Monthly Archives: February 2022

Rep. Lance GoodenLance GoodenAlmost half of Texas Republicans say Trump endorsement positively sways vote: poll Trump issues endorsements in Texas congressional races Watchdog: 7 members of Congress allegedly failed to disclose stock trades MORE (R-Texas) is introducing a measure that would allow U.S. citizens to seize yachts and jets of sanctioned Russians.

"Corrupt Russian oligarchs have enabled Putin's war," the lawmaker tweeted. "We must use every tool at our disposal to stand up to Russia and stand with Ukraine."

Corrupt Russian oligarchs have enabled Putin's war.

That's why I have introduced legislation to allow U.S. citizens to SEIZE yachts and jets of sanctioned Russians.

We must use every tool at our disposal to stand up to Russia and stand with @Ukraine!https://t.co/o6b61q4iHq

Gooden wants to use letters of marque and reprisal, alicense allowing citizens to engage in reprisals against citizens or vessels of another nation. The exclusive power to grant letters of marque lies with Congress pursuant to Article I of the Constitution.

Russian yachts are already on the move and if the Biden Administration and our allies in Europe fail to act quickly these vessels will soon be out of our reach," Gooden said ina statement to The Hill.

"We must use every tool available to ensure Putins inner circle is held accountable for enabling this disgusting invasion, he added.

Former Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas)introduced the"Marque and Reprisal Act of 2001," in the aftermath of 9/11 and suggested Congress take up a similar measure against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

Updated at 6:59 p.m.

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Lawmaker to offer measure allowing Americans to seize jets, yachts of Russia billionaires | TheHill - The Hill

On Texas GOP primary ballots, Don Huffines and Allen West are technically opponents who each want to unseat Republican Gov. Greg Abbott next week. But on the campaign trail, theyve largely put up a united front as they appear together at events across the state with platforms that are nearly indistinguishable as they portray Abbott as insufficiently conservative.

That tactic doesnt seem to be garnering either of them enough support to unseat the incumbent. Abbott is expected to easily fend off all of his intraparty candidates in the March 1 primary and avoid a runoff for the party nomination, according to a recent University of Texas / Texas Politics Project Poll.

But for Huffines and West the two most vocal and well known of Abbotts GOP challengers losing the nomination wont necessarily mean theyve lost ground in the larger goal both have long tried to achieve: moving the Republican party further to the right.

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Their platforms call for drastically reducing property taxes or eliminating them outright. They say they would replace that revenue, which funds everything from Texas schools and city streets to local governments, with a much larger consumption tax though neither candidate has named the amount by which theyd want to raise Texas 6.25% state sales tax. They also would send more troops to the states southern border beyond the 10,000 Texas National Guard members already deployed under Abbotts Operation Lone Star. And they want to let parents use tax dollars to subsidize private or charter school education for their children.

Brendan Steinhauser, a political strategist and professor of political science at St. Edwards University in Austin, said those policy choices are key to the pairs shared goal of taking Abbotts job.

They're looking to get to his right because they know that's the key to winning a Republican primary, Steinhauser said. Theyre looking to move the debate to their ground.

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Huffines, the former state senator, and West, the former chair of the Republican Party of Texas, have each taken different roads to become chief intraparty critics of the sitting governor. And theyve long exhibited vastly different styles and motivations in their bids for public office, according to both friends and political foes.

Huffines, a former real estate developer from Dallas, is known as someone who actually lives by the conservative values he espouses, according to those who know him.

I think he's just an honest person, said Republican former U.S. Rep. Ron Paul of Texas. Today, sometimes that's hard to understand because you don't hear much truth from politicians all we hear are lies and innuendos.

West, on the other hand, is a former Florida congressman known as a brash and strategic man who uses his attention-grabbing persona to build a loyal fan base.

In the past year, that personality has been on display as he challenged a reporter in the Texas Capitol to a pushup competition and attended a protest against mask mandates outside the Texas Governors Mansion with a megaphone in hand.

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He relished people asking him about why he was doing something, said Mitch Ceasar, who served as chair of the Broward County Democratic Party during Wests congressional term in that part of Florida. Part of his intelligence is his desire to stake out a niche that's a little further out there than anybody else to get attention.

During Wests 22 years in the military, he was deployed during the Gulf War and the Iraq War and achieved the title of lieutenant colonel. His military career ended after he was found guilty in 2003 of Uniform Code of Military Justice violations, including assault. According to testimony delivered in a hearing, soldiers under Wests command assaulted an Iraqi civilian. West subsequently threatened the mans life and fired at least one shot inches from his head. West retired a few months later.

"I know the method I used was not right, but I wanted to take care of my soldiers," West testified during the investigation of the events, according to CNN. If it's about the lives of my soldiers at stake, I'd go through hell with a gasoline can."

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West did not respond to requests for comment for this article.

After retiring from the military in 2004, West moved to Florida, where he taught history and coached track at a public high school south of Palm Beach before moving on to work for a defense contractor. Although Allen won the Republican primary for Floridas 22nd congressional district in 2008, he lost the general election, his first matchup against Ron Klein, by nearly 10 points. During the tea party movements first wave in the early 2010s, he gained traction on a platform against Obama-era policies like the Affordable Health Care Act (which had passed the previous year) and won against Klein by nearly 9 points.

Richard DeNapoli, the former chair of the Republican Party of Broward County, said West has a knack for eliciting loyalty from GOP voters.

I never saw that many volunteers except for when he ran, DeNapoli said. People got invested in Allen West.

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West won the 2010 race and during his first term voted to repeal Obamacare and called for an investigation into the attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi. Ceasar, the local Democratic party chair, said the freshman lawmaker was known in South Floridas political circles for his outspoken comments calling U.S. House Democrats communists and comparing himself to Harriet Tubman.

West served only one term, though, after redistricting drew him out of his district and he lost a bid for another term in Congress. In 2014, he moved to Texas. The state first garnered his admiration after he saw the 1960 film The Alamo starring John Wayne, West wrote in his 2018 book Hold Texas, Hold the Nation.

I was simply enthralled with men who would make a stand for freedom, he wrote. I will stand for conservative values and conservative success until the end, and I will make my stand in Texas.

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After West did stints at conservative Texas think tanks, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick appointed him in 2015 to the states Sunset Advisory Commission, which evaluates governmental agencies and makes recommendations to improve their efficiency, sometimes by shutting them down. Then in 2020, West ousted James Dickey as chair of the Republican Party of Texas.

Houston attorney Mark McCaig said the Texas GOP under Wests leadership was more interested in attacking Republican officials than in communicating the partys successes. In one instance of infighting, West led a protest outside Abbotts home in October 2020 demanding pandemic restrictions be lifted immediately in spite of Abbotts announcement days before that major restrictions would be lifted the following week.

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West stepped down as GOP chair last year after announcing his bid to officially challenge Abbott in this years primary.

West has campaigned across the state in an oversized, double-decker bus that matches his outsized personality. At campaign stops, West flexes his masters degree in philosophy as he fits quotes from Karl Marx, Ronald Reagan, the U.S. Constitution, the Bible and a rolodex of military history into a matter of minutes.

At several candidate forums in January, West wielded his personal experiences in the military to empathize with the Texas National Guard troops who have described deplorable conditions and an unclear mission after Abbott deployed them to the Texas-Mexico border to stem a flow of migrants crossing into the United States.

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They don't have a defined task and purpose; they're just down there as bystanders, and they're away from their families, he said at a candidate forum in Lake Travis last month, referring to the suicides of some Texas National Guard troops since they were deployed late last year.

West has also criticized Abbott for his pandemic response that reduced capacity or closed Texas businesses in 2020. Hes recently referenced Florida on the campaign trail after Gov. Ron DeSantis last year signed legislation banning some coronavirus precautions, like vaccine requirements and mask mandates. Wests comparisons between Texas and Florida came even though Abbott has also opposed mask mandates and vaccine requirements, largely through executive orders and lawsuits.

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I'm sick and tired of all my friends that I have back there in Florida calling me and telling me how great Ron DeSantis is doing and how great Floridas doing when Texas, the Lone Star, should be leading the other 49 stars on that flag, West said in Lake Travis last month.

Huffines, the former state senator, has already appeared successful in influencing how Abbott governs on a number of hot-button topics, including pandemic-era safety mandates, border security and health care access for transgender children.

Huffines was born into a wealthy and influential North Texas family. His father ran successful car dealerships and banks and became involved with politics as a member of several statewide commissions. Huffines twin brother also ran unsuccessfully for Texas Senate against Angela Paxton in 2018 and served a brief stint as the chair of the Dallas County GOP in 2016.

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Although he was involved with several Republican campaigns, including Pauls, through the early 2000s, Huffines political involvement was limited until after his father died in 2009, around the same time the tea party movement picked up steam.

Then, in 2014, he decided to run for office and took aim at a state Senate seat in North Texas. It pitted him against longtime Republican John Carona, whod been in the Senate for 19 years. Huffines accused the incumbent of being a career politician who was primarily looking out for himself.

Im tired of being on the sidelines, Huffines said as he announced the campaign in late 2013.

Huffines ousted Carona in the primary and won the general election. But he said his frustration with intraparty politics solidified during his first GOP caucus meeting shortly after inauguration.

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They just get this brainwashing going on that elected office holders down there are the elitists of the world and our loyalty lies with our fellow club members; it doesn't lie with the voters, Huffines told The Texas Tribune.

The experience influenced his entire term in the Legislatures upper chamber.

My battle was generally with Republicans when I was there. It wasn't necessarily with the Democrats, Huffines said. It was mainly with Republicans because they're always trying not to be accountable, not to take the hard vote, because they campaign one way and they want to govern a different way.

In his first term, Huffines co-authored an early version of the bill that mandated burial of fetal remains after an aboriton which was later struck down by a federal judge. Huffines also pushed legislation that would have made it more difficult to pass bonds, commonly used to fund projects in Texas school districts, by requiring 30% of all voters on the voter registration rolls cast a ballot even though such elections are known to draw out a small fraction of voters.

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In 2017, he introduced a bill that would have allowed Texans to carry a firearm without a permit. He also authored resolutions that would have limited terms of the governor and other statewide elected officials to two four-year terms and would limit state legislators to 12 years in either chamber. Those bills didnt pass, but permitless carrying of firearms did become law after Huffines himself was ousted from the Senate.

In spite of the limited success of his own legislation, Huffines maintains that he delivered on his campaign promises like saving taxpayer dollars by fighting to close Dallas County Schools, a bus transportation agency, which was investigated by the FBI and ultimately shut down for mismanagement.

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But Huffines was unseated in 2018 by Democrat Nathan Johnson. He believes Huffines views are heartfelt, but said thats what makes him an untenable candidate for Senate District 16 voters.

Huffines, in an odd sort of way to his credit, shares and stands by his convictions, Johnson wrote in a 2017 Facebook post. Each day more SD 16 residents learn that his convictions make for harmful public policy.

Like West, Huffines hasnt shied away from controversial remarks. Last month, he referred to COVID-19 as the Wuhan a reference to the Chinese city where the virus was first discovered while answering a question about vaccine and mask mandates.

Referring to the coronavirus by its place of origin rather than its scientific name has been derided as racist and xenophobic since the pandemic began. And Huffines references came after the number of hate crimes against Asian Americans skyrocketed during the pandemic.

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Later during that panel, while answering a question about competition in the U.S. job market between domestic and international workers, Huffines without evidence accused Chinese international students of partaking in espionage.

One thing we've got a lot in our graduate programs in the universities here, and our Ph.D. programs, is a lot of communist Chinese students, he said. They're taking all of that information back.

Last month, Jake Lloyd Colglazier, a staffer on Huffines campaign, was revealed to have made comments about white supremacy on YouTube and other social media platforms.

In response, Huffines said his campaign would not fire Colglazier because he does not believe in cancel culture. But Huffines distanced himself from the staffer, saying that he has more than 70 people on his payroll and did not know Colglazier.

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In spite of his similarities to West and other candidates, Huffines maintains that he stands out among the field.

I'm the only candidate running for governor that's been in the Legislature, been in the swamp as I say, and I can tell you I could not imagine being governor without having that experience, he said.

Disclosure: University of Texas, St. Edwards University and Facebook have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribunes journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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Gov. Greg Abbotts two most vocal GOP challengers have long sought to push their party to the right - KPRC Click2Houston

Clearly the former president isunsettled by DeSantiss effective refusal to kiss the kings ring.

Clearly the former president isunsettled by DeSantiss effective refusal to kiss the kings ring. Every pollof Republican primary voters or straw poll of activists further pits thetwo Republicans against each other. And the number of contests and measurementsbefore presidential campaign season begins is small. So for both DeSantis andTrump, when they go to CPAC, the straw polls outcome will drive the narrativeof their own friction. DeSantis will be speaking on Thursday, and Trump will gettop booking as the headline event on Saturday night (the conference goes fromThursday through Sunday). Other possible presidential contenders like MarcoRubio and Ted Cruz will be speaking throughout the conference, alongside someof the most antagonistic figures in American politics: Candace Owens, Representative Lauren Boebert, and Representative Madison Cawthorn. Former Democratic Representative Tulsi Gabbardis speaking as well, for some reason.

The CPAC straw poll is an indicatorof momentum and the temperature of some of the partys most rabid activists,but one thing it isnt is a very good predictor. Since 2009, the onlystraw poll winner to go on to win the Republicannomination was Mitt Romney, in 2012. Nearly every other winner in over adecadeRon Paul, Rand Paul, and Ted Cruz, to name threehave not won the GOPnomination.

But the winner of the poll isgenerally regarded as the leader of an energized side of the Republican Party.It provides a level of legitimacy a candidate might otherwise not have. Ithink if DeSantis wins, its a shock wave for Trump, and I think DeSantis wouldbe ahead of schedule, a former top adviser to Senator Marco Rubio told me.

For a figure like Trump, whosepolitical fortunes and own ego depend on whether hes considered the supremeleader of the Republican Party, he needs two things to happen ahead of 2024. Heneeds to illustrate that he still holds an undeniable iron grip on theRepublican Party, and he needs to show his endorsements can install aRepublican in elected office. Trump has endorsedover 100 Republican candidates running for elected office this cycle, including13 candidates in Senate races and 53 candidates in House races. He still hasntendorsed in some of the biggest Republican races of the cycle, such as Arizona,Ohio, and Missouri. Most of his endorsementshave gone to Republicans who have questioned the legitimacy of the 2020presidential election.

Originally posted here:
Trump and DeSantis Are on the Brink of War - The New Republic

For years Ive considered Civil War hero Ulysses S. Grant the most underrated president in US history.

Its rare to find Grant, who presided over the messy work of Reconstruction following the bloodiest war in American history, ranked among the top ten by historians, though his standing has been steadily increasing since 2000.

My esteem for Grant only increased upon reading Grant, Ron Chernows best-selling biography of the 18th president. Chernow, the Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer who wrote Hamilton, the inspiration for Lin-Manuel Mirandas Broadway musical, cracks open a figure whose character and story in many ways mirrored the revered George Washington.

Both men were first soldiers, possessing almost unnatural stoicism, fortitude, integrity, grit, and determination. Both rose to the presidency after leading their country through successful wars. Both proved they were much more than mere field generals after being elected, navigating the nation through some of the most challenging chapters in its history.

Where the records of Washington and Grant differ most is race. While Washington kept slaves until his death, Grantcontrary to decades of badly wrong history, in Chernows wordsdid more to extend liberty to all races than almost any president in history.

The great orator Frederick Douglass said Grant was the vigilant, firm, impartial, and wise protector of my race. The distinguished historian Sean Wilentz more recently took aim at claims that Grant did little to advance racial equality in the war-torn south, where white planters sought to maintain power with violence and terror against freed blacks and white Republicans.

The evidence clearly shows that [Grant] created the most auspicious record on racial equality and civil rights of any president from Lincoln to Lyndon B. Johnson, Wilentz said.

Grant strikes an impressive figure, but he also had flaws that were more visible than Washingtons. Grants alcoholism has been well-chronicled, as has his trusting nature that led to him being swindled numerous times. He also faced corruption charges during his presidency.

A less-scrutinized weakness was that Grant perhaps came to appreciate the power of the sword too much following his victories during the Civil War.

In December 1861, as the Confederacy and Union clashed, Emperor Napoleon III of France invaded Mexico. The pretext for this attack was that Mexico had refused to honor its foreign debt, but the real reason for the invasion was that Napoleon III saw an opportunity to expand his empire in Latin-America while US states feuded amongst themselves.

Though the aggressive act was a clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, Abraham Lincolnbusy fighting the Confederacy on multiple frontscould do little beyond shore up Northern forces in Texas to discourage an invasion.

Though Mexican fighters were able to repulse the French invasion on May 5, 1862, at the Battle of Puebla, the French eventually captured Mexico City. On April 10, 1864, Austrian archduke Maximilian was sworn in as the first (and only) Emperor of the Second Mexican Empire.

The presence of a European monarchy on the North American continent rankled Grant for several reasons. He had come to love the people and land of Mexico, a country he visited on his tour during the Mexican-American War, a conflict that he saw as deeply unjust (despite his exemplary service in the war).

Grant also saw the action as nothing short of an act of war against the United States. Following Robert E. Lees surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Courthousewhich all but ended the Civil Wara young staff officer said Grant made his feelings known in three short words.

Now for Mexico, said Grant, who commanded the most lethal fighting force in the world.

In May 1865, with the Confederacy defeated, Grant began dispatching tens of thousands of troops under the command of Gen. Phil Sheridan toward the Rio Grande. Ostensibly, the troops were sent to pacify soldiers under Confederate Gen. Kirby Smith, whose army was disbanding in Texas and parts of Louisiana. But Grants correspondences suggest he had other motives, seeing opportunity for a war that would be short, quick, decisive, and assuredly triumphant.

With Mexico, Chernow concludes, Grant played a dangerous game, hoping to reunite North and South under the banner of a popular foreign war.

Grant made his official case for confrontation with Maximilian at a June 16, 1865 cabinet meeting, arguing that remnants of the shattered Confederate army would flock to Mexico and join the French occupiers, which would lead to war. Grant proposed the US government issue a formal protest against the existence of Maximilians monarchy.

During an interview with The New York Times later that summer, Grant made his views plain, warning that the French would have to leave Mexico peaceably, if they chose, but forcibly if they refused.

A person who saw the situation differently was Secretary of State William Seward, the affable abolitionist orator from New York who months earlier was disfigured by a knife attack when Lincoln was shot at Fords Theater.

Seward favored a less confrontational policy with France, telling Grant there was little need to wound French pride with threats when the situation in Mexico was deteriorating.

[Maximilians reign] was rapidly perishing, Seward told Grant, and, if let alone, Maximilian would leave in less than six months, perhaps in sixty days, whereas, if we interfered it would prolong his stay and the Empire also.

Grant was not persuaded by this exchange. He continued to favor confrontation with Mexico, endorsing a letter from Gen. Phil Sheridan (read aloud by an angry President Andrew Johnson at a cabinet meeting) which stated his army was in magnificent trim and eagerly awaiting the pleasure of crossing the Rio Grande. Grant also advocated sending Gen. John Schofield to Mexico to act as an intermediary with resistance forces there, a move that stood to entangle the US in the conflict.

Seward and other cabinet members were appalled by the bellicosity of Sheridan and Grant. Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCullough explained that another conflict stood to bankrupt the US government, while Seward told Grant if we got in war and drove out the French, we could not get ourselves out.

Some present at the meetings said Seward was acting wisely, while Grant seemed ruled by his passions.

Seward acts from intelligence, Grant from impulse, Secretary of Navy and diarist Gideon Welles observed after one encounter.

Fortunately, the adept Seward was able to outmaneuver Grant, despite the generals great influence in the administration. Seward shrewdly steered Schofield to France instead of Mexicoget your legs under Napoleons mahogany and tell him to get out of Mexico, he told Schoefieldand deflected Grants attempts to assert a more confrontational approach.

Events would soon prove Sewards contentionthat Maximilians empire was rapidly perishingright. In January 1866, Napoleon III announced plans to begin Frances withdrawal from Mexico.

On June 19 the following year, Emperor Maximilian handed a gold coin a Maximilian dor to several Mexican soldiers, telling them, Muchachos, aim well, and aim right here, pointing to his heart.

Maximilian was then executed by firing squad, along with two of his generals. He refused a blindfold.

Seward should be commended for his cool head throughout the showdown with France over Mexico. If recent events in US history have taught us anything, its that getting into wars is much easier than getting out of them.

Grant was no doubt correct that his army would have crushed Maximilians forces, but what would have come after that is far from clear. Conflicts of liberation in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan have shown the US military is more than capable of winning battles, but victories always come with new responsibilities and blowback (to use a term popularized by Ron Paul)and often more fighting.

George Washington was long considered the greatest soldier in American history until Grant, whose battle achievements some argue surpassed those of Americas first president. But Washington seemed to glean something from his years of war that Grant perhaps did not, noting in his Farewell Address that we may be always prepared for War, but never unsheath the sword except in self defence.

A future president would later expand on Washingtons warning about using power to spread liberty abroad.

Wherever the standard of freedom and Independence has been or shall be unfurled, there will her heart, her benedictions and her prayers be, John Quincy Adams commentedin 1821. But she goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her own. (emphasis added)

What John Quincy Adams understood was that the world will never lack for monsters to destroy, something even great men like US Grant at times forgot.

As tensions rise across the world with the outbreak of war in Europe, wed do well to remember that the greatest ally of liberty is peace, and her greatest enemy is war.

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The US Invasion of Mexico That Didn't Happenand the Danger of Spreading Liberty by the Sword | Jon Miltimore - Foundation for Economic Education

Los Angeles Lakers forward Carmelo Anthony was one of 11 active players to be recognized during All-Star Weekend as one of the 75 greatest players of all time by the NBA. While Anthony is near the end of his career, no one can deny his place among the all-time greats after an illustrious 19 years.

Not only did he receive this honor, but he was also able to do it standing next to perhaps the most popular group of friends in the NBA. Anthony, LeBron James, Chris Paul and Dwyane Wade have built a well-known friendship among NBA ranks, with all four being recognized at halftime of the All-Star Game.

For Anthony, this was a moment that gave him some perspective on the type of career hes had and the impact hes had on the game of basketball. In the moment, I think we had to just take it all in. Just sit there and reflect back on all the years and everything you did to get to that moment, Anthony said. It was just a room you werent expected to be in.

I didnt think about that. So to be in that room and to look to my right and look to my left and see guys that I came into the league with, my peers, people that I call friends and people that I call family to experience that moment Ill never forget that.

To me, its more so the respect that a lot of the older players was given. It was surprising to see that and to feel that. Its almost like that moment needed to happen in order for you to be validated in a sense from a fraternity. Its a lot in that fraternity. A lot of different personalities, a lot of different career paths, a lot of insight. So for me to try to understand everything and understand everybody and being in that room that energy its like, Oh okay. Im a part of this. Im a part of this fraternity.

This was undoubtedly the way that many of the leagues 75 greatest players felt when they were honored at the All-Star Game. James showed that same feeling of pride as he spoke with Michael Jordan following the event, and as he stood next to Wade and Paul.

When the NBA honors their 100 greatest players in 25 years, its almost a guarantee that the banana boat crew of James, Anthony, Wade and Paul will be honored again. All four have solidified their spots in history, and Anthony is clearly just excited to be a part of that conversation.

In the final seconds of the Lakers loss to the L.A. Clippers on Friday, Anthony missed what would have been a go-ahead three badly. He shot the ball from about three feet behind the 3-point line, barely clipping the front of the rim before the Clippers secured the rebound.

Anthony spoke about the shot following the loss. I think I still had two seconds or something like that. It was just a matter of getting a good look. I shot it short. My legs werent underneath me. I missed it, Anthony explained.

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Last week, nearly 18 months after losing everything in the Beachie Creek Fire, Ron Carmickle sat in front of a computer testifying before the House Special Committee on Wildfire Recovery.

Committee Chair Rep. Paul Evans, D-Monmouth, called the meeting to hear from individuals whose lives had been upended the night of September 7, 2020, when all of Oregon seemed to ignite. Twenty-one fires were stoked to life that last weekend of summer, more than 40,000 people were forced to evacuate, entire forests, towns, schools, homes, businesses and churches were incinerated, their ash falling from the burnt-orange sky like a dark snow.

Carmickle told the committee that he lost his home, shop, and collection of antique cars that were the foundation of his business.

But all that, he said, could be replaced.

What couldnt be replaced was 100 years of family history.

All my picturesmy childrens first drawings, their baby shoes, the pinewood derby cars my son and I built Seventy years of my life are goneThere is nothing left to be proud of, nothing left to share, nothing left to show you where Ive come from. The Ron Carmickle that was, is gone.

Committee members appeared to take a deep breath. In previous weeks they had heard from state and county agencies about the important work that had occurred since the 2020 fires. The reports and graphs were optimistic. Permits were being issued, homes were being built, emergency dollars were beefing up fire departments, replacing trucks and equipment, and helping people design and build more energy efficient and fire proof homes.

But agency reports are dry reading compared to human stories, and over two and a half hours lawmakers heard from people whose loss could not be repaired with just plywood and nails.

Our canyon is in a crisis, said Vickie Larson Hill from Detroit. People are traumatized, theyre depressed, theyve lost hope.

Others talked of needing addiction services and having thoughts of suicide. As a clinical social worker, Hill provides mental health service two days a week in Albany.

There are just not the services in rural Oregon to help people cope, she said.

What Hill and others were pointing to is the toll climate change has on the human psyche. Their stories emphasized that Oregons mega fires dont just create piles of ash and twisted metal, but homelessness, unemployment, depression, domestic violence, child abuse and addiction.

This is bad news for a state that has largely ignored the mental health needs of our residents. For years, Oregon has had some of the highest addiction and suicide rates in the nation, and that was before Covid and ice storms and drought and fires.

Survivors at the hearing said much of their depression came from the aftershock of realizing there really was not the help there that they had expected. People found getting consistent information near impossible, getting permits to be a nightmare and getting insurance companies to pay up to be a form of psychological warfare.

These are relatively straightforward matters to address and Evans said his committee will get their colleagues on board to help. The harder work is the mental health component, getting crisis counselors, therapists, addiction specialists, and rehab up and running in the more remote parts of our state.

The good news is that in October, legislators did make an historic investment in our mental health system. Some $500 million has been dedicated to organizations and programs which should reach underserved areas with behavioral health care programs such as drug rehab and counseling.

In addition, $10 million will be set aside to create mobile crisis intervention teams trauma professionals who will head to communities devastated by fires, such as Talent and Detroit.

Still, while mobile crisis units move on to the next community, climate change appears to be here to stay. It sears and floods and shutters businesses and forces exoduses.

Some describe loss in war terms casualties, bomb blasts, PTSD. Some talk about an impenetrable depression, while others find that the pain and loss begins to set in only after they are done rebuilding. All hope Oregon never sees another fire season like the one they lived through.

Climatologists, however, aret offering much hope. As of this month, 75% of Oregon is in a severe drought and they dont think its going to get better anytime soon.

So, fire agencies need to ready their teams, FEMA needs to be ready with boots on the ground, electric companies need to bury their lines, and state lawmakers need to make sure the mental health care community is funded and ready to travel into impacted areas so that people are better able to rebuild their lives.

CORRECTION: State Rep. Paul Evans is from Monmouth. A previous version incorrectly said he was from Dallas.

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While rebuilding from wildfires, Oregon also needs to tend more attentively to personal needs Oregon Capital Chronicle - Oregon Capital Chronicle

Skill and playing time are the two major building blocks of projections. The elusive element is risk. We cannot really measure it, nor accurately quantify it at least not in the way we do with skill and playing time but it affects the entire process. The best we can do is identify those variables that might impact our projections and decide whether each one is something we want to consider.

Risk tolerance is an individual decision. Im not going to tell you how much roster risk is too much. But what we can do is look at each player and assess his risk profile. Once again, here are the variables I like to look at:

Health: I start every player with a 25 percent risk of spending some time on the IL. By seasons end, history shows that more than 50 percent will end up there. So this variable is the one I tend to look at the most.

Experience: Players are unformed masses of potential until we can see them on the field for a few seasons. This variable reminds us that risk is not just about downside; its more about uncertainty.

Age: One day, Max Scherzer will age out of his skills profile. As a Mets fan, I hope that doesnt happen until 2025. As a fantasy leaguer, I have my guard up now.

New environment: Will Trevor Story turn into a pumpkin outside of Coors Field? Who knows, but again, its all about uncertainty.

Regression: Cal Quantrill had a 2.89 ERA last year but his xFIP was 4.43, which makes a 2021 repeat risky. Thankfully, the market seems to be recognizing that with his current 16th-round ADP. But Walker Buehler also had a xFIP more than a run higher than his 2.47 ERA and the market is still drafting him in the first round.

You know the subconscious thought process: If I draft Jacob deGrom, I should probably avoid Blake Snell.

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From Juan Soto to Nick Pivetta, a 23-round draft guide to the safest team roto-money can buy - The Athletic