Daily Archives: July 17, 2022

By The Associated Press

Todays Highlight in History:

On July 16, 1969, Apollo 11 blasted off from Cape Kennedy on the first manned mission to the surface of the moon.

On this date:

In 1790, a site along the Potomac River was designated the permanent seat of the United States government; the area became Washington, D.C.

In 1862, Flag Officer David G. Farragut became the first rear admiral in the United States Navy.

In 1945, the United States exploded its first experimental atomic bomb in the desert of Alamogordo (ahl-ah-moh-GOHR-doh), New Mexico; the same day, the heavy cruiser USS Indianapolis left Mare (mar-AY) Island Naval Shipyard in California on a secret mission to deliver atomic bomb components to Tinian Island in the Marianas.

In 1951, the novel The Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger was first published by Little, Brown and Co.

In 1956, Last Ringling Bros, Barnum & Bailey Circus under a canvas tent.

In 1957, Marine Corps Maj. John Glenn set a transcontinental speed record by flying a Vought F8U Crusader jet from California to New York in 3 hours, 23 minutes and 8.4 seconds.

In 1964, as he accepted the Republican presidential nomination in San Francisco, Barry M. Goldwater declared that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice and that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.

In 1980, former California Gov. Ronald Reagan won the Republican presidential nomination at the partys convention in Detroit.

In 1999, John F. Kennedy Jr., his wife, Carolyn, and her sister, Lauren Bessette , died when their single-engine plane, piloted by Kennedy, plunged into the Atlantic Ocean near Marthas Vineyard, Massachusetts.

In 2004, Martha Stewart was sentenced to five months in prison and five months of home confinement by a federal judge in New York for lying about a stock sale.

In 2008, Florida resident Casey Anthony, whose 2-year-old daughter, Caylee, had been missing a month, was arrested on charges of child neglect, making false official statements and obstructing a criminal investigation. (Casey Anthony was later acquitted at trial of murdering Caylee, whose skeletal remains were found in December 2008; she was convicted of lying to police.)

In 2015, a jury in Centennial, Colorado, convicted James Holmes of 165 counts of murder, attempted murder and other charges in the 2012 Aurora movie theater rampage that left 12 people dead. A gunman unleashed a barrage of fire at a recruiting center and another U.S. military site a few miles apart in Chattanooga, Tennessee, killing four Marines and a sailor before he was shot to death by police; authorities identified the gunman as Kuwaiti-born Muhammad Youssef Abdulazeez of Tennessee.

In 2016, Republican presidential nominee-apparent Donald Trump formally introduced his running mate, Mike Pence, during an event in New York, hailing the Indiana governor as his first choice and his partner in the campaign a day after announcing the selection on Twitter.

Ten years ago: Singer Kitty Wells, whose hits such as Making Believe and It Wasnt God Who Made Honky Tonk Angels made her the first female superstar of country music, died at age 92.

Five years ago: Ten people died at a popular swimming hole in Arizonas Tonto National Forest after a rainstorm unleashed a flash flood. Roger Federer won a record-breaking 8th Wimbledon title, beating Marin Cilic (CHIHL-ihch) 6-3, 6-1, 6-4. British actor Jodie Whittaker was announced as the next star of the long-running science fiction series Doctor Who the first woman to take a role that had been played by a dozen men over six decades.

One year ago: A federal judge in Texas ruled illegal an Obama-era program that prevented the deportation of thousands of immigrants who were brought into the U.S. as children. Rapper and DJ Biz Markie, known for the 1989 song Just a Friend, died at the age of 57. The Eiffel Tower reopened to tourists for the first time in nearly nine months, even as France introduced new rules aimed at warding off a fourth surge; they included mandatory COVID-19 passes to enter restaurants and tourist venues.

Todays Birthdays: Soul singer William Bell is 83. International Tennis Hall of Famer Margaret Court is 80. College Football Hall of Famer and football coach Jimmy Johnson is 79. Violinist Pinchas Zukerman is 74. Actor-singer Ruben Blades is 74. Rock composer-musician Stewart Copeland is 70. Playwright Tony Kushner is 66. Actor Faye Grant is 65. Dancer Michael Flatley is 64. Actor Phoebe Cates is 59. Actor Paul Hipp is 59. Actor Daryl Chill Mitchell is 57. Actor-comedian Will Ferrell is 55. Actor Jonathan Adams is 55. College and Pro Football Hall of Famer Barry Sanders is 54. Actor Rain Pryor is 53. Actor Corey Feldman is 51.

Rock musician Ed Kowalczyk (Live) is 51. Rock singer Ryan McCombs (Drowning Pool) is 48. Actor Jayma Mays is 43. Retired soccer star Carli Lloyd is 40. Actor AnnaLynne McCord is 35. Actor-singer James Maslow is 32. Actor Mark Indelicato is 28. Pop singer-musician Luke Hemmings (5 Seconds to Summer) is 26.

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Today in History: Today is Saturday, July 16, the 197th day of 2022. - wausaupilotandreview.com

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Who are the most intimidating players to ever turn out for the Carolina Panthers throughout franchise history?

The game of football is arguably one of the most physical in all of sports and the best of the best usually make it to the National Football League.

Throughout the history of the NFL, weve seen quite a range of players. From Mean Joe Greene to Lawrence Taylor, a lot of those players are ones that you didnt want to mess with or let get the best of you.

When thinking of intimidating and scary players, many automatically think of big defensive players or offensive tackles. However, many more players brought this persona while not being the nastiest.

With the NFL being around so long, different generations of fans probably have varied opinions about who the scariest players in league history are.

The Carolina Panthers have yet to win a Super Bowl in their history. But theyve had more than a handful of scary players make their way through the Queen City.

Some only played with the Panthers for a short time while others spent their entire career here.

As we finish up the dog days of summer and approach the 2022 season, who are the top five most intimidating players in Panthers history?

Lets take a look.

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Ranking the 5 most intimidating Panthers players in franchise history - Cat Crave

With faint light painting strange shadows on the wall, on that pre-dawn morning, Russias last tsar led his wife and children down to the basement, with the scarce concept of what would happen next.

In a merchants house in the Urals that was seized by the Soviets, a family was mysteriously moved in, and their existence kept secret from the world. What became of them would remain shrouded in mystery for decades to come.

The 1917 October Revolution cast a shadow across Russia that extended to all reaches of the globe. The merciless manner in which the communists would achieve their ends in the decades to follow was indelibly typified on a pre-dawn morning at a house in the Urals 104 years ago.

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The Darkest of Russia's Secrets Traces Back to This Day in History 104 Years Ago - The Epoch Times

Denver's Historic Five Points and Curtis Park neighborhoods have a rich history of being home to many different kinds of people. Now, a new interactive mapping project and exhibition is telling the story of one group of these Americans.

Denver experienced a boom in Japanese culture and businesses after World War II and the closure of Colorados internment camps, which imprisoned over 10,000 people of Japanese descent. Today, in Denvers Five Points neighborhood, an interactive story-sharing, web-based app takes visitors back in time for a unique neighborhood tour of what that time was like.

The project titled Stories of Solidarity: Japanese Americans in Five Points is a collaboration between the Japanese Arts Network, Mile High Japanese American Citizens League, and is supported by Arts in Society, but for creator Courtney Ozaki it's personal.

"This project came out of an interest in my personal family history. My parents grew up in the five points neighborhood, Ozaki said. Both sides of my family ended up in Five points following World War II and the closing of the Japanese incarceration camps that they were living in for a number of years."

Many Japanese Americans resettled in the Five Points neighborhood, both during and following World War II, because then Colorado governor Ralph Carr had the uncommon stance that incarceration of Japanese Americans was unconstitutional.

Ozaki says the project explores the convergence of the African American, Latinx, and Japanese American communities.

"Through that, we were able to identify really inspiring stories of beautiful moments of community coming together and those specific places where these stories occurred have ended up being sites of interest on the tour," Ozaki said.

The project includes oral histories from community elders still living in the area.

Richard Yoshida grew up in the neighborhood and attended Manual High School. He recalls how neighbors found a way to be neighbors.

"My grandmother would go back in the backyard and then there's a neighbor, on the other side of the fence, all she knew was how to speak Spanish. And all my grandmother knew was how to speak Japanese, Yoshida said. But they would yack, yack, yack and chat for, I don't know how long, you know, using their own language and they would understand each other. So there's some kind of special feeling in there that comes out to be able to understand each other.

Marge Taniwaki, who also attended Manual High School, remembers how diverse the neighborhood was.

"We used to call ourselves the little United Nations, because there were so many of us from varying backgrounds. The white kids came from Elyria-Swansea of course, we had Latinos and African Americans and Asians, and we all got along, Taniwaki said. And I know that I still have many lifelong friends back from that time."

Charles Ozaki, Courtney Ozaki's father, says the shared experience for all the people in Five Points reflects societal values during the time that united the residents.

It had the effect of pulling people together, but it also had the effect of separating people, Charles Ozaki said. A lot of the people who were separated were impacted by continually being disadvantaged in our society.'

These elders have more to share than just charming memories, however; they want to identify lessons for today.

There were so many different ethnic backgrounds, people of different color, including white, black, brown, whatever it was, but we were all able to get along together, Yoshida said. And, I think that is a very important lesson in light of the things that are happening in the world today."

Taniwaki hopes sharing this part of Denver history will have a political and economic impact namely that it will help slow gentrification.

"And so if they learn what the area was like when we were growing up, I'm hoping that it will sway some people to stop building the kinds of apartment buildings that are only affordable to the rich and are pushing out the longtime residents who deserve to be there, to retain the history of their longtime family associations with that area as have been for us," Taniwaki said.

For Courtney Ozaki, the history of people in the area is one that may not be apparent to many people just walking around. She says she hopes it forces people to consider their relationships with others.

"You know, there aren't any landmarks really that tell anybody that there was a Japanese presence in the Five Points area, Courtney Ozaki said. And I think the contributions both economically, as well as the relationships built were very important to future generations.

The free mapping project tour can be accessed online at the Japanese Arts Network website. A limited run in-person exhibit will be shown at The Savoy Denver in Curtis Park at select times on Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays from July 9-23.

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Japanese Americans in Denver's Five Points neighborhood have a long history. A new exhibit remembers them - Colorado Public Radio

Country

United States of AmericaUS Virgin IslandsUnited States Minor Outlying IslandsCanadaMexico, United Mexican StatesBahamas, Commonwealth of theCuba, Republic ofDominican RepublicHaiti, Republic ofJamaicaAfghanistanAlbania, People's Socialist Republic ofAlgeria, People's Democratic Republic ofAmerican SamoaAndorra, Principality ofAngola, Republic ofAnguillaAntarctica (the territory South of 60 deg S)Antigua and BarbudaArgentina, Argentine RepublicArmeniaArubaAustralia, Commonwealth ofAustria, Republic ofAzerbaijan, Republic ofBahrain, Kingdom ofBangladesh, People's Republic ofBarbadosBelarusBelgium, Kingdom ofBelizeBenin, People's Republic ofBermudaBhutan, Kingdom ofBolivia, Republic ofBosnia and HerzegovinaBotswana, Republic ofBouvet Island (Bouvetoya)Brazil, Federative Republic ofBritish Indian Ocean Territory (Chagos Archipelago)British Virgin IslandsBrunei DarussalamBulgaria, People's Republic ofBurkina FasoBurundi, Republic ofCambodia, Kingdom ofCameroon, United Republic ofCape Verde, Republic ofCayman IslandsCentral African RepublicChad, Republic ofChile, Republic ofChina, People's Republic ofChristmas IslandCocos (Keeling) IslandsColombia, Republic ofComoros, Union of theCongo, Democratic Republic ofCongo, People's Republic ofCook IslandsCosta Rica, Republic ofCote D'Ivoire, Ivory Coast, Republic of theCyprus, Republic ofCzech RepublicDenmark, Kingdom ofDjibouti, Republic ofDominica, Commonwealth ofEcuador, Republic ofEgypt, Arab Republic ofEl Salvador, Republic ofEquatorial Guinea, Republic ofEritreaEstoniaEthiopiaFaeroe IslandsFalkland Islands (Malvinas)Fiji, Republic of the Fiji IslandsFinland, Republic ofFrance, French RepublicFrench GuianaFrench PolynesiaFrench Southern TerritoriesGabon, Gabonese RepublicGambia, Republic of theGeorgiaGermanyGhana, Republic ofGibraltarGreece, Hellenic RepublicGreenlandGrenadaGuadaloupeGuamGuatemala, Republic ofGuinea, RevolutionaryPeople's Rep'c ofGuinea-Bissau, Republic ofGuyana, Republic ofHeard and McDonald IslandsHoly See (Vatican City State)Honduras, Republic ofHong Kong, Special Administrative Region of ChinaHrvatska (Croatia)Hungary, Hungarian People's RepublicIceland, Republic ofIndia, Republic ofIndonesia, Republic ofIran, Islamic Republic ofIraq, Republic ofIrelandIsrael, State ofItaly, Italian RepublicJapanJordan, Hashemite Kingdom ofKazakhstan, Republic ofKenya, Republic ofKiribati, Republic ofKorea, Democratic People's Republic ofKorea, Republic ofKuwait, State ofKyrgyz RepublicLao People's Democratic RepublicLatviaLebanon, Lebanese RepublicLesotho, Kingdom ofLiberia, Republic ofLibyan Arab JamahiriyaLiechtenstein, Principality ofLithuaniaLuxembourg, Grand Duchy ofMacao, Special Administrative Region of ChinaMacedonia, the former Yugoslav Republic ofMadagascar, Republic ofMalawi, Republic ofMalaysiaMaldives, Republic ofMali, Republic ofMalta, Republic ofMarshall IslandsMartiniqueMauritania, Islamic Republic ofMauritiusMayotteMicronesia, Federated States ofMoldova, Republic ofMonaco, Principality ofMongolia, Mongolian People's RepublicMontserratMorocco, Kingdom ofMozambique, People's Republic ofMyanmarNamibiaNauru, Republic ofNepal, Kingdom ofNetherlands AntillesNetherlands, Kingdom of theNew CaledoniaNew ZealandNicaragua, Republic ofNiger, Republic of theNigeria, Federal Republic ofNiue, Republic ofNorfolk IslandNorthern Mariana IslandsNorway, Kingdom ofOman, Sultanate ofPakistan, Islamic Republic ofPalauPalestinian Territory, OccupiedPanama, Republic ofPapua New GuineaParaguay, Republic ofPeru, Republic ofPhilippines, Republic of thePitcairn IslandPoland, Polish People's RepublicPortugal, Portuguese RepublicPuerto RicoQatar, State ofReunionRomania, Socialist Republic ofRussian FederationRwanda, Rwandese RepublicSamoa, Independent State ofSan Marino, Republic ofSao Tome and Principe, Democratic Republic ofSaudi Arabia, Kingdom ofSenegal, Republic ofSerbia and MontenegroSeychelles, Republic ofSierra Leone, Republic ofSingapore, Republic ofSlovakia (Slovak Republic)SloveniaSolomon IslandsSomalia, Somali RepublicSouth Africa, Republic ofSouth Georgia and the South Sandwich IslandsSpain, Spanish StateSri Lanka, Democratic Socialist Republic ofSt. HelenaSt. Kitts and NevisSt. LuciaSt. Pierre and MiquelonSt. Vincent and the GrenadinesSudan, Democratic Republic of theSuriname, Republic ofSvalbard & Jan Mayen IslandsSwaziland, Kingdom ofSweden, Kingdom ofSwitzerland, Swiss ConfederationSyrian Arab RepublicTaiwan, Province of ChinaTajikistanTanzania, United Republic ofThailand, Kingdom ofTimor-Leste, Democratic Republic ofTogo, Togolese RepublicTokelau (Tokelau Islands)Tonga, Kingdom ofTrinidad and Tobago, Republic ofTunisia, Republic ofTurkey, Republic ofTurkmenistanTurks and Caicos IslandsTuvaluUganda, Republic ofUkraineUnited Arab EmiratesUnited Kingdom of Great Britain & N. IrelandUruguay, Eastern Republic ofUzbekistanVanuatuVenezuela, Bolivarian Republic ofViet Nam, Socialist Republic ofWallis and Futuna IslandsWestern SaharaYemenZambia, Republic ofZimbabwe

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Looking back: This week in eastern Idaho history - Post Register

LEWISTON It was 49 years ago, on July 16, 1973, that a man named Alexander Butterfield reluctantly revealed during a public hearing of the Watergate Investigation Committee the existence of a tape recording system in Richard Nixons White House that would upend his presidency within two years.

Three days earlier, Watergate investigators for the U.S. Senate had called Butterfield to a private meeting on an ominous Friday the 13th.

The investigators asked him: Did Nixon ever record his conversations?

They knew other presidents before him, such as Lyndon Johnson, had recorded select phone calls for posterity.

They werent sure how much was being recorded or who was in charge, said Chris Beam of Lewiston, whose job it was while working at the National Archives in Washington in the late 1970s to listen to roughly 1,500 hours of the estimated 3,700 hours of Nixons recorded White House conversations.

Why would Nixon want to record his conversations? Well, for historical purposes, for memoir purposes, Beam said in a recent interview with the Sun Journal. So, who was in charge of that? Alexander Butterfield.

Butterfield answered the Senate investigators question with: I wish you hadnt asked me that, Beam said.

Butterfield went on to describe the extensive nature of the recording system he had helped install in the White House more than two years earlier, Beam said.

Nixon was always very conscious of his place in history, Beam said. And so, looking forward to the end of his presidency, which he hoped would be at 1977, thered be a Nixon Presidential Library, and he would write his memoirs to talk about what he did, justify what he did and so forth.

In late 1970, a group of Nixon associates took a trip to Texas to talk to Johnson about his Presidential Library. They knew that Johnson had recorded a lot of his phone conversations, and Johnson had said those recordings were very valuable for the construction of his memoirs, Beam said.

When the group returned to the White House, the idea had gelled that maybe Nixon ought to have a recording system, Beam said.

Installed in February 1971, the recording setup was a low-tech affair, Beam said.

I think the overriding consideration with the taping system is that it had to be kept absolutely secret, he said.

For that reason, they didnt dispatch staffers to procure state-of-the-art high-end equipment, Beam said. Instead, they relied on tape recorders they had on hand, like the kind you might check out from the audiovisual department at a school, he said.

And instead of putting the White House Communication Agency (staffed by the U.S. Army Signal Corps) in charge of the system, which might compromise the furtive nature of the operation due to that agencys expansive workforce and shift rotation, the Secret Service was tasked with overseeing the recordings to prevent a possible leak of the tapes, Beam said.

Johnson had always been acutely aware of when he had a telephone call that he wanted recorded, Beam said. Johnson would signal to his secretary, who would press the record button on the call.

The system that was installed in the Nixon White House was far more comprehensive and they did not want well (Nixons Chief of Staff) H.R. Haldeman did not want Nixon trying to turn on and off machines because Nixon was a klutz, Beam said. So the system was set up so that Nixon never had to operate it.

Once the recording system was in place, after many, many months, I dont think (Nixon) was even aware that he was being recorded, Beam said. And nobody was allowed to listen to the tapes to check on whether the recordings were of decent quality.

It turned out that more than a few were not.

Many of the conversations are very the audio quality ranges from unintelligible to somewhat intelligible, Beam said.

Most of the incriminating statements uttered by Nixon and captured on tape about the attempted cover-up of the Watergate burglary have been made public, Beam said.

He also listened to the 18-and-a-half minutes of silence in the recordings that had apparently been erased.

Rosemary Woods, Nixons personal secretary, said that she might have done it while making transcripts of the conversations, but thats since been debunked, Beam said.

The court hired some experts who said that the gap was because of apparent erasure, Beam said, where somebody had apparently re-recorded a section to create a blank.

I think somebody else did it, he said.

Beam said hes skeptical about Nixon having the manual dexterity to successfully undertake such a task.

I think what happened was that somebody had come across potentially incriminating information during that conversation with Haldeman, erased it, and then realized theres so much stuff there that one would have to spend a lifetime listening to the tapes to glean out the Watergate-related material, he said.

To this day, no one has taken responsibility for the intentional erasure, Beam said. Because the National Archives staff made a written record of every meeting and phone call, it might be possible to narrow the list of suspects, even if it was just somebody stepping into the Oval Office on a routine matter and leaving.

The gap appears during an Oval Office conversation between Nixon and Haldeman, Beam said.

BEAM JOINS NATIONAL ARCHIVES

After serving in the U.S. Marine Corps, including a tour in Vietnam, Beam earned a doctorate in history at the University of Illinois.

He landed a job in Washington, D.C., in 1977 at the National Archives.

I came on board just when the court approved the National Archives taking over Nixon presidential materials, Beam said.

After completing an initial training period in 1978, the supervisor of the tapes section invited Beam to join that division because, surprisingly enough, there werent that many people who wanted to work on this, because they were very difficult to listen to, I mean, in technical quality.

Beam said he became very interested in it because the first project we did was in response to a court order for conversations in April and May of 1971, concerning anti-war demonstrations, and one of those demonstrations was by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War.

Beam said he had come to oppose the war after his military service.

Because he became one of the senior archivists there, Beam said, I could pull some rank and so I chose to listen to work on the tapes that covered 1972 and early 1973, when big things were happening in Vietnam and also the Watergate scandal was starting to unfold. So I listened to a lot of those key conversations, he said.

Beam said he spent four-and-a-half years on that project.

They had it recorded at very slow speed and you dont get good quality recordings from that, Beam said.

Nobody was allowed to listen to the tapes to spot check if the system was working or if the audio quality was sufficient and so forth, he said. So, those of us who are working on the tapes were sitting in this windowless room, plugged into a reel-to-reel recorder and having to go back and forth and trying to figure out what people were saying.

The Nixon White House recording system was shut down on July 18, 1973, two days after Butterfield testified at a public hearing about the existence of the tapes to Watergate investigators.

What ensued was a long struggle over access to the tapes, Beam said. In April 1974, Nixon agreed to make available transcripts of certain taped conversations.

It was during those intervening months that Woods was said to have mistakenly created the gap as she was transcribing the tapes, Beam said.

WHAT CANT BE SHARED

Much of what he heard in those 1,500 hours of White House conversation, Beam said he cant share.

We didnt do a whole lot of transcription, but we would do an outline and then wed earmark those portions of the conversation with the digital number there: what should be restricted; what may be restricted for national security reasons; for personal privacy reasons; (and) for trade secrets.

There was also a category, which Bean said he never felt comfortable with, that was labeled personal political, when Nixon was speaking in his role as the head of the Republican Party.

Listening to those 1,500 hours of recordings provided Beam with a fly-on-the-wall perspective, he said.

What he remembers best is not the smoking gun statements about Watergate, he said, but learning about the people who inhabited Nixons inner circle.

He didnt meet with very many people, Beam said. He tended to be reclusive.

But among those close advisers, well, it was interesting, he said. For one thing, in addition to whatever substance they were talking about, you get a real feel for the personalities and the interpersonal dynamics between Nixon and people like H.R. Haldeman, (national security advisor and, later, secretary of state) Henry Kissinger, (chief political adviser) Charles Colson and (domestic affairs counsel) John Ehrlichman, and maybe a few others.

It was Haldeman who spent the most time conversing with Nixon on the recordings, Beam said.

Nixon would sometimes pop off with some crazy idea that was either illegal or politically dubious and Haldeman would bury these ideas until Nixon either forgot about them or had second thoughts, and he could get away with doing that because, I think, Nixon trusted him.

Haldeman ruled the White House staff pretty much with an iron fist, Beam said. He was totally loyal to Nixon. Theres no hidden agenda with him and Nixon knew it.

Beam said he has considered the parallels or lack thereof between the demise of Nixons presidency and the Jan. 6 Committees probe of the events of that day and what role Trump played in them.

Theres so much I feel I dont know about what has gone on in the Trump White House, he said, not having had the benefit of hundreds of hours of recorded conversations about efforts to reverse the election outcome.

Beam said there appears to be a crucial difference between the two presidencies.

While Nixon enjoyed loyal support from many Republicans, he didnt have anywhere near the cult following that Trump appears to have, Beam said.

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A lesser known figure in the Watergate scandal made history 49 years ago - Lewiston Sun Journal

In space, no one can hear a rage-quit.

When people quote James Cameron's 1986 sci-fi action classic "Aliens," the line that comes up the most often is a desperate one. Stranded on a desolate, hostile moon teeming with acid-blooded xenomorphs who mean to cocoon, impregnate, and otherwise slaughter all humans on sight, Colonial Marine and fan favorite Private Hudson (played by the late Bill Paxton) surveys the situation and utters the iconic line, "That's it, man! Game over, man! It's game over!"

Cameron, who had previously helmed "The Terminator" and knew a thing or two about memorable but doomed characters, encouraged the sizeable cast of "Aliens" to develop backstories for the people they play. Some actors had enough experience to handle that individual worldbuilding, but for Paxton, who only had a few (still formidable) film credits to his name at the time, the task proved daunting. That said, Paxton could see his character's jumpy, less-than-mature demeanor and decided that Hudson was, like many service members, an avid gamer, prone to hysterics when he fails to overcome the combat simulators he and his fellow Marines train on.

What better syntax to capture utter defeat than the near-universal "Game over?" The phrase was a pop culture grenade, good enough for the Jigsaw killer to repeat when a victim failed to pass his survival tests in James Wan's "Saw" and its numerous sequels, nearly two decades after "Aliens" hit box office gold. For his performance, Paxton earned a Saturn Award for Best Supporting Actor and the undying devotion of horror fans worldwide. (Anya Stanley)

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The Best Unscripted Moments In Horror History - /Film

These ideas have been around, said William C. Leonard, a history professor at Emmanuel College.

The Colonists, of course, codified slavery in Massachusetts in 1641, more than a century before the United States declared its independence. (The state abolished slavery in the 1780s.) In the early 1700s, the local Colonial legislature passed a law prohibiting interracial marriage and sex. The ban on sex was removed in 1786, but the ban on mixed marriages was expanded to include Native Americans. Two years later, local authorities prescribed whipping for nonresident Black people who stayed in the state more than two months.

In 1849, the states highest court ruled that the Massachusetts Constitution allows for segregated schools, and the US Supreme Court would later use that ruling to make the legal case for a separate but equal doctrine.

The anti-immigration movement also has roots in Massachusetts. In the 1890s, a trio of Boston Brahmin intellectuals founded the Immigration Restriction League, which laid the intellectual groundwork for many contemporary hard-line beliefs.

Its always had a nativist opposition to outsiders, Leonard said of the region, going back to Puritans.

For much of its history, there has been a political and social dichotomy in New England, a tension between the regions progressive impulses and the underlying realities of segregation and racism. As some academics point out, no matter what New Englanders tell themselves about the distinctiveness of their local history, it is still America.

Massachusetts is part of America, and America is entrenched in white supremacist dogmas and ideas, said Kerri Greenidge, a professor at Tufts Universitys department of studies in race, colonialism, and diaspora. Its part of the DNA of the region, alongside this idea of progressivism.

She added, Just because somebodys progressive, doesnt mean that theyre not racist. Progressivism doesnt mean that racism doesnt exist.

By 1925, the Ku Klux Klan had more than 130,000 members in Massachusetts, according to research from historian Mark Paul Richard, and Worcester had become a focus of Klan activity, which took aim at Catholic and Jewish immigrants as well as Black people.

More recently, any history of racism in Boston is incomplete without the turmoil of the court-ordered desegregation of the citys schools in the 1970s. South Boston politician Louise Day Hicks came to personify the working-class white resistance to busing, which was met with violence in some corners of the city and cemented Bostons national reputation as racist.

Hicks was once called the Bull Connor of Boston, a reference to the brutally racist police commissioner of Birmingham, Ala. Hicks served as a city councilor and school committee member and had one term in Congress. In 1967, she came within 12,000 votes of being elected mayor.

Amid the outcry over busing in 1976, Alabama Governor George C. Wallace, a staunch segregationist, was met with a foot-stomping reception in South Boston.

A good part of South Boston is now considered Wallace country, The New York Times reported.

Other anecdotes of high-profile local instances of systemic racism are numerous, including the police response to the Charles Stuart case.

Ted Landsmark, a public policy professor at Northeastern University, knows white mob violence firsthand. The same year Wallace was campaigning in Boston during the presidential primaries, Landsmark, who is Black, was assaulted outside City Hall, a moment that was captured in a Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph.

The recent white supremacist march did not remind him of the anti-busing mob that attacked him decades ago, which was largely made up of high school students who did not conceal their identities. What it reminded him of was the Jan. 6 insurrection in Washington, D.C.

The cowardice of white racists continues to reflect planned efforts to intimidate without identifying who the intimidators ... actually are, he said.

The recent march, though, shows that Bostons and New Englands racist legacy still lingers, Landsmark said.

While race relations have improved markedly since the 1970s, racial and socioeconomic disparities remain entrenched, particularly in the private sector, which Landsmark said sustains the sense that New England is not prepared to address its racist present.

I dont like to think of outside agitators as being the sole source of racial animus across New England, but we have a reputation that has brought negative, racially motivated white supremacists to the region, he said. And until we demonstrate such white supremacist attitudes will not be tolerated, they will continue to come to this area.

The Southern Poverty Law Center last year tracked 14 hate groups in Massachusetts, including white nationalist groups such as Revolt through Tradition and Patriot Front, the group that orchestrated this months march, as well as outright neo-Nazi organizations such as the Nationalist Social Club.

Patriot Fronts manifesto is an expression of virulent racism, according to the law center, stating that An African, for example, may have lived, worked, and even been classed as a citizen in America for centuries, yet he is not American. He is, as he likely prefers to be labelled, an African in America.

In mainstream society, such views are vigorously denounced, and the white supremacist march through Boston sparked immediate outrage. But the structures of society remain tilted against people of color, helping to preserve white predominance, Greenidge and others said.

Boston is a place that much of the overtness of racism doesnt happen to the extent we saw two weeks ago, Greenidge said. We are shocked because its fascism, right? And America is used to saying fascism doesnt exist here. Fascism is a form of racism. I think Massachusetts isnt used to seeing that particular form of racism, like a fascist march. but that doesnt mean that thats the only incarnation of it that exists.

Spikes in white supremacist activity in Boston also occurred in the 1970s and 1990s, Greenidge said. Such waves show that that a bubbling of white hatred is always present. That context should be considered when analyzing events like the recent march through downtown Boston.

It doesnt mean that when theres no surge, theres nothing there, she said.

Danny McDonald can be reached at daniel.mcdonald@globe.com. Follow him on Twitter @Danny__McDonald.

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In progressive Massachusetts, a long history of white supremacy - The Boston Globe

The Rams franchise has won two NFL Championships in the Super Bowl era of the NFL. The most recent Super Bowl victory, SB LVI, was the first victory for the LA Rams for the city of Los Angeles California. But the team also won a Super Bowl for the city of St. Louis, Missouri. That victory came at the expense of a very good Tennessee Titans team and sealed the legacy of the Rams franchises Greatest Show On Turf era.

The team was heralded for the nearly unstoppable offense, the brainchild of head coach Dick Vermeil and offensive coordinator Mike Martz. But there is more to the story of that team than simply an overwhelming effective offense. That defense was solid as well.

It was a bit of Destiny taking matters into its own hands as the team was all set to play with quarterback Trent Green under center. But Green injured his knee and the Rams were forced to start back up quarterback Kurt Warner.

They were not just a long shot, the team was literally the longest shot in NFL history. Thats quite the hurdle. At the opening kickoff, even the team itself was focused on playing competitive football. Nobody was talking playoffs or even Super Bowls.

Four players: RB Marshall Faulk (2011), OT Orlando Pace (2016), QB Kurt Warner (2017), and WR Isaac Bruce (2020) have all been inducted into the NFL Hall of Fame from that team. Head Coach Dick Vermeil will be inducted into the NFL Hall of Fame class of 2022.

Now, we have one more item on the NFL Hall of Fame To Do list.

The Saint Louis Rams were way ahead of their time. At a time when fullbacks and tight ends were still quite common in NFL offenses, the Rams were putting pressure on defenses by throwing multiple eligible receivers into the secondary, creating mismatches, and then throwing the ball to the open receiver.

What we now consider standard offensive packages were incredible innovations at that time. But it all worked to set the stage for the Rams to innovate and win today.

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Rams History: The Greatest Show on Turf was better than you think - Ramblin' Fan

From both famous and infamous, Mesa Cemetery holds history both for the city and the country.

MESA, Ariz. Over sections of green grass, surrounded by fencing, Vic Linoff searches for the next plot.

"It's a thrill," Linoff, a historian, said.

He's walking through Mesa's Cemetery, full of history, not just for the city, but the country too.

"Every one of these people had lives and some were ordinary, some were extraordinary," Linoff said.

Linoff sees the cemetery differently than some might, maybe because of those who stay here.

"There are over 38,000 permanent residents," Linoff said with a smile. "Not winter visitors, permanent residents."

Linoff said that's nearly the population of Sun City.

The cemetery is technically full, Linoff said, but it's been expanded and more land has been recently acquired by the City of Mesa to keep expanding.

One of those 38,000 includes Waylon Jennings, the legendary musician who pioneered the outlaw movement in country music.

"Usually you can spot it because it's probably the most visited grave in the cemetery," Linoff said.

Jennings' black stone grave marker, with a picture of his smiling face, stands out from the others in its row. It's larger, and one of the more decorated ones in the row.

On this particular day, the marker has flowers and a can of beer, along with coins left by people who've stopped by.

It's not the only grave of someone well-known in the city's cemetery.

"In the confines of this cemetery is one of the most infamous people in US history," Linoff said.

Linoff is referring to the grave of Ernesto Miranda, of Miranda Rights.

Even though in June, the Supreme Court ruled police officers can't be sued if they don't properly tell people under arrest of those rights.

"That resulted in a major change in which the way arrests were made," Linoff said, referring to the original Supreme Court case.

In between their graves, lie many who most passing by may not know.

"Every one of these headstones tells some story," Linoff said.

But their graves and stories are still equally important. Among them, include Dr. Lucious Alston, an African American doctor who lived in the Washington-Escobedo neighborhood.

"He was practicing medicine when there was significant segregation in the city," Linoff said.

Others, hold special plaques, marking those who spent 177 days aboard the Brooklyn Pioneer and survived. The ship made the trek from the east coast to the west coast.

"They got blown off course, almost to Africa, had to go all the way around South America," Linoff said.

Their graves lie in the older portion of the cemetery. It's easier to spot with actual headstones versus grave markers.

Some of the graves in the cemetery weren't even originally buried at the current location off of Center Street and Brown Road.

The first location of Mesa's cemetery was built just south of there at Center Street and University Drive in 1183. But Linoff said the smallpox outbreak gave evidence that the city would need more room to bury people.

Linoff said Native Americans were hired to dig up those graves at the original site and move them to the current cemetery in 1891.

Still, others have graves that go unmarked. Like Alexander McPherson's grave.

"He was the first African-American that we know of to take residency within the city limits," Linoff said.

The limits of the cemetery hold children, mothers, fathers and good Mesa High School football players.

"There's so many sad stories in the cemetery, this is one of the saddest," Linoff said, standing in front of a dark-colored headstone.

Zedo Ishikawa was just 17 years old when he died. Linoff said he accidentally shot himself while trying to separate a pair of fighting dogs.

As he was dying, he left a final message for his teammates.

"Tell the boys to 'carry on', and 'carry on' has been a rallying cry of Mesa High ever since," Linoff said.

It's those who've passed, impacting those now present in Mesa.

"It's representative of the population we have today," Linoff said.

Linoff is also part of the group that helps give tours of the Mesa Cemetery each October, highlighting even more of the graves that lie there.

For 2022, the Mesa Historical Museum will hold its cemetery tours on October 22 from 8 a.m. to 10 a.m. More information can be found here.

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'Every one of these headstones tells some story': From local to nationwide, Mesa Cemetery holds history of community around it - 12news.com KPNX