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Daily Archives: October 13, 2021
Covid has shown the limits of big government – Stuff.co.nz
Posted: October 13, 2021 at 7:39 pm
OPINION: Social media accounts of wildlife returning to cities went viral on social media a full week before New Zealand went into lockdown for the first time on March 23, 2020.
The most famous image purportedly showed swans and dolphins in the canals of eerily deserted Venice. The posts were a tonic for those looking for a bright side of the unprecedented shuttering of commercial and public life, of renewal out of despair.
Like a blooming wildflower, the next year also saw a reappraisal of the importance of government and institutions. The political nihilism of the 21st century, essentially the hackneyed line that it doesnt matter who you vote for, the government always gets in repackaged in meme form, started to fall away.
The difference between leaders, governments and national institutions became very clear in their respective responses to the pandemic. No-one could seriously maintain that Boris Johnson, Donald Trump and Jacinda Ardern were interchangeable in 2020.
READ MORE:* Covid-19 vaccines: Call for the Government to 'ramp up' communication about roll-out* Coronavirus: 'Huge risk' people won't trust Covid-19 vaccines
With that came a renewed optimism about the ability of the state to do good. Only the state could call a lockdown; only the state could beat Covid. Only the state could keep business afloat with billions of dollars by turning on the money printers. Big government was back.
Before any of this had happened, though, the Venetian swans and dolphins had been debunked. The frolicking creatures were photographs from different Italian towns, and predated the pandemic.
WPA Pool/Getty Images
No-one could seriously maintain that Boris Johnson, Donald Trump and Jacinda Ardern were interchangeable in 2020, writes Ben Thomas.
It took slightly longer for big government to be brought back to earth. But if the first year of the pandemic demonstrated the importance and the power of the state to do good, then the second year has certainly delineated its limits.
First, the swift transmission of the Delta variant presented a physical and biological problem that perhaps no amount of political will could solve, particularly as it passed on in communities now grouped together as hard to reach and outside the influence of mainstream political persuasion.
Then, as the slow vaccine rollout accelerated to a frenzy, numbers began to hit the wall of a much wider group of hard to reach populations, particularly Mori.
Chris McKeen/Stuff
Ben Thomas: The Government is woefully ill-equipped for the task of persuading vaccine-hesitant or disengaged people, for whom relationships are crucial.
This was in part due to poor decisions and lack of preparation, more akin to the continued and mystifying operational and policy failures to introduce saliva testing than an ineffable truth about the nature of government. But it also speaks to the latter.
Authorities described last years August outbreak, centred on the suburbs of Mt Albert and Mt Roskill, as a cluster in West Auckland. Its a minor detail that nonetheless amply illustrates the disparity of knowledge between planners in the capital and those on the ground.
If Wellington-based policy analysts struggle to find two prominent Auckland neighbourhoods on a map, is it any wonder that a strategy to reach remote small towns on the East Coast has to be made up on the hoof?
Even if the Government had adopted a census-style model earlier, to map vaccination or lack thereof, it is still by nature woefully ill-equipped for the task of persuading vaccine-hesitant or disengaged people, for whom relationships are crucial. The government can storm the gates of a city, but it cannot fight house to house.
Mori healthcare providers and iwi/hap, on whose shoulders the last mile to a large extent falls, have complained of the exhausting compliance and reporting required to, for instance, access government funds to fit out a mobile vaccination clinic.
There are clearly good reasons for meticulous accountability in spending public money, but making primary healthcare organisations spend valuable weeks in an outbreak filling out paperwork for relative peanuts, when the first wage subsidy handed out $13 billion in a few weeks on trust, seems bizarre.
The truth is that, in a game where you only win by getting every person vaccinated, we are much more a team of five million than in 2020, essentially a team of 20 and a country full of cheerleaders.
STUFF
It is necessary to grit teeth and deal with gang leaders in order to ensure their members keep themselves, their families and their communities safe.
It is necessary to grit teeth and deal with gang leaders in order to ensure their members keep themselves, their families and their communities safe. It is necessary to provide whatever resources trusted providers say they need.
Its also necessary for other sectors to stand up and play their part many farm workers living far from towns are just as hard to reach as the gang members and rough sleepers who occupy the public imagination, and yet the farming lobbies have been allowed to absent themselves from the conversation in a way local hap and iwi could never dream of.
Its good news, then, for the big-government fans and their sceptics. Only communities can achieve what we want, but they need the governments help. Its eerily similar to the vision of the third way promised at the end of the 20th century. Nature is healing.
Ben Thomas is an Auckland-based public relations consultant and political commentator. He was previously a National government press secretary.
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What Makes John Carpenter’s The Thing So Effing Scary? – tor.com
Posted: at 7:39 pm
Some masterpieces of cinema are simply doomed at the box office and destined to be savaged by critics. Very often the culprit is bad timing, or a weak marketing effort, or internal disputes at the studio. All three of those played a role in the brutal reception that greeted John Carpenters The Thing (1982), which is today recognized as one of the most effective, shocking, and suspenseful horror movies of all time.
I saw this movie at far too young an age (thanks, Mom and Dad!), and I was puzzled to find that the TV Guide description gave it a measly two out of four stars. In the ensuing years, I learned that the failure of this film left the brilliant Carpenter almost completely disillusioned with Hollywood, which drastically altered his career trajectory. Both the snooty film critics and the major horror magazines of the time decried The Things nihilism and barf bag special effects. The sci-fi magazine Cinefantastique posed the question, Is this the most hated movie of all time? Christian Nyby, the director of the 1951 version, bashed Carpenters remake. Even the beautiful minimalist score by Ennio Morricone was nominated for a Razzie.
I realize that everyone had their stated reasons for not liking the film at first, but here is my grand unified theory to explain their massive error in judgment: the film was just too effing scary. It hit all of the major pressure points of fear, tweaking the amygdala and triggering a response so palpable that many viewers could only look back with disgust. And if that were not enough, The Things meditation on despair was simply too much for audiences and critics. Its bleak, uncertain ending, a harbinger of death on a scale both small and large, was too much to handle. I cant think of another mainstream blockbuster that even attempted such a thing, before or since.
It took a long time, a lot of introspection, and a lot of grassroots enthusiasm to rehabilitate the films reputation. Now that weve all had a chance to gather ourselves and process whats happened, here are some of the key elements of horror that work a little too well in The Thing. Spoilers are ahead, obviously, but 2022 marks the fortieth anniversary of the film, so its well past time to knock this one off your list.
Fear of the Unknown and the Incomprehensible
The Thing opens with an absurd image, with no explanation or context. A helicopter flies over a wintry landscape, chasing a husky as it sprints across the snow. A man leans out of the side of the chopper, firing at the dog with a rifle. He desperately shouts in Norwegian to the pilot, imploring him to keep following. Panting, the husky arrives at an American research outpost, where the scientists and the support staff are baffled by the commotion. The weirdness escalates when the chopper lands, and the rifleman continues to chase the dog, firing wildly and screaming in what sounds to the Americans like gibberish. He tries to toss a hand grenade, but his errant throw destroys the helicopter, killing the pilot. Seconds later, a security officer shoots and kills the Norwegian, and the inhabitants of the camp gather round the body, confounded by what theyve witnessed. In the background, the husky behaves like a normal dog.
Right from the beginning, we are trapped in a state of bewilderment alongside the characters. Rather than pursuing a mystery after a crime takes place, the mystery is thrust upon us. And from there, the unknown mutates into the incomprehensible. Later that night, we see the dog in its true form: a shape-shifting creature from the worst nightmares of cosmic horror. Gelatinous, gooey, tentacled, pulsing, and asymmetrical. A completely alien organism that can mimic other living things that it touches.
When we see the alien parasite moving from dog to human, a new kind of terror emerges. The half-formed imitations have an uncanny valley quality to them, forcing us to stop and try to grasp what were looking at. In one of many scenes cut from network TV airings of the film, the character Windows (Thomas G. Waites) enters a room to find Bennings (Peter Maloney) half-naked, covered in a viscous fluid, and wrapped in squirming tentacles. Whether this is an emerging clone or a person being digested is left to the viewers imagination. Later, the crew catches up with the Benning-thing. He unfolds his arms to reveal two pulpy stalks, while emitting an eerie howling noise. Horrified, the men burn the creature alive.
Oh, but it gets even worse. We discover that the cloned bodies can adapt when threatened. A mans chest bursts open to reveal a gaping, fanged mouth. Another mans head splits apart, forming a pincer-like weapon. Granted, there are a few shots in which the otherwise brilliant effects by Rob Bottin look fakeyet even those images still trigger our revulsion. They remind me of a similar scene in Aliens (1986), when the facehuggers try to latch onto Ripley and Newt. One of the spider-like creatures is tossed aside, only to flip right-side up again. It looks like a toybut it works! Its a broken toy from hell that keeps juddering about even after the batteries have been pulled!
Many fans of The Thing blame its box office failure on Steven Spielbergs E.T., which dominated 1982. The friendly alien in that movie resembled a child, with its big eyes and dopey grin. In contrast, The Thing toyed with the incomprehensible. To this day, I wonder: how many people ended up watching it simply because E.T. was sold out? Those viewers must have been the most appalled.
Fear of the Other
Im writing in 2021, which requires me to compare our current real-world predicament with The Things depiction of infection, quarantine, and paranoia. The critic Gene Siskelwho defended the movie against his colleague Roger Ebertnoted the Cold War mentality of the script, with its fears of infiltration and assimilation. Both are on display in a scene in which the head scientist Blair (Wilford Brimley) runs a computer simulation showing how quickly the alien could mimic the entire crew, which places a ticking clock on the action.
Yet as grim as this movie gets, the humans do not outright betray one another. Nor does anyone go Full Brockman, conceding defeat to curry favor with the enemy. Ironically, the people who go too far to fight the Thing are Blair, the smartest guy in the room, and MacReady (Kurt Russell), the films protagonist by default. In some ways, MacReadys actions are similar to the drastic unilateral decisions that Ben has to make in Night of the Living Dead (1968). In his desperation to survive, MacReady assumes control by threatening to destroy the entire camp with dynamite. From there, he establishes a mini-dictatorship, with round-the-clock surveillance of the crewmembers, along with a blood test to prove who is infected and who is safe. When the gentle Clark (Richard Masur) tries to resist, MacReady shoots him dead, only to discover later that the man he killed was still human. By then, MacReady is so focused on the task at hand that he moves on, shoving poor Clark out of his mind, his own dehumanization complete. And despite that effort, MacReadys plan goes sideways when the test succeeds in revealing the Thing. Now exposed, the creature reverts to its transitional form, killing a member of the crew. After all of that sacrifice, all that setting aside of morality and trust, they achieve nothing.
Suspense: a sidenote
While many of the scares come as a shock, the aforementioned blood test builds the tension slowly in a scene that is a masterwork in suspense. While cornered, desperate, and fighting off hypothermia, MacReady uses a flamethrower to keep the others at bay. He forces them to cut themselves with scalpels and drain some of their blood into petri dishes. One by one, he applies a hot needle to each dish. His theory is that the blood of the Thing will react when threatened, thus revealing the host. The red-hot needle touches the first dish, and the blood squelches the heat. As MacReady works his way through each of the samples, we grow accustomed to the squeaking sound it makes each time, accompanied by the howling wind outside.
As we allow ourselves to hope that we might make it through the scene without any further mayhem, Carpenter misdirects our attention by having Garry (Donald Moffat)the outposts security officerstart an argument with MacReady. This is pure nonsense, Garry says. Doesnt prove a thing. With the needle in one hand, and a petri dish in the other, MacReady reminds Garry of why hes the most suspicious person in the group. Well do you last, MacReady says. Which makes us anticipate the moment when we can finally prove that Garry is the Thing.
And then the needle touches the sample, belonging to an eccentric but relatively quiet man named Palmer (David Clennon). And all hell breaks loose. The blood instantly turns into a bloody tentacle, squealing in agony as it tries to escape the heat. Palmer mutates into what could be described as a giant walking mouth, its teeth snapping like a bear trap, while MacReady and Windows scramble to burn him with their flamethrower. But its too late. By the time they dispatch him with fire and explosives, another person is dead, another wing of the outpost is destroyed, and the paranoia intensifies.
Fear of Isolation
Heres another reason why watching The Thing in 2021 may be tough. The characters are stuck together in close quarters and cut off from the rest of the world. Even before the mayhem begins, we catch glimpses of how the routine is slowly becoming unbearable. MacReady destroys a computer chess game when he loses, claiming that the computer somehow cheated. Many of the characters self-medicate, with J&B Whiskey as the painkiller of choice. Others have been watching VHS tapes of the same TV shows over and over, apparently for months on end. It helps that Carpenter prefers to shoot in a widescreen format, which allows him to cram more people into the frame, making some of the interior shots downright claustrophobic.
The walls close in tighter once the danger becomes real. Blair, who realizes early on that they are all doomed, destroys the communication equipment and sabotages the vehicles. No one can leave, and no one can call for help. The remaining crew is on their own, holed up in a building that will be their tomb. With no Netflix!
In a strange bit of dark humor, we see Blair again after his meltdown, and after the crew has locked him a separate building. Im all right, he insists. Im much better and I wont harm anybody. While he rambles, a hangmans noose dangles behind him. No one comments on it. Its just there to remind us that Blair the rational scientist has carefully weighed his options while isolated in this meat locker.
Fear of Nature
Even if it had no alien in it, The Thing reminds us of how powerless we are in the face of nature. A major plot point involves a storm pummeling the outpost. Despite the weather, the characters insist on taking their chances indoors. I can easily imagine them many months earlier, sitting through some tedious orientation for their jobs, in which a trainer explains to them all the ghastly ways that hypothermia and frostbite can shut down their bodies and scramble their minds.
There are other ways in which the film invokes our fears of the natural world. On several occasions, the Thing mimics the animals that have terrorized our species. The petri dish monster strikes outward like a viper. A severed head sprouts legs and crawls about like a spider. Near the climax of the film, the Thing takes on a shape that resembles a snake or a lizard. The original script and storyboards included an even more elaborate final boss, which would incorporate several icky animals. Part squid, part insect, part rabid dog. The films budget would not allow it. But by then, it makes no difference. A mere glimpse of the monster is enough to conjure more frightening shapes lodged in our imagination.
And Finally, Fear (and Acceptance) of Certain Doom
The Thing is the first of Carpenters Apocalypse Trilogy, which continues with Prince of Darkness (1987) and concludes with In the Mouth of Madness (1994). All three films combine Lovecraftian cosmic horror with late twentieth-century concerns about societal breakdown and World War III. Together, these themes and images explore the erosion of order and identity, leading to the end of all things. The Thing can be said to represent the unstoppable forces of the universe that have no concern for human well-being. As many critics have noted, it is never made clear what exactly the Thing wants. It may in fact be such a mindless, viral organism that it doesnt even know its an alien once the imitation is complete. No one can bargain or plead with such an entity, in the same way we cannot reason with the forces that may lead to our extinction.
At the end of the film, the hopelessness of it all leaves the lone survivors, MacReady and Childs (Keith David), sharing the bleakest drink in the history of cinema. Though the monster has seemingly been defeated, the entire camp is left burning, and neither man knows if the other is infected. As they both acknowledge, they are in no condition to fight anymore. Their best bet is to doze off as the fires burn out and never wake up again. Why dont we just wait here for a little while, see what happens? MacReady suggests. What else can they do?
As they take their last sips of J&B, Morricones score begins again, with a piece titled Humanity, Part II. The thudding sound resembles a heart beating. Is this a defiant assertion of humanity, or the final pumps of blood? Or are we hearing an imitation, mimicked by an incomprehensible force that has no regard for human life?
A Legacy of Fear
Nostalgia for 1980s popular culture has certainly helped to renew interest in films like The Thing. Still, theres something special about this particular movie, something that helped it rise from the ashes of its initial failure. While a film like The Day After (1983) was scary enough to change our defense policy, its specificity to the nuclear arms race makes it more of an artifact of that era. In contrast, the fears invoked by The Thing are figurative, visceral, and universal, and can be applied more easily to any point in history, from the Cold War to the pandemic and political strife of the 2020s. In another generation, I expect people to rediscover it once more, applying it to whatever keeps them up at night. And they will continue the debates about which characters were infected when, whether the infected characters even know that theyre the Thing, and whether the alien is truly dead or merely hiding in that final scene. In the end, the film leaves its paranoia with us. Were infected, and the safe world weve tried to build for ourselves will never look the same.
Robert Repino (@Repino1) grew up in Drexel Hill, Pennsylvania. After serving in the Peace Corps in Grenada, he earned an MFA in Creative Writing at Emerson College. He works as an editor for Oxford University Press, and occasionally teaches for the Gotham Writers Workshop. Repino is the author of the middle grade novel Spark and the League of Ursus (Quirk Books), as well as the War With No Name series (Soho Press), which includes Mort(e), Culdesac, DArc, and Malefactor.
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What Makes John Carpenter's The Thing So Effing Scary? - tor.com
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Curves and punk, Fashion Prize, winner Jessica Hall talks about her journey to the runway – Shreveport Times
Posted: at 7:39 pm
Fashion Prize Finals
The six finalist fashion designers compete at the Fashion Prize Finals Friday, September 24, at SciPort Discovery Center.
Henrietta Wildsmith, Shreveport Times
Sci-port's second floor recently transformed into a fashion runway surrounded by little bistro tables for the 'Fashion Prize 2021: Back on the Runway!' event. With colorful spotlights andenticing music, the models strutted across the stagestopping in front of the three judges,Carmen Ortiz, Alison Parker, and Taryn Rose.
That night, thetop 6 designers,Sara Kluss, Catalina RamirezVarela, Jules Ecklekamp, Brittani Shabazz, Jessica Hall, and Donna Strebeckeach showcased their final collection of 5 looks on the runway.
This was Jessica Hall's first year to compete and when she heard her name being called as the winner andthe $2,500 check being put into her hands she was shocked. "It was a surreal moment when I heard my name called, a wave of gratitude washed over me," she said.
Hall had started her collection in 2020 but COVID-19 delayed her plans to join Fashion Prize. Hall intended her collection to be more 'Glam' but as 2020progressed she found it leaning towards a different direction, "The almost Dystopian feel of the global climate pushed me towards a more edgy and punk feeling. The disenfranchisement of the youth in England in the '70s felt relatable in a new way with the parallels of nihilism in 2020".
It was not a total stretch for the designer to go to punk. After all, when she was eight years old sheturned her Barbie dolls into punks with mohawks. She remembers always enjoying playing with the vintage fabrics found around her aunts' house.
Anothersource of inspiration for Hall is her models. Seeing them walk the runway that night gave her a feeling of "pure joy".
Emily Hamann loves to model on runways but oftenfeels that she is not the right shape or size. She knew so many people working on the Fashion Prize and had knownHall for years, which made her feel comfortable saying yes when asked to model for thisshow. "I loved being her model, she worshipped everything Curve, respected my comfort and constantly gassed me up. Shes very good about making me feel beautiful," Hamann said.
Fashion Prize founder Katy Larsenfeels this year'swin is well deserved, "Jessica Hall has been working in fashion and sewing for quite some time now. She has done everything from Mardi Gras, wedding, costuming, film attire, to historical dresses."
As the owner of Agora Borealis, a local artist marketplace, Larsen wanted to exposelocal talent, "Istarted fashion shows here in Shreveport because people were not buying handmade wares from local designers. I wanted to give exposure to that nitch in the art world... and it just grew and grew and now sits under the umbrella of the Prize family."
Forthose hoping for achance tosee their designs in the 2022 Fashion Prize, they can contact Larsen atKaty@prize.foundation.
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Nightstream Review: ‘We’re All Going To The World’s Fair’ Illustrates the Dark Coccoon of the Internet’s Rabbit Hole – Substream Magazine
Posted: at 7:39 pm
The internet is a living ecosystem that sometimes swallows us whole. Its an active, contradicting quandary. Gone are the days of slow, dial-up collections that could get severed by answering the house phone. We are connected with our phones, tablets, smart devices, and everywhere in between. This wild west abundance of digital space and information can serve as a great unifierfor example, TikTok and teens creating dances to the latest catchy pop song. Theres also a dark underbelly, where things like the Momo challenge and Slenderman Creepypasta can morph into something inauspicious. We are more in tune with peoples emotions and options than ever before, but in a cruel stroke of irony, we are less united in a physical sense. That detachment isnt exactly healthy.
Director/writer Jane Schoenbruns Were All Going To The Worlds Fair begins with an opening shot of a girl named Casey (Anna Cobb). Shes in her attic alone with her laptop, projecting a glassy stare into the webcam. In a script-like fashion, Casey declares she will partake in the Worlds Fair challenge. What does a Worlds Fair challenge comprise exactly? State a declaration of going to the Worlds Fair three times, prick your finger, and show it to the computer screen. After which, a bright strobe light consumes her and the room like a site of pseudo-transportation. In this world, various young people embrace the challenge, but with varying degrees of afflictions. One person says that they can no longer feel their body. Another person claims they are turning into a plastic mold. One more is convinced their body is rotting. With the spirit of community considered, all are displaying their transformations through videos.
The little that Schoenbrun shows us about Caseys home life notes that its not in the most fantastic shape. Her relationship with her father is almost nonexistent, and shes often left alone to her own devices hanging out in graveyards and recalls her tendency to sleepwalk. The only comfort we see her have is when she sleeps in a garage to an ASMR video. So, the horror that Schoenbrun artistically displays is weighted loneliness. Is it possible that The Worlds Fair challenge has some sinister, metaphysical undertone to it? It could be possible, but it is most likely a figment of the imagination of young teens who dont have many strands of societal fraternity around. As this game goes on, Caseys behavior becomes more cryptic and somewhat frightening. She often alludes to her fathers gun and indulges herself in infinite nihilism.
Schoenbrun introduces another character with the username JLB (Michael J. Rogers) with an urgent message that urges Casey to the possibility that she might be in danger. On the other side of that keyboard is an older man with a beautiful living arrangement. There, the story turns to an even darker tone. When he urges Casey to keep making videos for him to know shes safe, its when Casey ultimately lets go of the bits of sanity she has left. Whatever The Worlds Fair mystique is, its thoroughly washed over her like a tidal wave. Theres a bit of muck to know that a substantially aged man is keeping tabs on an adolescent girl, further muddying the waters of what this game is. Worlds Fair tragedy lies in searching for something tangible and the many fashions that can rip you apart like metaphorical shark teeth.
So, we are with the deadpan frigidness that entangled Caseys expression at the films conclusion. Schoenbruns narrative shines a light on people who crave togetherness, but notes that the easiest way to find this feeling might also be the riskiest. Corporeality is reality indeed, but is a portal untamed when it has nothing to anchor itself to.
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Squid Game: violent madness or a trip back to the old schoolyard? – Sydney Morning Herald
Posted: at 7:39 pm
Well, it didnt until the arms race of 1970s when some evil genius thought: I know, why dont we wet the ball first.
Not only did this make the ball go faster but, for reasons known only to science, it made the ball leave welts that lasted for weeks.
I repeat the name. It wasnt called, Lets happily tag each other with a gently thrown tennis ball in order to improve our throwing skills. The game was called brandings, presumably inspired by a Texan cattleman trying to prove ownership of an ox.
In one version, you were at least allowed to run around. In another, the group would stand against a brick wall, lined up like the victims of an execution squad, while whoever was it took aim.
Once branded, you would then become it and have the chance to wreak revenge, as if in celebration of the notion of a perpetual blood feud.
Not all our games were physically violent. Some were more emotionally gruelling.
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Like the competitors in Squid Game, we played the odd round of marbles. Youd take a shoebox which had contained your Bata Scouts (with built-in compass!), and cut out a series of arches, each arch marked with the reward which would be given should a fellow student manage to power their marble through the hole.
Impossibly tight doorways were marked with big rewards, the figure written in Texta above the hole. More forgiving entry points might see a return of the original marble, plus one extra.
If a tycoon had been trying to create a gateway drug for gambling addiction, schoolyard marbles was it. We all had our stalls lined up, in what felt like a crowded marketplace, Please, try your luck here, my odds are very good, the arches are very large.
Some days, youd win. Often, youd lose badly. Normally, youd blame yourself for miscalculating the size of the arches. It certainly made Year 5 more gruelling than it needed to be.
Who is writing this stuff? Jean-Paul Sartre in a fit of nihilism? Extinction Rebellion trying to make a point about global warming?
My games tended to be with the boys, but the girls had it worse. Whether it was hopscotch or jump rope, each contest came with a built-in rhyme:
My bonnet is blue/ My heart it is true/ And I dare not be seen with such rubbish as you.
Or: Roses are red/ Violets are blue/ Smelly socks/ Remind me of you.
Not all rhymes involved personal attacks; others were merely bleak. Here, for instance, is one quoted by June Factor in her book Real Keen Baked Bean!, a compendium of Australian schoolyard rhymes:
Ladybird, ladybird/ Fly away home/ Your house in on fire/ Your children all gone.
Who is writing this stuff? Jean-Paul Sartre in a fit of nihilism? Extinction Rebellion trying to make a point about global warming?
But back to Squid Game. Its true that some viewers find the South Korean series hard to watch, due to its scenes of hardcore violence, designed to illustrate the bleak horror at the heart of human existence.
But its different for those of us who grew up in an earlier Australia. For us, Squid Game is just a rather jolly trip back to our childhood.
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Opinion | Democrats Cant Just Give the People What They Want – The New York Times
Posted: at 7:38 pm
3. How should a Democrat respond to questions concerning intergenerational poverty, nonmarital births and the issue of fatherlessness?
In an email, Teixeira addressed affirmative action:
Affirmative action in the sense of, say, racial preferences has always been unpopular and continues to be so. The latest evidence comes from the deep blue state of California which defeated an effort to reinstate race and gender preferences in public education, employment and contracting by an overwhelming 57-43 margin. As President Obama once put it: We have to think about affirmative action and craft it in such a way where some of our children who are advantaged arent getting more favorable treatment than a poor white kid who has struggled more. There has always been a strong case for class-based affirmative action which is perhaps worth revisiting rather than doubling down on race-based affirmative action.
Teixeira on Kendis arguments:
It is remarkable how willing liberal elites have been to countenance Kendis extreme views which ascribe all racial disparities in American society to racism and a system of untrammeled white supremacy (and only that), insist that all policies/actions can only be racist or anti-racist in any context and advocate for a Department of Anti-Racism staffed by anti-racist experts who would have the power to nullify any and all local, state and federal legislation deemed not truly anti-racist (and therefore, by Kendis logic, racist). These ideas are dubious empirically, massively simplistic and completely impractical in real world terms. And to observe they are politically toxic is an understatement.
The left, in Teixeiras view,
has paid a considerable price for abandoning universalism and for its increasingly strong linkage to Kendi-style views and militant identity politics in general. This has resulted in branding the party as focused on, or at least distracted by, issues of little relevance to most voters lives. Worse, the focus has led many working-class voters to believe that, unless they subscribe to this emerging worldview and are willing to speak its language, they will be condemned as reactionary, intolerant, and racist by those who purport to represent their interests. To some extent these voters are right: They really are looked down upon by elements of the left typically younger, well-educated, and metropolitan who embrace identity politics and the intersectional approach.
In March, Halpin wrote an essay, The Rise of the Neo-Universalists, in which he argued that
there is an emerging pool of political leaders, thinkers and citizens without an ideological home. They come from the left, right, and center but all share a common aversion to the sectarian, identity-based politics that dominates modern political discourse and the partisan and media institutions that set the public agenda.
He calls this constituency neo-universalists and says that they are united by a vision of American citizenship based on the core belief in the equal dignity and rights of all people. This means, he continued,
not treating people differently based on their gender or their skin color, or where they were born or what they believe. This means employing collective resources to help provide for the general welfare of all people in terms of jobs, housing, education, and health care. This means giving people a chance and not assuming the worst of them.
How, then, would neo-universalism deal with gender- and race-based affirmative action policies?
In terms of affirmative action, neo-universalism would agree with the original need and purpose of affirmative action following the legal dismantling of racial and gender discrimination, Halpin wrote in an email:
America needed a series of steps to overcome the legal and institutional hurdles to their advancement in education, the workplace, and wider life. Fifty years later, there has been tremendous progress on this front and we now face a situation where ongoing discrimination in favor of historically discriminated groups is hard to defend constitutionally and will likely hit a wall very soon. In order to continue ensuring that all people are integrated into society and life, neo-universalists would favor steps to offer additional assistance to people based on class- or place-based measures such as parental income or school profiles and disparities, in the case of education.
What did Halpin think about Kendis views?
A belief in equal dignity and rights for all, as expressed in neo-universalism and traditional liberalism, rejects the race-focused theories of Kendi and others, and particularly the concept that present discrimination based on race is required to overcome past discrimination based on race. There is no constitutional defense of this approach since you clearly cannot deprive people of due process and rights based on their race.
In addition, theories like these, in Halpins view, foster sectarian racial divisions and encourage people to view one another solely through the lens of race and perceptions of who is oppressed and who is privileged. Liberals, he continued, spent the bulk of the 20th century trying to get society not to view people this way, so these contemporary critical theories are a huge step backward in terms of building wider coalitions and solidarity across racial, gender, and ethnic lines.
On the problem of intergenerational poverty, Halpin argued:
Reducing and eradicating poverty is a critical focus for neo-universalists in the liberal tradition. Personal rights and freedom mean little if a person or family does not have a basic foundation of solid income and work, housing, education, and health care. Good jobs, safe neighborhoods, and stable two-parent families are proven to be critical components of building solid middle class life. Although the government cannot tell people how to organize their lives, and it must deal with the reality that not everyone lives or wants to live in a traditional family, the government can take steps to make family life more affordable and stable for everyone, particularly for those with children and low household income.
Although the issue of racial and cultural tension within the Democratic coalition has been the subject of debate for decades, the current focus among Democratic strategists is on the well-educated party elite.
David Shor, a Democratic data analyst, has emerged as a central figure on these matters. Shors approach was described by my colleague Ezra Klein last week. First, leaders need to recognize that the party has become too unrepresentative at its elite levels to continue being representative at the mass level and then Democrats should do a lot of polling to figure out which of their views are popular and which are not popular, and then they should talk about the popular stuff and shut up about the unpopular stuff.
How can Democrats defuse inevitable Republican attacks on contemporary liberalisms unpopular stuff to use Kleins phrase much of which involves issues related to race and immigration along with the disputes raised by identity politics on the left?
Shor observes, Weve ended up in a situation where white liberals are more left wing than Black and Hispanic Democrats on pretty much every issue: taxes, health care, policing and even on racial issues or various measures of racial resentment. He adds, So as white liberals increasingly define the partys image and messaging, thats going to turn off nonwhite conservative Democrats and push them against us.
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Why Democrats Say Young Voters Are Crucial to Flipping Texas – The New York Times
Posted: at 7:38 pm
Instead, he said, national Democratic leaders treated Texas like a piggy bank, raising money from donors who lived there for campaigns in other states. Nobody believed Texas could be won, but it is a different place today, he said.
Indeed, the margins for Republicans have shrunk or stayed the same in presidential elections in Texas over the last decade. In 2012, Republican Senator Mitt Romney won Texas with 57 percent of the vote. In 2016, Donald J. Trump earned 52 percent. Last year, Mr. Trump again won 52 percent.
Democratic spending has at the same time grown over the last several cycles: While about $75 million went to Democratic candidates in the state in 2016, roughly $213 million went to Democratic candidates in 2020. That 2020 number was still dwarfed by the $388 million spent on Republican candidates, according to Open Secrets, which tracks political spending across the country.
Because of Texas size, both Democrats and Republicans spend more money there than in nearly any other state in the country. But the percentage spent on Democratic candidates is one of the lowest in the country. Roughly 35 percent of all political spending in Texas goes toward Democrats, according to Open Secrets. In Wisconsin, a key swing state in every election, 49 percent goes toward Democrats.
There have been some high-profile attempts at investing in the state before: Michael R. Bloombergs campaign spent several million dollars for Joe Biden during the 2020 presidential primary. In 2014, Battleground Texas, an effort led by former Obama aides, spent millions only to have every Democrat lose in statewide elections.
Rafael Anchia, a Democratic state lawmaker from Dallas who is the chairman of the Mexican American Legislative Caucus, said Mr. ORourkes campaign was the only statewide Democratic effort in recent memory with a large enough budget to reach across the state. Mr. Anchia said that like other Texas Democrats, he has made the case to national funders that the state could be competitive.
No longer is Texas considered this fools gold, he said. It has demographics similar to Californias but has been a low-turnout, low-voting state.
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Opinion | How Democrats Can Save Themselves – The New York Times
Posted: at 7:38 pm
You will note that this banal-seeming wisdom is not an ideological litmus test: Where left-wing ideas are popular, Shor Thought would have Democrats talk about them more. But where they are unpopular, especially with the kind of voters who hold the key to contested Senate races, Democrats need a way to defuse them or hold them at a distance.
Thus a popularist candidate might be a thoroughgoing centrist in some cases, and in others a candidate running the way Bernie Sanders did in 2016, stressing the most popular ideas in the social-democratic tool kit. But in both cases such candidates would do everything in their power not to be associated with ideas like, say, police abolition or the suspension of immigration enforcement. Instead they would imitate the way Obama himself, in his first term, tried to finesse issues like immigration and same-sex marriage, sometimes using objectively conservative rhetoric and never getting way out ahead of public opinion.
Which is easier said than done. For one thing, the Democratic Partys activists have a different scale of power in the world of 2021 than the world of 2011, and the hypothetical popularist politician cant make their influence and expectations just go away. For another, as my colleague Nate Cohn points out, Obama in 2011 was trying to keep white working-class voters in the Democratic fold, while the popularist politician in 2022 or 2024 would be trying to win them back from the G.O.P. a much harder thing to achieve just by soft-pedaling vexatious issues.
At the very least a Democratic strategy along these lines would probably need to go further along two dimensions. First, it would need to overtly attack the new progressivism not on every front but on certain points where the language and ideas of the progressive clerisy are particularly alienated from ordinary life.
For instance, popularist Democrats would not merely avoid a term like Latinx, which is ubiquitous in official progressive discourse and alien to most U.S. Hispanics; they would need to attack and even mock its use. (Obviously this is somewhat easier for the ideal popularist candidate: an unwoke minority politician in the style of Eric Adams.)
Likewise, a popularist candidate ideally a female candidate on the stump in a swing state might say something like: I want this to be a party for normal people, and normal people say mother, not birthing person.
Instead of reducing the salience of progressive jargon, the goal would be to raise its salience in order to be seen to reject it much as Donald Trump in 2016 brazenly rejected unpopular G.O.P. positions on entitlements that other Republican rivals were trying to merely soft-pedal.
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Democrats struggle to gain steam on Biden spending plan | TheHill – The Hill
Posted: at 7:38 pm
Democrats are struggling to break through on their sweeping social spending bill amid a laser-like focus on the price tag and high-profile squabbles.
Democratic leadership has set an end-of-the-month deadline to get both the spending package and a Senate-passed infrastructure bill to President BidenJoe BidenHouse votes to raise debt ceiling On The Money House kicks debt ceiling standoff to December Overnight Health Care Presented by The National Council for Mental Wellbeing Progressives: Medicare benefit expansions 'not negotiable' MORE, as they try to turn the page on weeks of infighting that has spotlighted internal divisions and thrown the partys legislative agenda into limbo.
The effort to show momentum comes as congressional Democrats and Biden have seen their poll numbers slip as they creep deeper into the year. And while the ideas behind the spending bill are popular with voters, a CBS News poll released this week found that only 10 percent of Americans knew a lot about the specifics and 57 percent indicated they didnt know any details about the multitrillion-dollar proposal.
Part of our problem I can say this as a Democrat is that we havent talked enough about the impact on peoples lives, said Sen. Bob CaseyRobert (Bob) Patrick CaseyBuilding back better by investing in workers and communities Barletta holds wide lead over GOP rivals in early poll of Pennsylvania governor race Democrats downplay deadlines on Biden's broad spending plan MORE (D-Pa.), who argued that the issue dates back to messaging around the March coronavirus relief bill.
Speaker Nancy PelosiNancy PelosiHouse votes to raise debt ceiling On The Money House kicks debt ceiling standoff to December Overnight Health Care Presented by The National Council for Mental Wellbeing Progressives: Medicare benefit expansions 'not negotiable' MORE (D-Calif.), asked if Democrats need to do a better job selling the spending package, said the news media should do a better job of explaining it.
I think you all could do a better job of selling it, to be very frank with you, because every time I come here, I go through the list. ... It is a vast bill, it has a lot in it and we will have to continue to make sure the public does. But whether they know it or not, they overwhelmingly support it, Pelosi told reporters.
Democrats argue part of their problem is an intense media focus on the price tag for the reconciliation bill, rather than the potential benefits for residents.
The CBS News poll found that the potential cost of the bill topped a list of what Americans had heard about the legislation. Fifty-nine percent of respondents said they had heard about $3.5 trillion in spending, in line with the 58 percent who said they had heard about tax increases for high-income earners. Those two figures are significantly above the 40 percent who said they had heard about lowering drug prices under Medicare or expanding Medicare to cover hearing, vision and dental two big priorities for Democrats.
During a recent discussion with reporters about changes to the top-line figure, Senate Budget Committee Chairman Bernie SandersBernie SandersOvernight Health Care Presented by The National Council for Mental Wellbeing Progressives: Medicare benefit expansions 'not negotiable' Pelosi enters pivotal stretch on Biden agenda Green group pressures Sinema to spell out climate agenda MORE (I-Vt.) argued that reporters were getting pulled back into the game.
Maybe your question should be, Does democracy survive if the Congress doesnt do what the American people want? Sanders said.
Sen. Elizabeth WarrenElizabeth WarrenHow Democrats can rebuild their 'blue wall' in the Midwest Building back better by investing in workers and communities Throttling free speech is not the way to fix Facebook and other social media MORE (D-Mass.), asked during an MSNBC interview about the top-line figure, said that was absolutely the wrong question and the wrong way to go about this.
It is, What do we need to get done? We need child care in America, we need to expand health care coverage in America, and we need to take a big whack at the climate crisis, she added.
The struggle to keep the focus on the benefits of the bill, rather than the overall size of the legislation, comes as Bidens poll numbers have slipped. More than 49 percent of respondents disapprove of Bidens handling of the job, compared to 44.5 percent who approve, according to a FiveThirtyEight compilation of recent polling.
A growing number of voters think congressional Democrats are underperforming expectations. Twenty-four percent of Democrats said in June that Democratic lawmakers had accomplished less than expected, compared to 37 percent who said the same in October, according to a Morning Consult-Politico poll.
Democrats arent just struggling to drive home the details of their plan to voters; theyve also been unable to secure breakthroughs with each other that would put Bidens bill on a glide path.
Congressional Democrats previously cleared a budget resolution that allows them to pass a spending bill of up to $3.5 trillion without needing to break a 60-vote legislative filibuster in the Senate, meaning they can bypass Republicans.
But since then, Democrats have been locked in constant, headline-grabbing rounds of infighting, including the White House vs. Congress, the House vs. Senate, moderates vs. leadership and moderates vs. progressives.
Biden and congressional leaders are trying to find a way to bridge a multitrillion-dollar gap between the $3.5 trillion ceiling for how high Democrats and moderates can go. Sen. Joe ManchinJoe ManchinOvernight Health Care Presented by The National Council for Mental Wellbeing Progressives: Medicare benefit expansions 'not negotiable' Pelosi enters pivotal stretch on Biden agenda Retreating economy creates new hurdle for Democrats in 2022 MORE (D-W.Va.), a key centrist, has said his top-line is $1.5 trillion.
Asked about the final dollar amount on Tuesday, Pelosi indicated that those talks are ongoing.
If there are fewer dollars to spend, there are choices to be made, Pelosi said. I mean, were still talking about a couple of trillion dollars, but its not you know, its much less.
The White House has thrown out a range of roughly $2 trillion, an area where several Senate Democrats have predicted theyll ultimately end up.
But that still leaves Democrats with painful decisions about what to include in their slimmed-down bill, with some interested in focusing on a smaller number of programs that they can invest heavily in, while progressives are pushing to go broader even if it means approving those programs for a shorter period.
Im of a mind that you can argue either side. But I would argue that if its a good program, popular with the American people, theyll find a way to extend it, said Sen. Dick DurbinDick DurbinPress: Where's Merrick Garland when we need him? Democrats set up chaotic end-of-year stretch The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by Facebook - After high drama, Senate lifts debt limit MORE (Ill.), the No. 2 Senate Democrat. What we need is a number and then we need to do our best.
Manchin has outlined a small package that is centered around reforms to the 2017 GOP tax law, as well as help for children and seniors. Sen. Jon TesterJonathan (Jon) TesterThe Hill's 12:30 Report: Debt ceiling fight punted to December Schumer feels heat to get Manchin and Sinema on board Senate confirms Biden's controversial land management pick MORE (D-Mont.) told CNN that he would prefer fewer programs for a longer period of time, adding that there was risk that a bill filled with more than a dozen programs could be confusing to explain.
But progressives, while stressing that they are willing to negotiate, are pushing for Manchin and Sen. Kyrsten SinemaKyrsten SinemaOvernight Energy & Environment Presented by ExxonMobil FEMA to review floodplain building codes Pelosi enters pivotal stretch on Biden agenda Retreating economy creates new hurdle for Democrats in 2022 MORE (D-Ariz.) to be more specific about what they could live with.
The time for us to be negotiating with ourselves is over, and I think it is absolutely incumbent on the two senators ... to start telling us what they want, Sanders said.
And they are doubling down on their push to put a smaller amount of money into more programs, rather than dropping items from the bill altogether. Progressives view the reconciliation bill as the best chance for getting many of the partys priorities through Congress.
Our members have made clear that they support the idea of keeping our five priority areas, Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila JayapalPramila JayapalOvernight Health Care Presented by The National Council for Mental Wellbeing Progressives: Medicare benefit expansions 'not negotiable' Pelosi enters pivotal stretch on Biden agenda Jayapal fundraising off Pelosi comments about smaller spending package MORE (D-Wash.) told reporters, but if we need to cut some of them back to a fewer number of years we would be willing to do that.
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Democrats Scramble to Keep Immigration Overhaul Alive – The New York Times
Posted: at 7:38 pm
Significantly, the proposal would not put the millions of undocumented immigrants on a direct path to citizenship the new measure alone would not entitle them to immediately get green cards. Immigrants currently eligible for a green card, such as the parents of adult U.S. citizens, would still be able to pursue citizenship under the plan.
Supporters of the plan have argued that the watered-down proposal should satisfy the parliamentarian, who had criticized the size of earlier versions.
The legislation would offer undocumented immigrants not just protection from deportation, but also the ability to obtain a work permit a point that immigration advocates say should more clearly connect the provision to the federal budget, making it easier for the parliamentarian to allow it under the rules of reconciliation.
This is a last-ditch effort to try and salvage something for the reconciliation process that can provide some level of protection for the undocumented while Democrats hold control of the Congress, said Cris Ramn, an immigration consultant based in Washington, adding that it is not necessarily I think where proponents wanted to land.
The Democratss plan would include most undocumented immigrants who entered the United States before Jan. 1, 2011, and could help between 7 million and 8 million people, the people familiar with the plan said. It would allow those covered to travel out of the country with the approval of Homeland Security.
The proposal essentially codifies an enhanced version of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, program introduced by President Barack Obama in 2012, giving work permits and legal status to people who came to the United States before 2012 and have lived in the country continuously since then.
My guiding principle throughout the ongoing reconciliation process has been providing a pathway to citizenship for the largest swath of the undocumented community, said Senator Robert Menendez, Democrat of New Jersey, who has worked on the issue, said in a statement. In spite of the parliamentarians recent negative opinions, I will continue to work with my colleagues and a broad coalition of groups, including advocates, to find a path forward.
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