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Daily Archives: November 19, 2021
An Archive Traces the History of Anti-Semitism Across Europe – Hyperallergic
Posted: November 19, 2021 at 5:45 pm
Card game The Game of Old Maid with anti-Semitic playing cards, c. 1920 ( German Historical Museum)
TheGerman Historical Museumin Berlin announced the acquisition of an archive of some 15,000 objects and ephemera related to the history of anti-Semitism, ranging from anti-Semitic postcards and playing cards to concentration camp currency and food ration cards. Amassed over the course of three decades by the late German civil engineer Wolfgang Haney, who lost family in the Holocaust, the items chart the development of anti-Semitism in Europe since the late 19th century. They have been acquired for their significance as a historical record; as an educational bulwark against present-day anti-Semitism, which ison the rise in Germany; and to keep the items from dispersing throughout the free market, where potential buyers may well have anti-Semitic motives not to mention little interest in connecting personal or looted objects with their rightful owners.
The acquisition was supported by the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and Media, the Federal Minister for Education and Research, and the State Cultural Foundation. The Haney Collection contains historically unique testimonies that show National Socialists oppression and crimes against humanity and the gradual escalation of the racist terror system, said Monika Grtters, Germanys Culture Minister, in a statement. The collection is such a valuable bundle for research into antisemitism, which is currently challenging us again.
Haney, who was born in Berlin to a Jewish mother and a Catholic father, witnessed the ascent of the Nazi party as a child and experienced its devastating effects. He was forced to leave high school, and in 1943, a bombing destroyed his familys home. Much of his extended family perished after being sent to Lodz and then Auschwitz. His mother evaded deportation by hiding in the woods outside of Berlin, while Haney who was spared deportation due to his fathers connections aided her. After the war, Haney went on to become a municipal civil engineer in his birth city. He had been a numismatist from a young age, but it wasnt until his retirement, in 1991, that he turned to an unusual new collecting category: anti-Semitic material.
Haney spoke about his motivation for collecting these painful items withWiden the Circle,an anti-prejudice nonprofit that honored him with the Obermayer German Jewish History Award for Distinguished Service. I must do it I must do something to remember all the people who died in our family, Haney recalled thinking. The Germans must say what they have done to the Jews.
To build his collection, Haney combed antique stores and flea markets throughout Germany, ultimately spending over 1 million (~$1.13 million). Along the way, he wrote several books on the history of the Holocaust and loaned objects from his holdings to exhibitions at a number of German and Polish institutions, as well as the Imperial War Museum in London and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC. In 2006, he was awarded the Berlin Order of Merit, the citys highest honor.
In a statement on the museum acquisition, Markus Hilgert, General Secretary of the Kulturstiftung der Lnder, described Haneys collecting efforts as pioneering work in the investigation of crimes committed by National Socialism and the persecution of Jews.
No museum or archive has compiled such objects in a comparable way, Hilgert added.
An essay by Fritz Backhaus, the German Historical Museums Director of Collections, separates Haneys collection into three parts. One segment focuses on the growth ofanti-Semitismaround the Wilhelmine Period, when German mass media was taking off. Bigoted images and sentiments became naturalized as they were insidiously disseminated through low-cost postcards, posters, leaflets, and stamps. A second part features items from the Third Reich, including advertisements for the notorious Nazi propaganda filmJud Sss(1940), photographs taken in Jewish ghettoes, letters and diaries written at concentration camps, and a variety of bureaucratic ephemera such as food ration cards for Jews and special banknotes used at the camps. The third segment consists of items from the years after the war, demonstrating the ongoing presence of anti-Semitism in right-wing extremist groups and considering how the Holocaust has been portrayed, misrepresented, or erased in the media.
Due to legal and ethical questions about the origin of the objects, the German Historical Museum said in a statement that the acquisition will require additional research. Regarding personal documents of Holocaust victims, the museum will collaborate with theArolsen Archives, an international organization founded to trace victims of Nazi persecution that has built a massive archive over the years. The museum will also consult with theClaims Conference, which deals with restitution and compensation for victims of Nazi persecution, to determine next steps with regards to scraps of Torah scrolls, which German soldiers stole from synagogues and used as wrapping paper.
Items from the Haney Collection acquisition will feature in a forthcoming permanent exhibition at the German Historical Museum, which will incorporate object research by the Center for Research on Antisemitism at the Technical University, Berlin.
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A look at the history of Native Americans in basketball – NBC Sports Chicago
Posted: at 5:45 pm
The NBAs first Native American player took the court shortly after the league officially formed in 1949.
Others of Native American lineage to play in the NBA have included Bison Dele (1992-1999), Cherokee Parks (1996-2004), Ron Baker (2017-2019) and Kyrie Irving (2011-current).
With November being Native American Heritage Month, heres a guide to American Indians in basketball.
The first Native American to play in the NBA was Phil Jordon, a 6-foot-10 center who debuted during the 1956-1957 season with the New York Knicks.
Jordon -- whose father was of the Wailaki and the Nomlaki tribes, according to The Press Democrat-- spent seven seasons in the league. The California native averaged 10.9 points and 6.9 rebounds per game in his career, playing for the Knicks, Detroit Pistons, Cincinnati Royals and St. Louis Hawks.
Jordon infamously was unable to play against the Philadelphia Warriors on March 2, 1962, after falling ill, and the opponent he would have spent time defending, Wilt Chamberlain, went on to score 100 points in the game.
Brooklyn Nets guard Kyrie Irving's lineage traces to the Standing Rock Sioux tribe in North Dakota. His mother, Elizabeth Larson, was born into the tribe before she was adopted at a young age.
Irving first revealed he was a descendent of the tribe in 2016, joining a list of Native American NBA players that also includes former players like Bison Dele, Cherokee Parks and Ron Baker.
Irving, whose mother died when he was four, has embraced his lineage in recent years, both on and off the court.
He paid homage to his native culture by performing a cleansing ceremony in which he burned sage on the court before playing against his former team, the Boston Celtics, last December.
Kyrie and his sister Asia both joined the tribe at a naming ceremony in 2018.
"Blood couldn't make us any closer, and our journeys have been directed in so many different ways, but yet we are still standing here," Irving said in 2018 while visiting the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation, per ESPN. "It shows how special and what it means to be a native of this country, and to be Native American."
Ryneldi Becenti became the first Native American to play in the WNBA when she debuted with the Phoenix Mercury in 1997 after signing as a free agent.
Becenti, also the first woman to be inducted into the American Indian Athletic Hall of Fame, played two seasons at Arizona State, averaging 7.1 assists per game.
Tahnee Robinson was the first Native American player drafted into the WNBA, having been selected with the 31st pick of the 2011 draft by the Mercury. She was traded to the Connecticut Sun before playing overseas.
Angel Goodrich was drafted two years later with the 29th pick by the Tulsa Shock. She started 16 of the 31 games she played as a rookie, averaging 4.4 points and 2.9 assists, and spent three seasons in the league.
Shoni Schimmel became the most accomplished Native American player in WNBA history. The 5-foot-9 guard was drafted with the eighth overall pick by the Atlanta Dream in the 2014 draft and went on to become a two-time All-Star, being named MVP of the game as a rookie. Over four seasons in the league, Schimmel averaged 6.6 points while shooting 36.6 percent from the 3-point line. Schimmel and her sister Jude, while playing for Louisville, became the first Native Americans to play in a Final game. Schimmel's 387 career 3-pointers while at Louisville ranks fifth in NCAA Division I history.
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Why the History of Science Should Matter to Scientists – JSTOR Daily
Posted: at 5:45 pm
Science, in practice, is a series of evolving processes informed by hypotheses and theories, with the hopeful endpoints of discovery and dissemination of knowledge to others. In a case study using taxonomythe field of organism classificationAndrew Hamilton and Quentin D. Wheeler argue that these processes need to be informed by precedents from the history of science, asking [w]hile there really is no question about the value of history of science in the humanities, what good is it for practicing scientists? What difference does it make at the lab-bench level?
Traditionally, taxonomy was centered around identifying similarities and differences between and among species, by looking at family trees and identifying clusters of similar organisms. For example, insects could be grouped based on the number of wings (if any), if their bodies were segmented or not, and if so, how many segments. Using these family trees, taxonomists could identify how closely related species were. These systems of classification, however, relied only on physical observation, and so relationships that might be only visible at the genetic level went undiscovered.
During the mid-20th century, the method of phenetics was developed, which utilized computers and algorithms to determine relatedness. A biologist would select the specimens of a group they wished to investigate, then select the characteristics of those specimens to be measured and analyzed. These data would then be translated into numbers that could be fed to algorithms that would calculate degrees of relatedness. The results could then be used to identify a previously unclassified specimen, or to create a map of potential evolutionary relationships.
Phenetics requires a number of steps that present the opportunity for unintentional errors. The selections of specimens, the characteristics chosen, and the algorithm(s) used all may influence the outcomes of a phenetic study, without any intent on the part of the researchers involved to obtain particular results.
Historians Hamilton and Wheeler then contrast phenetics with a current method of taxonomic research,DNA barcoding. In this approach, depending on the organism(s), biologists will sequence one or more genes that have little variation between individuals of the same species, but high variation between individuals of different species. By analyzing these sequences against known species, the relationship of the unknown individual to others can be made.
Neither DNA barcoding nor phenetics, the authors maintain, give attention to the underlying concepts of species, and the histories of populations that led to their differences. Our concern is that certain new molecular methods for doing taxonomy repeat a mistake from taxonomys recent past because they produce results that do not have a firm basis in underlying theory.
For instance, because barcoding looks at a small portion of the genes, (usually a sequence within a gene), it can lead to classification errors, and not describe the full range of diversity. The historians write at a time when advances in taxonomy are crucial to understanding and preserving biodiversity, it is of even greater important to heed Darwins advice that observations need appropriate theoretical context if they are to make sense.
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By: Andrew Hamilton and QuentinD. Wheeler
Isis, Vol. 99, No. 2 (June 2008), pp. 331-340
The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society
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Rebels can make history with Vanderbilt coming to town – Red Cup Rebellion
Posted: at 5:45 pm
Ole Miss will enter Saturdays game with the ability to make some history - an undefeated home record in the balance.
If the Rebels can overcome Vanderbilt, it will secure the first undefeated home slate since 1992, which if I remember correctly was the year Bill Clinton was first elected President. Holy smokes, being a fan of the Rebels is tough.
Moreover, a ninth win for the season puts Ole Miss in rare air for the program. The win preserves the opportunity for a tenth and then a record setting eleventh victory in a bowl game potentially.
But play the games one at a time and all that - Vanderbilt comes into Oxford at 2-8 and winless in the SEC, so Ole Miss is clearly favored by five or more touchdowns depending on which betting service you like to use. Honestly, I think it would do Ole Miss fans some good to see a win like that against Vandy, because it doesnt happen that often.
Heres some stats for thought:
What Im getting at is if youve been an Ole Miss fan long enough, you know you can never count this game in the win column until its over. Vanderbilt might be down this year, but it also has nothing to lose at this point and spoiling the Rebels season might be just enough motivation to make Saturday more uncomfortable than it should be.
So, buy some dadgum tickets, get your butts in the seats, give this really good Ole Miss squad a home field advantage one last time in 2021 - they have clearly earned it.
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Let the Record Show Is an Essential Book on AIDS Activism – The Atlantic
Posted: at 5:45 pm
For an outstanding chronicle of the early years of AIDS activism, look no further than Sarah Schulmans Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 19871993, which is also an exemplary model for telling a more complete story of a political movement. In writing Let the Record Show, published earlier this year, Schulman has orchestrated a peoples history of ACT UP New York. Her voice and those of a chorus of activists cohere in the book, which draws both on her experience as a veteran of the political-action group and from lengthy interviews she conducted with nearly 200 other members. The result is an expansive portrait of the people, principles, and campaigns that made ACT UP the most formidable political organization to emerge from the AIDS crisis.
The history of ACT UP, Schulman writes in the books introduction, is the story of a despised group of people, with no rights, facing a terminal disease for which there were no treatments. Abandoned by their families, government, and society, they joined together and forced our country to change against its will. These activists work savedand will continue to savecountless lives, she writes, even if many of them lost their own lives to AIDS: The dead and the living ultimately transformed the crisis.
As Schulman emphasizes, ACT UP was born out of dire emergency. From 1981, when the disease was first reported in the national press (though undiagnosed cases likely existed even earlier), to 1987, the year ACT UP was founded, thousands of Americans had died of AIDS-related complications. Their illness and death were shrouded in shame and sensational media coverage. Although by 1987 the modes of HIV transmission had been properly identifiedand the initial medical designation gay-related immune deficiency (GRID) had officially been changed to acquired immune deficiency syndromeAIDS was still widely believed to be a gay disease. It was commonly dubbed gay cancer and gay plague at a time when sexual minorities faced vicious forms of legal discrimination and extralegal violence.
Read: The disease of the century: reporting on the origin of AIDS
Amid a growing calamity, queer communities had to fend for themselves to ensure their survival. ACT UP was one such response, as Schulman puts it, simultaneously a place of decline and a place of defiance of loss. Unlike other AIDS organizations that preceded itfor instance, Gay Mens Health Crisis, largely a health and social-support serviceACT UP was, and continues to be, an altogether political entity. The AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, its motto declares, is a diverse, non-partisan group of individuals, united in anger and committed to direct action to end the AIDS crisis.
ACT UP had a radical organizational structure whereby power was distributed horizontally, not vertically. There was no hierarchy. There were no paid officials. There were no offices, Schulman writes in Let the Record Show. What held the group together, as she brilliantly captures, was a diffuse and democratic amalgamation of numerous committees, caucuses, and affinity groups, working independently on smaller campaigns and in unison on larger ones. This unique configuration enabled simultaneity of action, not consensus and also ensured that major decisions were made collectively at ACT UPs weekly Monday-night meetings at the Lesbian and Gay Community Services Center in New York City (and later at Cooper Union to accommodate the growing attendance, which reached 500 to 800 people at the organizations height). Garance Franke-Ruta, one of the many activists we hear from in Let the Record Show, recalls these meetings: I experienced direct democracy in ACT UP in a way that is so rare in American life Everyone had a vote. And everyone was equal, and everyone had a voice.
The groups formative days come alive in Let the Record Show, which draws from the ACT UP Oral History Project, a collection of interviews with 187 members that Schulman and the activist and filmmaker Jim Hubbard conducted from 2001 to 2018. These voices relay the groups political history in personal terms. When I walked into the room at the Center it was like a religious experience, Moiss Agosto-Rosario says. Coming from not having people to talk to, to a bunch of fired-up people really wanting to make a difference, fighting for their lives literally. I could relate to them. Kendall Thomas remembers: The sex-positive, gay-affirmative, politically empowering force that was in that room and that [was] in the streets of New York or DC at ACT UP actionsI do feel it saved my life. And there was some great sex that came out of it, too. Recollections like these make palpable how ACT UP furnished not only a viable political space but also a vibrant communal culture. As Jim Eigo puts it, Ive always believed in community and ACT UP, during those two or three years of its height, is the most splendid enactment of the idea of community Ive ever been a part of.
The lifeblood of ACT UP was nonviolent civil disobedience, the means by which the group began to sharpen its principles and shape its identity. Imbued with desperation, rage, courage, and creativity, ACT UPs actions brought new dynamism to old repertoires of civil disobedience.
For instance, although die-ins and public funerals were not new forms of protest, ACT UP used them in highly evocative ways. At mass demonstrations, activists would stage a die-in by lying still on the ground, sometimes with cardboard cutouts of tombstones emblazoned with messages such as NEVER HAD A CHANCE. And as activists began to die in large numbers, ACT UP held several funeral processions both as acts of commemoration and to concretize the mass deaths the public refused to acknowledge. Haunting in their power to embody the unfolding tragedy, political funerals issued a striking indictment of the public: Here is a loved member of our family who has died; we want to show you. This is his bodyand you killed him, the interviewee Russell Pritchard says, remembering a political funeral for the fellow member Mark Lowe Fisher that the group carried out in the streets of New York.
Read: Creating the first visual history of queer life before Stonewall
ACT UPs feats were extraordinary, especially given its relatively small size. As Schulman amply documents, campaigns targeted the entire HIV/AIDS infrastructure: pharmaceutical companies, government health agencies, media outlets, and many other institutions and individuals holding the levers of power. Some of the campaigns recounted in Let the Record Show have since become legendary. For example, ACT UP disrupted the New York Stock Exchange, days later forcing the pharmaceutical company Burroughs Wellcome to slash the price of the anti-HIV drug AZT by 20 percent.
With mass demonstrations, the group seized control of the headquarters of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and then that of the National Institutes of Health, compelling the FDA to expedite the approval of experimental drugs and the NIH to adopt research protocols that activists helped design. ACT UP disrupted Sunday Mass at Saint Patricks Cathedral, calling out the Catholic Church and in particular Cardinal John OConnor, then the archbishop of New York, for their anti-abortion, anti-safe-sex, and anti-gay positions. No matter the person or institution, the groups position was, as the activist Maxine Wolfe recalls, If you do things that have public policy implications, I dont care where you are, Im going to come and get you, and you cant hide behind the church.
Let the Record Show documents lesser-known campaigns that were also significant to ACT UPs mission and success. The group championed the plight of homeless New Yorkers with HIV/AIDS and began a needle-exchange program in the city. It waged a four-year campaign that forced the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to expand its definition of AIDS to include opportunistic infections that affected HIV-positive women. The latter was one of ACT UPs signal achievements, enabling women with AIDS to receive disability benefits and ensuring their inclusion in future clinical trials; Schulman offers an illuminating behind-the-scenes view of these different campaigns.
The book is a significant departure both from the popular perception of ACT UP as an exclusively white, gay, male organization, and from other well-known representations of the groupincluding the critically acclaimed documentary film How to Survive a Plague. Unlike many of these works, Schulmans book foregrounds women and people of color and their less-heralded but equally heroic work (the books first chapter, for instance, features members of ACT UPs Latino Caucus and a major action they carried out in Puerto Rico). Schulman writes that ACT UP was predominantly white and male. But its history has been whitened in ways that obstruct the complexity.
A through line in the book, in fact, is a crucial look at ACT UPs gender and racial dynamics. Schulman describes how privilege enjoyed by white male activists allowed ACT UP to enter the halls of power and negotiate with pharmaceutical executives and public-health officials in ways that women and people of color could not have done in 1980s America. She also lays bare the internal divisions that grew within ACT UPbetween activists working on the inside bargaining with the establishment and those on the outside staging direct actions; between those who wanted to focus the groups energies on drug treatment and those who wished to pursue a broader social-justice agendadivisions that would lead the group to split into two in 1992. (Because Let the Record Show centers only on the groups early years and on the mother ship, the New York chapter, its worth noting that ACT UP continues its work today and has several active chapters in the U.S. and worldwide.)
Let the Record Show documents a history thats now more than 30 years old, not to mention a legacy of resilience and heroism. But its written neither nostalgically nor triumphantly. Schulman writes as a witness to and a survivor of a catastrophe, clear-eyed and committed to remembering the dead. Interspersed throughout the book are more than a dozen moving vignettes titled Remembrance that pay homage to individual ACT UP members who died of AIDS. Schulman also writes with the intention to empower and guide todays activists with lessons learned from the early days of ACT UP. As such, Let the Record Show serves as both history and handbook of how a small coalition can achieve fundamental political change.
At the very outset of the book, Schulman states firmly that AIDS is not over. She reminds us that as of 2019, more than 700,000 people had died of AIDS-related illnesses in the United States, including about 16,000 in 2017 alone. Although the current reality of AIDS is beyond the purview of Let the Record Show, Schulman asks us to read the book being mindful of a crisis that continues to exact its toll today, and to look back at ACT UPs past with a renewed feeling of purpose and possibility for the future.
As someone whos lost friends and family to AIDS, I could not help but read Let the Record Show with a sense of personal anguish, knowing full well that many thousands diedand continue to diebecause of hatred, neglect, greed, and malfeasance, which transformed the epidemic into a disaster. There were a number of days while reading this book when my mind would trail off to remember not just my immediate kin but also kindred spirits such as Melvin Dixon, Essex Hemphill, Marlon Riggs, Assotto Saintvisionary artists who died of AIDS-related illnesses and profoundly shaped my sense of self as a Black gay man. There were other days, too, for different reasons, when the book in my hands would resonate with incredible force. As I was reading, my daily afternoon alarm would go off, reminding me to take my HIV medication, and I would be hyperaware of my aliveness and enormously grateful for the sacrifices and achievements of ACT UP.
Let the Record Show is not an easy read, given that it tells a story of incalculable suffering and loss; and yet its an invigorating work, for it also documents uncommon courage and defiance. Schulman has written a necessary book that expands our vision of AIDS activism and demands us to remember the living and the dead who made ACT UP an indispensable political and cultural force.
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Patriots’ Mac Jones becomes only the third rookie QB in NFL history to pull off this rare feat – CBSSports.com
Posted: at 5:45 pm
It's way too early to say whether Mac Jones is going to win the rookie of the year award, but the Patriots quarterback definitely feels like the front-runner right now and he only helped his cause during New England's 25-0 win over Atlanta on Thursday.
It would be fitting if Jones did end up winning, because New England's win over the Falcons allowed him to join a rare club that currently only includes two other players and both of those players also happened to win rookie of the year.
With the win over Atlanta, Jones has now gone 5-0 in road games this year, making him only the third rookie QB in NFL history to pull off that feat. The only other two quarterbacks to start 5-0 in road games were Ben Roethlisberger and Dak Prescott, who both started 6-0.
In 2004, Big Ben took over as the starter in Week 3 and ended up finishing with a 13-0 record, which included going 6-0 on the road. Roethlisberger probably could have gone 7-0, but the Steelers decided to rest him in their regular season finale against Buffalo. Thanks to his impressive performance, Big Ben ended up being voted rookie of the year.
As for Prescott, he became the Cowboys starter after Tony Romo went down with a preseason injury in 2016. Although Prescott lost his first start, which was at home, the Cowboys quarterback had six straight road wins to start his career before seeing the streak end in a Week 14 loss to the Giants. Like Roethlisberger, Prescott was also voted rookie of the year.
If Jones wants to break the record that's shared by Prescott and Big Ben, he'll have to win two more road games, which won't be easy. The next road game for the Patriots will come in Week 13 against the Bills. After a Week 14 bye, the Patriots will hit the road again to face the Colts. If the Patriots win both of those games, Jones will become the first QB to start 7-0 on the road as a rookie.
Although Jones hasn't single-handedly led the Patriots to each road win, he still has had a major impact on each game. The rookie has been the perfect game manager: He rarely makes mistakes and he's also able to come through with a big play whenever the Patriots need it. Against the Falcons, he played a nearly perfect first half, going, 14 of 15 for 136, which included a 19-yard TD to Nelson Agholor.
Jones seems to be getting better every week and he attributes that to the fact that the offense feels like a family to him.
"I think we have a great group of guys and early on, you're just trying to figure your way out with me in there and I'm trying to learn as best I can," Jones said after the win over the Falcons. "But these guys have all played tons of football and I trust everybody on our offense. I feel like I can play better to you know, help them too. They've done a great job all year staying positive, and we all believe in each other and that's the most important part. It's the best team sport there is and I think our offensive unit really has that family feel to it and we love each other and we play together and we play for each other so we just have to keep doing that."
If Jones can match Dak and Big Ben for the most road wins, the next question becomes, can he do the one thing that neither of them ended up doing, which is winning a Super Bowl. No QB in NFL history has ever led his team to a Super Bowl win in his rookie year and if Jones does that, most Patriots fans will likely be able to let go of the fact that the team let Tom Brady walk away.
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Here’s what history says about stock-market performance during the Thanksgiving week – MarketWatch
Posted: at 5:45 pm
Will it be gobble, gobble for U.S. stock-market investors during the Thanksgiving week or an overdose of tryptophan?
Thats the question that some may be considering as Wall Street completes the last full week of trading in November and gears up for a holiday period that is typically characterized by some of the lowest volumes of the year.
U.S. financial markets are closed on Thursday, Nov. 26 for the Thanksgiving holiday and beyond Thursdays closure, since 1992, stock exchanges have adhered to an abbreviated trading schedule the Friday after Thanksgiving in the U.S.
The New York Stock Exchange and the Nasdaq will close at 1 p.m. Eastern time on Friday, while the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association recommends a 2 p.m. Eastern close for U.S. bond markets.
Against that backdrop, Thanksgiving has become synonymous with low-volume trading, which can sometimes lead to choppy action.
So how has the market performed in this scenerio? Not bad?
The folks at Bespoke Investment Group say that Thanksgiving week has lent itself to a modest gain for stocks dating back to 1945.
The researchers say that since that point, the entire week of Thanksgiving has averaged a 60 basis points, or 0.60 percentage point, advance for the S&P 500 SPX, -0.14%, with the best returns coming on Wednesday before the holiday and Black Friday, and the only decline on average on Monday, the start of the week.
Bespoke, however, says that more recently, gains have shifted to Mondays in Thanksgiving week, with small declines on Tuesday and rallies on the last two days of the session.
The prospects of gains may be heartening to investors considering the prospect of inflation fears and uncertainty about the leadership of the Federal Reserve, with President Biden expected to decide whether to extend Jerome Powells tenure as Fed chairman, which ends in Feburary or possible turn to Fed Gov. Lael Brainard.
Markets closed mostly lower on the Friday before Thanksgiving, with the S&P 500 SPX, -0.14% booking a gain of 0.4%, the Nasdaq Composite COMP, +0.40% posting a weekly gain of 1.2% and the Dow Jones Industrial Average DJIA, -0.75% closing ending lower for a second week in a row, off 1.4%.
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This Thanksgiving Play Comes With Sides of History and Satire – Milwaukee Magazine
Posted: at 5:45 pm
The Milwaukee Chamber Theatre is showcasing a new live production this weekend that intertwines the history of the first Thanksgiving with a bit of satire.
The story ofTHE THANKSGIVING PLAY follows a team of terminally woke teaching artists who want to put on a show that honors Thanksgiving and Native American Heritage Month. It starts with a teacher, Logan, who recruits her yoga-teaching busker boyfriend, an elementary school history expert and an authentic actor from Los Angeles who is supposed to represent all Native Americans. Naturally, this plan is flawed and the comedy of the play within a play comes when good intentions collide with absurd assumptions.
As a comedy, the play creates a wonderful space to reflect upon-looking at you, fellow well-meaning white folks-our own disastrously failed attempts at bridging cultural divides between our friends and neighbors and consider how we can redouble our efforts and do better, says MCT Artistic Director, Brent Hazelton.
The show is written by Larissa FastHorse and directed by Milwaukee-based actor and director Laura Gordon. This is the first time the play will have live audiences, but it did have a successful virtual run last season.
The play has a preview night on Friday, Nov. 19 at 7:30 p.m. and opens on Saturday, Nov. 20 at 8 p.m. It runs through Dec. 19. For ticket inquiries, go to their website or call 414-291-7800.
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The Unite the Right trial is exposing the chasm between who plans White nationalism’s battles and who does the fighting – ABC17News.com
Posted: at 5:45 pm
By Elle Reeve, CNN
A key federal defendant accused of conspiracy over the 2017 Unite the Right rally was forced this week to confront his own explicit calls for violence and who should do the actual fighting in the months before the deadly event unfolded in Charlottesville, Virginia.
Christopher Cantwell is among 25 defendants being sued for his role in the gathering that brought together far-right groups and racists for a weekend the main organizer had privately billed as The Battle of Charlottesville.
Cantwell, whos known as the crying Nazi, has tried to make the case that the threat that weekend from counterprotesters, including far-left antifa activists who track White nationalists online and try to disrupt their rallies, justified the White nationalists acts of violence.
But on the stand, Cantwell had to listen to recordings of his own podcast, including one from January 2017 some eight months before the deadly Charlottesville rally in which he discussed Dylann Roof, who in 2015 murdered nine people at a Black church in South Carolina.
Roof had no future and so was exactly the kind of person who should be committing acts of mass murder, said Cantwells guest, a guy from the neo-Nazi gossip blog The Daily Stormer. Cantwell agreed: Not everyones going to be a professional propagandist, shall we say. Some of us got to be fucking cannon fodder for the race war.
Plaintiffs in the Charlottesville suit argue the chaos that erupted there was intentional and planned by the defendants in a conspiracy to commit racially motivated violence. They have presented thousands of pages of evidence private messages, podcasts, chat logs, even an ex-girlfriends testimony detailing how the alt-right anticipated violence and how they approached the critical issue of who among them could be counted on to enact it.
What has become clear over three weeks of trial is that, for all their talk of brotherhood and unifying the White race, some in the White power movement expected others to carry out violence for the sake of their cause and considered those people disposable.
It is perhaps not surprising that a movement that dehumanizes large groups of people would treat its own members with casual cruelty. Still, its one reason theyre turning on each other with spectacular bitterness in court.
So, who exactly was to be that cannon fodder?
The Charlottesville organizers have long said they didnt know James Alex Fields, who murdered Heather Heyer with his car in the chaos after the Unite the Right rally, and that the violence wasnt their fault. But their private communications unearthed by the plaintiffs reveal the White nationalists apparently anticipated violence in Charlottesville, even as they framed it among themselves as self-defense.
The White power movement has long been divided by class, a phenomenon its members call boots vs suits. By 2015, it was also divided along generational lines, which White nationalists referred to as White Nationalism 1.0 versus White Nationalism 2.0.
The 1.0 version associated with the Ku Klux Klan, skinheads, poor White Southerners and those less educated and with less internet illiteracy was being pushed aside by the alt-right, which wanted to look younger, wealthier and better educated. White Nationalism 1.0 was a sausage fest, one teenage fascist told me in 2016, using slang for a party that doesnt have enough women. He said he aimed to change that. (He has not.)
Within White power, this debate is referred to as optics. The racist beliefs are largely the same, though the alt-rights misogyny has stunned old-school neo-Nazis, theyve told me.
Alt-right advocates have said in interviews, private messages and public memes they thought they could win over more people by looking clean cut and friendly and by saying racist stuff with ironic detachment, compared to skinheads, whose lack of subtlety they thought turned off the general public.
But as the evidence unfolding in the Charlottesville federal case Sines v. Kessler shows, behind the scenes, the new alt-right had the same affinity for violence: They might have wanted to look classier, but the point was the same.
In May 2017, in his first messages about Unite the Right, its main organizer, Jason Kessler, referred in a group chat to a huge brawl a month earlier between alt-right groups and antifascists, writing: I think we need to have a battle of Berkeley situation in Charlottesville.
During that scrum, Nathan Damigo, now also a defendant in the Charlottesville case, was caught on video punching a woman in the face. Damigo had founded Identity Evropa, which members told me was intended to look like a preppy, aspirational, White nationalist fraternity. Video of the punch became an alt-right meme, and it brought a surge in applications to Identity Evropa, or IE, according to conversations among members presented at the Charlottesville trial by plaintiffs, who are funded by the non-profit Integrity First for America.
This is what Kessler wanted to drum up, but with more groups or, as he said in one a group chat for planning alt-right events, to assemble every motherfucker you can. Kessler wanted to bring together Damigo, Richard Spencer, the Proud Boys and a guy known as Based Stickman for beating people with a stick at a rally, and fight this shit out, according to messages he affirmed at trial were his.
He wanted the Charlottesville event PUBLICIZED so that antifa would show up. They bring everything theyve got and we do too, Kessler said in the same chat.
In fact, Kessler was deeply invested in getting antifa to show up and fight the alt-right. He urged one White power group not to wear guns because it would be too much of a deterrent. If you want a chance to crack some Antifa skulls in self-defense, dont open carry. You will scare the shit out of them and theyll just stand off to the side, Kessler said in a June 2017 Charlottesville planning group chat presented at trial.
He advised more subtle weapons: I recommend you bring picket signposts, shields and other self-defense implements which can be turned from a free speech tool to a self-defense weapon should things turn ugly.
Again, in the same group chat, Kessler returned to optics: Please do not open carry. We want to avoid that optic for both the media and Antifa. We ultimately dont want to scare them from laying hands on us if they cant stand our peaceful demonstration.
The alt-right is a dangerous movement. It feeds on the chaos energy of our unchecked racism bantz, Kessler said in a chatroom in May 2017, closing with the slang for ironic online banter. But in IRL (in real life) activism you have to be more like a civil rights movement for whites.
Kessler continued to say he was happy to fight without the jokes to secure a future for my people. He added: This is war.
When encouraging other White nationalists to post public messages that would goad antifa into fighting them, Kessler said in July in the Charlottesville planning group chat, I want to talk shit but as the event organizer I can only do so much. People need to bullycide them into confronting the alt-right in Charlottesville.
Kessler acknowledged during the trial that he delegated some Unite the Right planning to Matthew Heimbach, who led the Traditionalist Worker Party, a White power group that advertised itself as working-class. Heimbach is now a codefendant.
Kessler asked Heimbach to reach out to two skinhead gangs, the Hammerskins and Blood & Honour Social Club, Heimbach testified. Plaintiffs attorney Karen Dunn repeatedly asked Heimbach if he invited those groups because they were known for violence; he claimed it was to deter violence.
Heimbach testified that anti-fascist counterprotesters would be intimidated by the skinheads, that they would be less likely to want to assault members of the Hammerskins than college students in white polos. That was a reference to the white polos worn by members of Identity Evropa, whose collared-and-khaki uniform became infamous after Charlottesville.
Heimbach testified that he invited other groups to Unite the Right that were also more explicitly extreme or known for street fights, like the National Socialist Movement, whose members have been known to wear swastika armbands and brownshirt uniforms. The group is familiar with violence: In 2006, a member insulted another White power group at a Klan concert, sparking a brawl in which five National Socialist Movement members were beaten by almost 50 skinheads, the Southern Poverty Law Center reported; its 2009 anti-immigration demonstration in Riverside, California, caused a brawl.
Heimbach also said he invited Vanguard America, a fascist group. In July 2017, Heimbach texted Vanguard Americas leader about the National Front, or NF an umbrella group that included his own Traditionalist Worker Party, Vanguard America, National Socialist Movement and the League of the South saying, We need plans. The NF has been charged with taking the ground early, so I need to talk to you and get our security leaders talking to one another.
At trial, Dunn asked Heimbach about a July 2017 private message exchange between him and a person he testified was Vanguard Americas security representative for Charlottesville.
Less than a month ahead of the rally, they were anticipating counterprotesters would block their access to the event site, Emancipation Park, and that only the more explicitly extreme hard right groups could secure the site for Unite the Right.
Heimbach: Its really up to us. If we dont take the park, its over before it began.
Vanguard representative: Exactly. And we cant depend on anyone outside of, as Ike (Baker, of League of the South) described it, the hard right. Im trying to get an official stance from IE right now. If they wont assist, I want it on record.
Dunn asked what that meant. Identity Evropa and the Traditionalist Worker Party and other organizations had a fraught relationship that was also very much at odds with one another due to subcultural and class differences, Heimbach said.
But did it mean the hard right could be relied upon to be more violent or aggressive? Dunn asked.
Heimbach again reframed it as a question of self-defense: I would say the discipline and organization of groups such as myself were more reliable to ensure that there wouldnt be violence. We were used to, unfortunately, being attacked by anti-fascists at demonstrations.
Dunn asked again yes or no did it have something to do with violence? Self-defense, yes, Heimbach said.
Dunn: And you didnt think IE would be willing to do that?
Heimbach: No, they were more the boat shoes, bougie types.
What the White nationalists wore and what those outfits communicated were clearly important.
In May 2017, Kessler texted Heimbach that he was concerned that a KKK rally planned for that July in Charlottesville will hurt the overall pro white message, and wondered if they could be convinced to come to Charlottesville in plain clothes, just as hed asked the National Socialist Movement to do. Whatever his class differences with Identity Evropa, Heimbach indicated he saw the value in the optics-friendly preppy look. Lets set the dress code now, khakis and a polo, he texted.
But Heimbachs group was required to wear head-to-toe black, according to a detailed email sent to Traditionalist Worker Party members about uniform requirements for Charlottesville. When asked why those members wore black Dickies-brand work clothes, Heimbach testified, because we are a working-class party, and thats typical working-class attire for factory workers across America.
Dunn then read from Heimbachs August 2020 deposition:
Question: Isnt it true that one of the reasons that you believed your members should wear all black is because black is a good color to hide blood?
Heimbach: Yes. If someone is injured, it isnt a good look if theyre bleeding all over a white polo shirt.
Heimbach has repeatedly expressed frustration at his perception that alt-right leaders like Spencer and Identity Evropa were classist, complaining to me once that when the Traditionalist Worker Party did security at one of Spencers events in 2018 and its members got injured, Heimbach asked Spencer for some money to get his guys some health care. Heimbach said Spencer hung up the phone. Ive asked Spencer about this, and he didnt deny it. After this rally, Spencer quit speaking at colleges, saying, Antifa is winning.
At the Unite the Right trial, a lawyer for Kessler and Identity Evropa, James Kolenich, asked Heimbach if he considered them to be hard right. Heimbach said no. Would your organization have relied on Identity Evropa or Kessler for physical defense at a public event? He said no.
A few days before Unite the Right, the rally had lost its permit. Organizers planned to go to the same park anyway, according to testimony and interviews with CNN. In considering this tactic, Cantwell confirmed at trial that he texted Spencer, Im willing to risk a lot for our cause, including violence and incarceration, but I want to coordinate to make sure its worth it for our cause. Spencer responded, Its worth it. At least to me.
But Spencer did not do any of the fist-fighting. Before Charlottesville, Spencer was the most prominent figure associated with the alt-right, but hed spent much of the previous years publishing books on scientific racism and going to conferences of older racist professors and lawyers like Kevin MacDonald and Sam Dickson.
Once the alt-right wave began to swell in 2015, Spencer became the subject of both fascination and ridicule within the movement for wearing fancy suits and speaking in a fancy way.
Spencer, who is representing himself at the Charlottesville trial, asked Heimbach what hed thought of him back in 2017. Heimbach answered, Kind of always viewed you as a bit of a dandy.
Spencer asked, There was a discussion during your testimony about relying on people at this rally. Could you rely on me? Heimbach said no.
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Tordue Salem: Journalists ask National Assembly to order independent inquiry into death of missing reporter – Premium Times
Posted: at 5:45 pm
The National Assembly is expected to examine the circumstances surrounding the death of a House of Representatives correspondent of the Vanguard Newspaper, Tordue Salem, as questions continued to be raised over the accounts of the police on the incident.
The House of Representatives Press Corps has written to the leadership of the House of Representatives to call for an independent inquiry when the lawmakers resume plenary on Tuesday.
Also, the Minority caucus of the House of Representatives, in a statement issued on November 13 by its leader, Ndudi Elumelu, had urged the police to leave no stone unturned in addressing all conflicting issues related to the disappearance and death of the journalist.
Mr Salem was last seen alive in Area 8 in Garki area of Abuja on October 13.
Twenty-nine days after he was declared missing, a report that triggered intense media coverage, the police announced that his body had been found in the mortuary of Wuse General Hospital, Abuja, saying it had been deposited at the facility after his death in a hit and run accident on the night of his disappearance.
The spokesperson of the police, Frank Mba, later at a press conference paraded one Clement Itoro, who claimed to be the driver that fatally knocked down Mr Salem.
Mr Itoro said at the event that after knocking down Mr Salem, he reported himself to the police at a checkpoint but was not detained.
According to Mr Itoro, the accident happened close to the Federal Ministry of Works headquarters in the Mabushi area of the Abuja metropolis.
The person ran into me, I knocked down the person, and I moved on. The reason why I did not stop in that place, they have attacked me before that same place, it is on my phone that same month, Mr Itoro said.
So I turned around that place where they had that checking point to report that I knocked down someone. I talked to the police, afterwards, I went to park my car because my vehicle was damaged, he said.
Mr Mba also said three identity cards, including a National Assembly Temporary ID card, Vanguard Newspaper ID card and Nigeria Union of Journalists ID card, were found on the body.
Curiously, however, despite the three identification materials, the hospital did not contact any of the organisations that issued them to report the death of Mr Salem. This was also in spite of widespread reportage of his disappearance.
Family disputes identification
The family of Mr Salem, which was not represented at the press conference addressed by Mr Mba, later contradicted the police claim that the family members had identified the body.
On Monday, Jeffery Kuraun, the brother-in-law of Mr Salem, said the family was yet to confirm the identity of the body.
Mr Karaun, who spoke on behalf of the family when the House of Representatives Press Corps paid a condolence visit to the family, said he only saw the body for a few minutes before the press briefing by Mr Mba.
He said he was unable to ascertain if the body was that of Mr Salem.
The unfortunate thing was that I was trying to identify the body while there was a briefing in which the police announced that the family had positively identified the body. That was the statement. I am still saying it, I am sorry, the body I saw, I cannot say if it is 100 per cent Tordue. Yes, the frame looked like him.
His legs are completely gone, twisted and messed up. He was a tall guy, but I did not see that. So I was trying to look at the face. Is it him? I just need answers. Luckily, I called him (Mr Mba) to ask, what next? We are looking for an opportunity for the family to have the body.
Tordue does not shave clean, that person I saw shaved clean. Maybe he shaved my wife has a saloon that is where he shaved. We have questions, and I have contacted the police, they said they will address all these issues. I am grateful and hoping all will be addressed.
Mr Karaun also faulted Vanguard Newspaper for breaking the news of Mr Salems death without informing the family.
I said why is Vanguard in a hurry? Yes, I criticised it. I am not a journalist and I have no experience, but I thought that because they have our contact, it would be better to put a call through. You know what, I have bad news, and we are going to publish it. We would have prepared our minds.
Mr Salems sister, Elizabeth Karaun, could not contain her emotions during the condolence visit. While demanding justice, she said she had been unable to sleep or eat since the news of his death.
When I sleep, I see Tordue I cant sleep. He is telling me he wants justice. Please, you guys are journalists look at his daughter. Please help us get justice. The real killers, they should come out.
Because when they were investigating this thing, I got two conflicting reports. IRT was telling me something else, SWAT or SARS was telling something else, two conflicted stories. People are calling me in my village. They dont believe that story.
There is a video that is circulating that Tordue was packed in a bag. The body in the mortuary, down is burnt. I dont eat, because anytime they give me food, I tell them that it is like they have butchered my brother and given me to eat. I want justice. I dont believe anything that was shown to us on that television.
Mr Mba, the police spokesperson, did not pick calls placed to his phone number or respond to a text message sent to him.
Efforts to find missing Mr Salem
After Mr Salem was declared missing on October 13, his family members and journalist colleagues launched a campaign for his rescue, with the initial suspicion being that he had been kidnapped.
PREMIUM TIMES learnt that the family only checked the Garki General Hospital, acting on an alleged information from the police that Mr Salem was last seen around Area 8 in Garki.
When asked by this reporter why the family did not check all the hospitals in the city, Mr Karaun said that the family was expecting him to return, therefore, it did not occur to anyone to check the mortuaries.
A dive into Mr Salems social media
Prior to his disappearance in October, most contents of Mr Salems Facebook account relate to the governorship campaign of his in-law, Jeffery Karaun, and posts in support of the federal government.
Mr Karaun appears to be nursing the ambition of contesting for the Benue State governorship election in 2023 under the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Press corps turn to National Assembly for an independent inquiry
The Chairman of the House of Representatives Press Corps, Grace Ike, informed PREMIUM TIMES that the corps has written to the leadership of the House of Representatives to move a motion on Tuesday for an independent inquiry into the issue.
Ms Ike said, like most Nigerians, the corps was not buying the hit and run story.
Questions for police
The alleged hit and run driver, Mr Itoro, had claimed that he reported himself to police officers at a checkpoint after the accident. But the police did not identify the officers or disclose what action they took after the report?
Mr Mba claimed that three ID cards were found on Mr Salems body but also did not explain why it took the police almost a month to discover this?
The family of Mr Tordue said the body at the mortuary was crushed from the thighs down and burnt but the police have not clarified if and why this was the case.
Not much has also been disclosed about the alleged hit and run driver, Mr Itoro. Who is he? What does he do for a living and where does he live? Does he have a previous case with the police or a criminal record?
An independent inquiry will provide answers to these and more questions.
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