constantly continued to result in friction between the different participants in Nigeria`s political processes, and fissures in the different layers of the country has constantly come to be generated because there has not been a lot of clarity or sustainability about the way the country is currently set up and run.

Nigeria`s inability to clarify the roles of the different players within it over the years has led to no little disillusionment. Many of those who have been consistent in taking Nigeria to task over the awkward federalism it practices have been consistent in pointing out the flaws of the country`s own version of federalism. With 35 states and the center, Nigeria`s federal system of government is built to ape that of the United States. However, in Nigeria, in spite of what appears to be clarity in the constitution, there been no little locking of horns in the last few years over who gets what in Nigeria.

Friction between the state, but especially deep-seated suspicion that the country`s federalism has become too unwieldy for its own good has been at the heart of the calls and cries of all those say that they have been hoping and holding out for better Nigeria for the country to be restructured.

The question of restructuring the country has been a burning one for many years now as stakeholders in the Nigerian project have come to the unmistakable realization that the power-sharing arrangement in the country is simply not working to give the country the best chance of becoming what its teeming population expects it to be.

However, over the years, the question of restructuring Nigeria has always been met by stiff opposition by some ethnic sections of the country in an epic demonstration of just how much the country is divided along ethnic lines.

A state at bay

Nigeria`s nightmarish torture at the hands of insecurity in the last decade has not been equally distributed even if it has been evenly distributed. Some states have been more affected than others. Of the states that have been more affected than others, Benue State will take some beating.

Dubbed the food basket of the nation for the prodigious farming prowess of its people, the state has always prided itself on its ability to produce enough food not just for itself but for the entire country, and even for export.

However, in the last couple of years, the tension between the state where many rural dwellers live on nothing but their farms, and herdsmen who move their cattle from place to place in search of greener pastures have gone up a notch to exacerbate Nigeria`s gripping and blinding struggle with insecurity.

The rest of the country has got used to being haunted by news of death and destruction coming out of Benue State as a result of clashes between farmers and herdsmen. Hundreds have been slaughtered with many communities razed. Countless people have become displaced within the state as a result of these clashes which have seemingly defied every solution.

So audacious have the attackers of Benue people grown in recent times that some years ago, a sacrilegious attempt was made on the life of the state governor Mr. Samuel Ortom when he visited his farm within the state.

A bilious bickering

The toll these conflicts have taken on the lives of the long-suffering people of Benue State in the last decade or so has been unimaginable. While these attacks that compel national attention have raged unchecked, politicians within the ranks of the Benue State Government and the Federal Government have bickered and squabbled over political differences in scenes that amount to playing politics with the lives and property of people who have inexcusably known so little peace for far too long. The bickering has especially increased since the Mr. Samuel Ortom dumped the ruling All Progressives Congress for the opposition Peoples Democratic Party to drag the state into the wilderness of opposition politics.

A recent move by the Governor has raised eyebrows. On Thursday, October 13,2022, the first batch of conscripts into the newly established Benue State Community Volunteer Guards was inducted during an elaborate ceremony in Makurdi, the Benue State Capital.

At the ceremony, Mr. Ortom launched into a lamentation of the security situation in Benue State before talking up community policing as a first step to state police while further lamenting that a request to the federal government to procure arms for the newly established guards have gone unanswered for more than three months now.

It was not long ago that Mr. Rotimi Akeredolu the Governor of Ondo State made a similar lamentation. It is not really about state governments getting on a warpath with the Federal Government. Rather, it is about the security of lives and property. If the Federal Government is saying that there is no need for community vigilantes in the states to bear arms, then it must demonstrate that its commitment to securing lives and property in every state in Nigeria is total and trumps every other consideration.

Failing that, what moral authority would it have to ask states not to arm vigilantes to safeguard communities torn apart by terrorism and threats of terrorist attacks? None, it appears. Absolutely none.

Kene Obiezu,

Twitter:@kenobiezu

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Letter: Andrianova spits in the face of free speech – INFORUM

Posted: at 10:33 am

In a recent letter , associate professor of English at North Dakota State University, Anastassiya Andrianova, complains that conservative pundit Candace Owens will be speaking at NDSU on Oct. 17. She asserts that Owens promotes bigotry but does not provide a single example, likely because none exist.

Leftists have a filthy habit of calling everything under the sun bigotry in an attempt to poison the well and smear their political opponents without having to address the content of their arguments.

Andrianova claims that questioning the validity of an election and looking for fraud is antidemocratic. I disagree; wanting elections to be free, fair, and open is very pro-democracy. Im sure Andrianova doesnt feel the same way about Russia hosting elections in occupied eastern Ukraine on if those territories want to be annexed or not. I doubt shed call questioning those election results antidemocratic.

More importantly, and the purpose of this letter, is that Andrianova criticized North Dakota HB 1503 (passed in 2021) which protects the free speech of faculty and students, including student-sponsored guest speakers.

Specifically, what this bill does is require institutions to enact policy within a certain framework:

Andrianova questions if the intent of the legislature was to protect firebrand speakers. The additional fees that student organizations would face without this law usually take the form of security fees because the institution is concerned that a riot might break out in response to undesirable speech. Or at least thats the excuse institutions give when they want to dissuade that undesirable speech. I can say unequivocally that yes, it was definitely the intent of the legislature to protect firebrand speakers.

Thinking legal protections should only apply to a handful of government-approved viewpoints spits in the face of free speech.

Andrianova calls on readers to protest this campus engagement. She says the community should fight hate speech with more speech, but I have seen no evidence or any example that Owens spreads hate at all. I suggest the community listens to what she has to say first before they grab their pitchforks.

William Smith lives in Fargo.

This letter does not necessarily reflect the opinion of The Forum's editorial board nor Forum ownership.

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Freedom of speech not a ticket to lie, especially during election time – Cape Cod Times

Posted: at 10:33 am

Barbara Leedom| Columnist

Words have always mattered, still do, and will even more as the midterm elections approach. Free speech is one of the most important guarantees in our democracy, but it is in peril. Some say free speech has always been dangerous to the speaker and to those to whom speakers direct their remarks.

It took a Supreme Court case to rule on free speech in 1919. In the case Schenck v. United States famed Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes coined phrases still used to define what is and isnt free speech fire in a theater and create a clear and present danger.

The case denied the petition of John Schenck, a man arrested for distributing pamphlets arguing against the legality of the draft. In those days pamphlets were popular methods to spread information and beliefs. Today its social media. Its the hundreds of thousands of blogs and posts and sites and platforms free to access by logging on or lurking in the background.

Users can voice their views, argue with people across the world, dispel misinformation, create misinformation, virtually yell at other users, find dates and mates, conspire with like-minded folks, write nasty things about anyone anywhere and expose themselves to ridicule and defamation. Libel and slander can result in serious, sometimes legal, repercussions.

Nov. 8 is Election Day:Everything you need about voting this fall

Social media sites are ratcheting up their efforts to dispel lies by those who post their opinions as facts.Meta (formerly Facebook), Twitter and TikTok released plans to look carefully at content involving the upcoming November elections. If the watchers at these companies deem content to be false, social media outlets can cancel accounts. Its happened.

According to a Meta fact sheet, the company has hundreds of people focused on the midterms across more than 40 teams and spent $5 billion on global safety and security last year.

Twitter said in a blog post it would label posts with misleading content or claims about voting, including false information about the outcome of an election.

Midterm election: Candidate profiles, voter information and more.

The Stop the Steal people, those who claim the 2020 presidential elections were stolen have no facts on which to base their claims. But that doesnt mean the movement is over. They believe, despite all evidence to the contrary, that elections, national, state and local, were somehow rigged. Remember the phone call fromthen-President Trump to Georgias Secretary of State?He said hed won Georgia by hundreds of thousands of votes. Until now no investigations have found there was any manipulation of ballots in Georgia.

Now, after the FBI searched Mar-a-Lago, there are all kinds of threatening posts on social media sites. The magistrate who signed the arrest warrant and his family have been threatened. Anti-Semitic remarks have appeared on posts. Is this free speech? Is it the duty of the sites owners to take down obvious lies and slurs? Wheres the line between speeches and rants that incite violence? How far is too far?

Cape Cod business: What challenges are ahead for aging Cape Cod cranberry industry?

People who put themselves out there in public, who risk threats to themselves and their families are brave souls who (mostly) run for election because they want to change programs and policies currently in place in their towns, cities and states. They have whats called platforms in which they promise all kinds of things to everyone. They tout their accomplishments and taunt their opponents. Its politics.

Candidates running for the midterm elections this year best be careful about how they use words to talk about their viewsabout anything. They need to back up their claims, cite verified numbers, not defame theiropponents and tell the truth.

Forbidden fruit?: Here's a way to join Cape Codders reading banned books

When candidates talk about their rivals, they better authenticate their remarks with those in authority to verify the truth. Did Candidate A attend only one Governors Council meeting last year? Did Candidate B really take donations from the NRA?

Fuzzy comments distort but are not necessarily true or false. We voters should ask candidates to explain such comments as: He doesnt know what hes talking about. She is the supreme example of a bigot. He cheated. Shes off the wall. Hes been known to attend off-color establishments. Shes been seen at a violent demonstration. Hes all wet. Shes shading the truth. Hes an idiot. Shes just stupid. And so on and so on.

Words matter.

Barbara Leedom is a resident of South Yarmouth. Contact her atbleedom@gmail.com.

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Three Perspectives on Academic Freedom | GW Today | The George Washington University – GW Today

Posted: at 10:33 am

By Greg Varner

Three views of academic freedom were presented by a trio of speakers in the latest Useful Knowledge Workshop hosted virtually by George Washington Universitys Graduate School of Education and Human Development. Dwayne Kwaysee Wright, GSEHDs director of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Initiatives and assistant professor of higher education administration, presented one of the three hourlong sessions and also moderated for the event as a whole.

Think of todays workshop as a buffet of ideas, Wright said. We want to expose you to different views.

The first session, dubbed Academic Freedom 101, was presented by Jonathan Friedman, director of free expression and education programs at PEN America, a nonprofit devoted to the defense of free expression. With so much energy being spent to portray todays campuses as intolerant of diverse views, Friedman offered a much more nuanced view of where we are and how we got here, as well as tips for encouraging open and respectful exchange on campus. His comments were informed by PEN Americas Campus Free Speech Guide.

Some of the key ideas Friedman presented were that free speech and the principles of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) can be compatible values; that in an open and equitable society, knowledge institutionsschools, universities, bookstores, librarieshave unique obligations to these dual values; and that free speech is under threat in many locations worldwide, with people being imprisoned or even killed for their speech.

All societies, Friedman said, make decisions about how ideas can be expressed. The question is, where do we want to draw the line between total free expression on one side of the spectrum, and total regulation of speech on the other?

The United States is somewhere in the middle of that spectrum, Friedman suggested. He briefly traced the role of various progressive movements (such as those pushing for birth control, sexual liberation, greater secularism, womens rights and workers rights) in the history of free speech gains in the United States. In 1860, Frederick Douglass gave a speech calling for freedom of speech as a bulwark against slavery.

Today, Friedman said, A lot of people are pushing in different directions when it comes to freedom of expression. From the left, there are calls to regulate hate speech or cancel use of language that some find harmful; on the right, there is concern about critical race theory, LGBTQ+ issues and actions deemed by some to be unpatriotic, such as kneeling during the national anthem.

As interpreted by the judiciary, Friedman added, some restrictions on speech are acceptable as long as they are neutrally and consistently enforced. On a college campus, its reasonable to insist that people not walk around shouting through bullhorns at night, so long as theres no explicitly political excuse for the restriction.

Around the world, the United States has the highest allowance for politically offensive speech, Friedman said, and for speech that really comes as far up to, and probably over, the line of decency that most people think of when they think of a civil, respectful society.

Since early in the previous century, there has been an effort to protect the freedom of professors to research and publish; to teach; to express internal criticism without losing their job; and to participate in public debate. Universities have usually been permitted to regulate these matters internally.

A lot of whats happening right now is deeply anti-intellectual, Friedman said. A lot of the people who are showing up at school board meetings and putting pressure to remove books dont seem to be very interested in compromise. In open, equitable, democratic societies, he added, We ought to be able to have open and equitable conversation.

Nonetheless, Friedman said, a degree of friction on campus is a positive good. Respect, he added, entails an obligation to understand what may cause offense and why, to avoid words and actions that do so, even when theres no intention to do so.

Critical race perspective

In the second hourlong session, Wright presented a critical race perspective. The central question he posed is: Whom does the First Amendment protect under our current jurisprudence, and who is left behind?

In a society as big as ours, as diverse as ours, where people have diverse views, we need freedom of speech, he said. In a democracy, if were not allowed to speak, we might as well not be allowed to vote.

After a brief explanation of critical race theory (CRT) as less a single theory than a way of looking at things as a whole, Wright proposed a hypothetical counter-story set in an imaginary state where both CRT and affirmative action have been banned. Wrights scenario illustrated his claim that a ban on CRT or on affirmative action is not neutral, despite the fact that enhancing neutrality is given as a rationale for such bans.

As a lawyer, I truly do believe in free speech, Wright said. I believe that the way to combat speech you dont like is with more speech.

Academic freedom is a special type of freedom of speech, Wright said, enforced more by contract and custom than by the courts. It refers to the ability of teachers, students, and educational institutions to pursue knowledge without unreasonable political or government interference.

If you want a marketplace of ideas, he concluded, maybe you should not restrict the marketplace.

A libertarian view

In the final session, a libertarian perspective was offered by Adam Kissel, visiting fellow on higher education reform at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank.

People are drawn to the university environment, Kissel said, because they want to take part in a communal search for truth. Privileging another value, such as social justice, over the truth is like being at a religious institution, which chooses its own truth as a starting point.

The university, he said, can be conceptualized as nested spheres of academic freedom. Trustees and university leadership may require faculty members to behave in a certain way; similarly, deans and department heads may impose additional requirements. Each academic discipline imposes its own restraints; in Kissels example, a history professor isnt permitted to teach a chemistry class.

These nested spheres continue downward to the classroom, where a professor exercises considerable freedom within given constraints. Students also have freedom. The best government, in liberal theory, permits maximum freedom for the individual.

You get to say what you want, and what you say is protected, just like any other person, Kissel said. The point is to be able to argue together and think together. We need one another to challenge our ideas and see mistakes in our own reasonings so that we can try to do better. Reasons and reasonings are what matters. Even when an opponent is entirely wrong, he added, it can help us sharpen our arguments.

The workshop concluded with a question-and-answer session hosted by Wright and Christy Anthony, GWs director of student rights and responsibility. What, Wright asked her, should students know about academic freedom?

If I had the ear of every student, I would want to share a couple of things, Anthony said. GWs statement on student rights and responsibilities explicitly states that academic freedom is not only freedom to teach and research, but also freedom to learn; and it is viewed as a requirement for a full exploration of ideas, sometimes even offensive ideas.

As with any form of speech, she added, there are limits. Freedom of speech is not a limitless right, neither for faculty nor for students, but it is a preeminent value of the institution. Fully exploring ideas, and controversial ones, is essential for learning.

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Proud Boys’ only ‘idea’ is violence. Penn State is wrong to give its leader a platform – York Dispatch

Posted: at 10:33 am

Will Bunch| The Philadelphia Inquirer (TNS)

The one contribution that the Proud Boys the mostly white-boy street thugs who arrived on the scene around the same time, not coincidentally, as the political ambitions of their hero Donald Trump and the movement's Canadian founder Gavin McInnes have made to the canon of modern intellectual thought is that society needs a bloody punch in the nose.

"I want violence," McInnes, who has clung to a veneer of respectability for also founding the magazine that became Vice, proclaimed on his talk show in the spring of 2016, as Trump was claiming the GOP presidential nomination. "I want punching in the face. I'm disappointed in Trump supporters for not punching enough." Those words came just before McInnes publicly announced he'd organized his followers into the Proud Boys gang.

McInnes was presumably less disappointed over the next six years as he watched his ambitions translated into blood-soaked bedlam first in street clashes with leftists, like a 2018 brawl outside a GOP-sponsored event in Manhattan (for which two Proud Boys were sent to prison), and ultimately for the group's critical role in the Jan. 6 insurrection that aimed to keep Trump in power, a day that left five dead and scores wounded.

More:Penn State officials criticize student group's event with Proud Boys founder

More:Judge: Proud Boys leaders dangerous, must be jailed before trial in Capitol attack

More:Did Secret Service drop the ball before Jan. 6?

The government of Canada got it right, in my opinion, when it listed the Proud Boys as a terrorist organization.

But last week, the leadership of Pennsylvania's flagship state-supported university, Penn State, went in a different direction citing free speech grounds for allowing McInnes to co-headline a campus event on Oct. 24 that's being billed as "a comedy show." The program called "Stand Back and Stand By," which was Trump's televised message to the Proud Boys weeks ahead of Jan. 6 is even being supported by some $7,522.43 in student-activity funds, which will mainly be an "honorarium" to McInnes and co-host Alex Stein.

"As a recognized student organization, Uncensored America has the undeniable constitutional right to sponsor this presentation on our campus," three high-ranking Penn State administrators wrote of the group backing McInnes' appearance, adding the seemingly obligatory disclaimer against the "repugnant and denigrating rhetoric" of the Proud Boys founder. In this instance, I think Penn State's leadership is getting it terribly wrong.

Liberals and conservatives can or should, anyway agree that free speech on campus has not only become a fraught issue in the 21st century, but that we've been struggling mightily to get it right. My own personal views on university discourse were shaped as a boomer growing up in the shadow of the 1964 Berkeley Free Speech movement, in an era in which administrators sought to treat students as children, not as adults with political free expression. It was fitting that the Berkeley protests, while led by folks on the left like Mario Savio, also had support from campus conservatives.

Exhibit A: That lofty ideal is struggling today. Many young people have come to see what some call "free speech" as a cover for maintaining noxious hierarchies like racism or misogyny with someone like a Gavin McInnes serving as Exhibit A. I've applauded the college kids who've showed up to protest the toxic views of such right-wing speakers, but yet I also feel it crosses a line when speakers are shut down altogether, or when activists steal copies of a campus newspaper.

I'm on record with columns criticizing the students at Berkeley, of all places who silenced the odious Ann Coulter in 2017, and the University of Missouri communications professor who bizarrely blocked journalists from covering a protest in 2015. My grossly unrealized fantasy is a new campus paradigm around speech one that allows oxygen for activists to beat down racism and sexism while also upholding the Spirit of 1964.

At the core of this debate is a staggeringly simple notion: That colleges and universities were created to study, formulate, and debate ideas especially controversial ones. The even greater ideal is the most noble concept that intellectual discourse not violence is the one true and moral way for humankind to solve its problems. Which is what makes Penn State handing a microphone to a violence advocate like McInnes and tossing some of its tapped-out students' cash his way in the process such a mockery of academic freedom.

Indeed, it's telling that, according to reporting by the Huffington Post's Andy Campbell also author of the just-published history of the group, We Are Proud Boys the Penn State organizers essentially fibbed in claiming that McIness has mostly "veered away" from recent direct ties with the Proud Boys. Instead, Campbell presents evidence that McInnes is continuing to play a leadership role, as the Proud Boys' leader at the time of Jan. 6 insurrection, Enrique Tarrio, remains sidelined as he awaits trial on sedition charges.

The lack of daylight between McInnes and the Proud Boys organization means that Penn State is platforming a fascist-style, increasingly paramilitary type group that criminal investigations are showing was deeply tied to the idea of a violent coup against the U.S. government certainly on Jan. 6, if not today. Last week, another leader, Jeremy Bertino, pled guilty to seditious conspiracy and admitted the Proud Boys were fighting to block the peaceful transition of power to President Biden, stating in his plea that members "were willing to do whatever it would take, including using force against police and others, to achieve that objective."

What's to debate?: Given that, can Penn State platforming a Proud Boys founder and leader be justified as part of the open exchange of ideas? Not when the group has failed to espouse anything worthy of intellectual debate during these six years. That is, of course, unless you find academic worth in rank misogyny Campbell and others have documented the hatred for women that flows from McInnes and his followers, who call themselves "Western chauvinists" and the notion that America's moral problems can be solved with a few right hooks.

I reached out to the Philadelphia political activist Gwen Snyder, a leading researcher of right-wing, antidemocratic involvement in political activity here in the city and elsewhere. For her work in highlighting the Proud Boys' activities, group members chose to "intellectually engage" with Snyder over the years by visiting her home, badgering her neighbors, putting up Proud Boys' stickers outside her home, and finally posting her photo online with the threat that she was "done in Philly." A member of the Proud Boys then-40-year-old Kyle Boell of Northeast Philadelphia was arrested in 2021 and charged with harassment and making terrorist threats against Snyder.

"They made violent threats against my family, they dared each other to rape me in their national Telegram chat," Snyder told me. "All because I spoke in ways they didn't like." Not surprisingly, Snyder sees the group gaining a platform at Penn State as part of a strategy that doesn't advance free speech, but destroys it.

She said that "to offer the founder of this violent white supremacist gang a platform in the name of 'free speech' isn't just ridiculous, it's part of the broader fascist project of abusing the language of liberal democracy ('free speech,' 'tolerance') in order to ultimately make that language meaningless. It's not just hypocrisy. It's their strategy for systematically undermining these values."

Exactly. What's more, it's hard not to think that McInnes and his allies didn't choose both their location State College, on a campus surrounded by the counties that went so heavily for Trump in the last two elections and the timing (15 days ahead of two of the nation's most-watched midterm elections) with the idea not of winning converts through their "humor," but with the hope of fomenting even more violence. That would be an awful stain on the Penn State community.

No wonder that so far more than 1,400 signers with the Student Committee for Defense and Solidarity at Penn State have demanded that the university reverse course and cancel the campus event, arguing that the school should not be "platforming fascists." I hope their effort succeeds.

The Proud Boys are not some random group. They sit at the heart of a movement to undermine American democracy the very thing that allows open academic discourse at Penn State to exist in its first place. The only thing worse than watching this demolition take place would be writing a $7,522.43 check to the wrecking crew.

Will Bunch is national columnist for the Philadelphia Inquirer.

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Elon Musk Floats ‘Nuke Mars’ Idea Again | Space

Posted: at 10:32 am

Nuking Mars is still on Elon Musk's wish list, it would seem.

Four years ago, the SpaceX founder and CEO went on "The Late Show With Stephen Colbert" and discussed a strategy for making the Red Planet more livable: detonating nuclear bombs over its poles. The explosions would vaporize a fair chunk of Mars' ice caps, liberating enough water vapor and carbon dioxide both potent greenhouse gases to warm up the planet substantially, the idea goes.

This terraforming concept is apparently still bouncing around in Musk's head, because on Thursday (Aug. 15), he tweeted, seemingly unprompted, "Nuke Mars!" A few hours later, he followed up with another tweet: "T-shirt soon."

Related: Make Mars Livable with Asteroids: A Terraforming PlanInfographic: How Humanity Could Terraform Small Planets

If Musk is serious about nuking the Red Planet and it's possible that he's not he'll have to overcome significant skepticism. For starters, many scientists and exploration advocates have concerns about any terraforming effort: Do we have the right to fundamentally transform another world especially one that might host its own uniquely adapted life even today for our own purposes?

In addition, the strategy might not even work. A 2018 study published in the prestigious journal Nature Astronomy concluded that Mars doesn't harbor enough CO2 today to achieve significant warming even if all the stuff were liberated into the atmosphere. "As a result, we conclude that terraforming Mars is not possible using present-day technology," the researchers wrote (opens in new tab).

(The study team also explained why it did not consider water as a warming agent. "Previous models of atmospheric warming have demonstrated that water cannot provide significant warming by itself; temperatures do not allow enough water to persist as vapor without first having significant warming by CO2," the team members wrote.)

But the nuke concept could be worse than ineffectual, some scientists have said. Namely, it could backfire, ushering in a "phenomenon known as 'nuclear winter' (akin to the asteroid impact that killed off the dinosaurs), wherein you generate so much dust and particles that they literally block out a significant portion of the incoming sunlight, cooling down the planet," climate scientist Michael Mann of Penn State University told U.S. News and World Report via email in 2015.

Transforming frigid, dry and radiation-blasted Mars into a more clement world aligns with Musk's long-term goals. He wants to help humanity colonize the Red Planet, and he's building a spaceflight system to help make it happen a 100-passenger spaceship called Starship and a huge rocket known as Super Heavy. The reusable duo could start launching satellites as early as 2021 and people by 2023, SpaceX representatives have said.

Mike Wall's book about the search for alien life, "Out There (opens in new tab)" (Grand Central Publishing, 2018; illustrated by Karl Tate), is out now. Follow him on Twitter @michaeldwall. Follow us on Twitter @Spacedotcom or Facebook.

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How to save the planet in less than two hours | Mint – Mint

Posted: at 10:32 am

For players of Daybreak, the challenges are identical but the solutions roll out in seconds.

Sayanti Sengupta, a technical advisor for the Red Cross Red Crescent Climate Centre, was one of the first people to try the beta version of Daybreak, a highly anticipated board game from creators Matt Leacock and Matteo Menapace. Playing at home, she marveled as her friends slapped down cards to deploy solar farms, struck multilateral climate deals across the table, and swapped out tiles to phase out fossil fuel energy. Together, they counted up little gray cubes representing carbon in the atmosphere, a binding moment every round where they paused to celebrate and reassess.

Every time we could do a round without losing communities or without raising the temperature, people were more into it. Like next time, they want to do it better," Sengupta says. This is exactly what you need to feel for the climate problem. You need to keep at it."

After three years in development, Daybreak will hit the commercial market next spring, joining a plethoraof climate change-inspired games. Leacock, best known for his cooperative board game Pandemic, is adding his own spin to Daybreak: The game is based on real-world data and policies, with a degree of game abstraction. Like Pandemic, its tricky to win, and players must work together to achieve collective solutions. In the runup to COP27, the creators say that Daybreak offers a miniature model through which to understand current events.

Heres how it works: Four players assume the roles of China, the US, Europe and the Majority World" the Global South each of which comes with its own strengths and vulnerabilities. In each round, they convene to decide on a global project, draw individual opportunities and brace for unknown crises.

The central tension lies in trade-offs. Do you use your opportunity cards to fund the global project, or do you capitalize on growing social movements in your region? Do you invest in mangrove forests, hedging against future floods, or do you prioritize the rapid shift to renewable energy? The center game board keeps an ongoing tally of the temperature and thawing ice as droughts and heatwaves escalate.

Daybreak has been in development since March 2020. In the early days, Leacock and Menapace found themselves lost in the sheer size and breadth of the climate crisis. Both rejected the narrative around individual carbon footprints that encourages people to fly less or rethink having children. Citing BPs 2000s campaign, Menapace wrotethatframing climate action as an individual carbon diet would be playing the enemys game."But it wasnt until they read The 100% Solution by Solomon Goldstein-Rose, which lays out a comprehensive global plan, that the duo found a foothold.

The tendency I saw was that people would say, Oh, this is the answer to the climate crisis, and everyone would say, Well, of course not, thats not big enough," Leacock explains. Where if you change the frame and say, We need all of these solutions, and you can see them and see their part in the larger whole, then I was able to better understand the nature of the problem and really wanted to be able to communicate that to other people."

Leacock and Menapace consulted a wide array of environmental advocates, from Greenpeace and WWF to the Red Cross Red Crescent Climate Centre, which has developed dozens of DIY educational games. Long-time climate activist Bill McKibben was instrumental in helping them understand the role of the fossil fuel industrylobbying, which they eventually folded into the deckof crises. Early feedback also pushed them to move beyond technocratic carbon addition and subtraction to concentrate instead on the impact on communities.

When we started to thread all that in there, threads of climate justice and so on, the game became much, much richer," Leacock says. Suddenly, we could be picking up books on the Green New Deal, all these policy books, and we could see anything as a climate solution, whether its healthcare or city greening or what have you. They all had their role in the game."

In its current form, Daybreak offers almost 150 cards with different solutions to fight climate change, from citizens assemblies to walkable cities to green steel and alternative cement. The name itself, Daybreak, was chosen to evoke the feeling of a new dawn, solar energy and the reality that the world, in fact, has many tools at hand. (One earlier title: Climate Crisis.)

While playing, Sengupta watched as her friends grew curious about the real-world implications of various solutions. One was enthralled by a card on agrovoltaic solar farms, which he wanted to see at home in the Philippines. The [unique selling point] of the game," she says, is that its not only something that brokers knowledge, but also actually gives you hope that you can do something collaboratively."

Game theory

Daybreaks forerunners each tell a different story about climate change. In the game CO2, players adopt the role of energy companies going green, while Energetic assigns players as politicians, entrepreneurs, activistsor engineers pushing the clean energy transition in New York. Online games featured in the community Earth Games range from building trust between disaster-stricken societies to battling disinformation. You could even argue that Terraforming Mars, in which players change the climate to create a biosphere on the Red Planet, is yet another symptom of humanitys existential crisis here on Earth.

Research on climate change games has demonstrated their efficacy in educating players and instilling hope even in inspiring players to take more action after the game. Dr. Juliette Rooney-Varga, director of the Climate Change Initiative at the University of Massachusetts Lowell, has conducted dozens of sessions with World Climate, a dual-simulation game that models both the scientific reality of anthropogenic climate change sea-level rise, more frequent storms and flooding and the interpersonal reality of United Nations conferences.

As in Daybreak, World Climate participants take the position of government leaders. Role play has proven effective in activating how closely people pay attention, asit offers a layer of responsibility absent in a lecture or film.Real-time feedback on decisions, which truncates the timeline between action and outcome, is also essential. Its actually that sense of increased urgency that drives desire to learn more and intent to take action on climate change, as opposed to a change in your analytic understanding of the problem," says Rooney-Varga.Its that combination that I think of as really powerful."

What Daybreak does particularly well, says Pablo Suarez, innovation lead at the Red Cross Red Crescent Climate Centre, is illustrate the trade-offs of us versus them, now versus later, and certainty versus uncertainty, such as whether to invest in adaptation when youre not sure if an extreme event will actually occur.

Suarez offered his own example of a trade-off: At a workshop at the White House in 2012, he explained that the frisbee he was about to throw into the standing crowd symbolized a hurricane. Participants who sat down evacuated," while those who remained standing were suddenly keenly aware of their vulnerability. The moral of the game was to demonstrate the importance of early warning systems.

Games are uniquely well-suited to help people experience complex issues where you have limited information, you have to make decisions, and your decisions will have consequences," Suarez says. Playfulness allows people to engage very intensely into imagining the range of possible futures."

To Leacock and Menapace, Daybreak gives people permission to talk about climate change, to learn about the diversity of solutionsand try, round after round, to fit them together effectively.

You might hear the government is putting forward a plan to tackle a certain aspect of the climate crisis," says Menapace. And you still feel like, Okay, thats good, but they need more cards. They need to do more of that. It really gives you a way to quickly assess whats happening in reality."

This story has been published from a wire agency feed without modifications to the text.

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How Elon Musk used sci-fi and social media to shape his narrative : It’s Been a Minute – NPR

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Carina Johansen/NTB/AFP via Getty Images; Onur Dogman/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images; Gabe Ginsberg/Getty Images; Justin Williams - PA Images/PA Images via Getty Images; Illustration by Kaz Fantone/NPR

Carina Johansen/NTB/AFP via Getty Images; Onur Dogman/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images; Gabe Ginsberg/Getty Images; Justin Williams - PA Images/PA Images via Getty Images; Illustration by Kaz Fantone/NPR

The saga around Elon Musk's deal to buy Twitter has been just that: a months-long soap opera involving lawsuits and subpoenas, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, even a town hall. But why does Musk one of the world's richest and arguably most influential men want a social media platform?

It's Been a Minute host Brittany Luse puts the question to Jill Lepore, political historian and host of The Evening Rocket, a podcast about Musk. Lepore says that the idea of being a savior of free speech would appeal to Musk, who has built around himself a mythology inspired by what she sees as a misinterpretation of mid-twentieth century science fiction.

Lepore discusses how Musk crafted a powerful narrative that millions around the world have bought into; how he draws from science fiction and film; and why we need to be more critical of billionaire visionaries.

Y0u can listen to the full episode at the top of the page, or on Spotify or Apple Podcasts. These excerpts have been edited for length and clarity.

On Musk's self-mythology

Brittany Luse: In a nutshell, what is the myth that you see Elon Musk trying to sell about himself?

Lepore: The story that he tells about his own life is kind of ripped out of the pages of early science fiction. He's a boy wonder, right? He's this kind of boy genius. And there's a whole origin story about Musk in South Africa that involves winning an award for a computer game that he wrote as a boy. He's marketed as this figure straight out of comic books. And the version of the story that he's kind of bandying about now is one in which he's the ultimate futurist. He is the visionary innovator, an engineer-slash-entrepreneur who will bring the light of human civilization to the stars and colonize Mars.

On turning to science fiction for inspiration

Lepore: Musk often talks about how he was transformed as a boy by reading Isaac Asimov and The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy by Douglas Adams. These books, he will say, taught him that humankind must reach for the stars, that we must colonize other planets in order to bring the light of human consciousness elsewhere. For Musk, his vision of himself is as the hero of a science fiction story from the 1950s. And yet he completely misreads that very science fiction.

Luse: You brought up Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy. That was also one of my favorite books when I was around the same age. I read it in middle school. I loved it. I thought it was hilarious. Different life trajectories, me and Elon Musk. But you point out in your podcast, he names a space ship after the Heart of Gold spaceship that's also in the book. He calls Douglas Adams, the author, one of his favorite philosophers. And yet, as you just said, you believe that he misses the point of the book. How does he miss?

Lepore: Yeah so, the Hitchhiker's Guide stories which are comedies, these big BBC radio plays written in the '70s were an indictment of the widening inequalities of wealth in Britain and around the world. The real bad guys in the story are these super wealthy people who want to build luxury planets where the poor can serve them. And they were broadcast to South Africa, to Pretoria, where Elon Musk grew up under apartheid, in a wholly white community where all the labor was done by Black people living under conditions of profound degradation and deprivation. And Douglas Adams had on the manual typewriter with which he typed the plays and then later the books he had a sticker that read, "end apartheid."

Hitchhiker's Guide is essentially about the injustice of advanced capitalism, as is much science fiction. We think about H.G. Wells writing The Time Machine. A lot of these science fiction writers are [indicting] colonialism in particular. Like, don't go to other planets and make other people your slaves. Wells was a big critic of the British Empire and British imperialism, especially in Africa. [Musk] is actually the villain of The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy. He is not Arthur Dent. He's Zaphod Beeblebrox. Jeff Bezos is the same way. They talk about having read all this science fiction as boys, which inspired why they found these rocket companies later in life.

But of course, science fiction completely changed around the time that Douglas Adams was writing. You see the emergence of Afrofuturism or someone like Octavia Butler, Ursula K. Le Guin, and this kind of feminist science fiction and this interesting kind of transgender way of thinking about alternative universes and possibilities in which the future involves a lot of suffering. When I hear Elon Musk talk about the future, it really sounds to me like a very, very sad version of the past.

On being the 'real-life Iron Man'

Luse: The writers of Marvel's Iron Man cited Elon Musk as an inspiration for Tony Stark. And you also pointed out that the first Iron Man movie came out the same year the Tesla Roadsters were released. Can you talk about how the fictionalized version of Elon Musk in Tony Stark then influenced the real Elon Musk?

Lepore: It's sort of an interesting reciprocity. I mean, Iron Man dates to the 1960s when he's created in comic books by Stan Lee. The character is very much updated and kind of wrapped around the idea of Elon Musk, where you can take the same storyline about Tony Stark from the '60s and glue to it the kind of cultural fascination with the Silicon Valley entrepreneur, of which Musk was the best model.

And I don't want to be heard to be somehow discrediting Musk's accomplishments. He has this extraordinary career as a businessman. He goes to Stanford to get a Ph.D. guy's really, really smart drops out to found his first company, moves quickly through a series of startups that are extraordinarily successful. And then around the time of the first Iron Man, Musk moves from from Silicon Valley to Los Angeles, and he becomes a Hollywood figure. You can't really conceive of anyone else doing that. You can't conceive of Bill Gates going to live in Hollywood. So there's this kind of interesting trajectory that takes him from the sort of nerdy Silicon Valley inventor guy to Tony Stark with sexy cars and sexy women.

Luse: What does it say about our society that Elon Musk has become a celebrity in a similar way to somebody like a rock star?

Lepore: Well the happy reading of it is: Celebrities are not celebrated for having ideas. Musk has many ideas. We should be heartened by the idea of someone with engineering genius being celebrated. That's not exactly what he's being celebrated for, but I think in some ways that's maybe the least concerning piece of it.

It's surprising that people aren't more concerned about the idea that you would go from extraordinary, unrivaled business success, to Hollywood fame celebrity stardom, to political aspirations that bring you in and out of the White House, to a pursuit of a position of power possibly over communication across the whole planet. It's very much like a scripted Marvel moment where people keep giving this character more and more power, and the viewer's like, "I think he might be evil." But people still give him more power. This is kind of where we are in the movie moment right now. We just don't quite know.

This episode of 'It's Been a Minute' was produced by Barton Girdwood, Liam McBain, Jessica Mendoza, Janet Woojeong Lee and Jamila Huxtable. Engineering support came from Joby Tanseco and Natasha Branch. It was edited by Jessica Placzek. Our executive producer is Veralyn Williams, our VP of Programming is Yolanda Sangweni and our Senior VP of Programming is Anya Grundmann. You can follow us on Twitter @npritsbeenamin and email us at ibam@npr.org.

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New ghost tour unearths the grisly side of Old Montreal this Halloween season – The Suburban Newspaper

Posted: at 10:30 am

Haunted Montreal recently announced its new ghost tour created for the 2022 Halloween season, set in Old Montreal, featuring twisted tales of deranged ghosts and paranormal activity in the citys most haunted neighborhood.

With its cobblestone streets and timeworn buildings, some dating back to the 1600s, Old Montreal is a popular neighborhood for tourists and residents alike.However, as the site of the French colonial establishment of Ville-Marie in 1642, it also has an extremely dark and disturbing side. The area has witnessed countless horrors brutal colonization, bloody guerilla warfare, unspeakable tragedies, heinous crimes, shocking executions, and the imposition of European Imperial regimes.

The Haunted Old Montreal ghost walk visits the Place dArmes, Cours Le Royer, the Courthouse District, Place Vauquelin, Champs-de-Mars, Jacques Cartier Square, and the infamous Chateau Ramezay areas said to be rife with paranormal activity and ghost-sightings.

Guests will learn the deranged stories of various ghosts and other apparitions, including Marie-Joseph Anglique, a slave woman who was hanged during the New France era; Jeanne Le Ber, a Catholic recluse who frequently self-flagellated; and the Demon of the Htel-Dieu Hospital. Other spirits include the babbling decapitated head of Jean Saint-Pre, wife-murderer Adolphus Dewey and former museum warden and perfectionist Miss ODowd.

The Haunted Old Montreal ghost walk also features dark history, including strange colonial legends and their Indigenous detractors, forgotten cemeteries, devastating fires, sickening tales, unsavory plaques and statues and unmarked colonial sites of torture, barbarity, and execution.

Led by a professional actor and storyteller, this ghost tour will please ghost hunters, history buffs, and Halloween lovers with its creepy tales of paranormal activity and the ghostly spirits that haunt Old Montreal!

Visit Haunted Old Montrealfor more information.

Haunted Montreal

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