Daily Archives: September 26, 2021

The characters in Jonathan Franzens sixth novel exist in that much-disputed no mans land between hip and square, in the culture wars of 1971. Since The Corrections, 20 years ago, Franzen has made himself the modern master of that fundamental driver of the 19th-century novel, the understanding that all happy families are alike, but every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. Here, his never less than acute attention falls on the interior lives of the Hildebrandt family in small-town Illinois in the run-up to Christmas.

The patriarch, Russ Hildebrandt, is the minister at the First Reformed church in New Prospect, beset by temptation in the sweater-dressed form of his recently widowed congregant, Frances Cottrell, and usurped in his spiritual mission by a new young youth minister, Rick Ambrose, who offers the towns teenagers a heady mix of gospel platitudes and rock music (you are reminded that Jesus Christ Superstar had opened on Broadway that autumn). Ambrose has created Crossroads, a cultish youth group for midwestern adolescents, which renounces sex and drugs in favour of honest interactions and personal growth. Fringed denim, earnest eye contact and cross-legged confessions are mandatory. Partly as an act of rebellion, Hildebrandts three eldest children have neglected their fathers Sunday sermons and joined Ambroses after hours mission. Perry, 16, with an IQ of 160, sees the group in part as a useful market for his pot dealing. His sister, Becky, has sensed the godhead in the 12-string guitar and sensitive fingers of Tanner Evans, Ambroses most charismatic young disciple. Nights at Crossroads, in the falling snow, are James Taylor songs come to life.

In the two novels after The Corrections Purity and Freedom Franzen examined how far family ties could fray before breaking in a liberal America that had all but rejected the motherhood and apple pie ideas of marriage and filial duty in favour of self-actualisation and free expression. Here, he returns to a time and place in which some of those tensions were established. Russ Hildebrandt is a fourth-generation pastor whose inherited worldview is under enormous threat: he is a man still locked in a Norman Rockwell sketch at the beginning of the Me decade.

In some ways, this is the territory of Franzens stylistic predecessors, John Updike and Philip Roth: the impossible constraints of fidelity in the era of psychoanalysis and after the 1963 invention of sexual intercourse. Like some of the protagonists of those earlier novels, Russ Hildebrandt is bad enough to desire a woman who wasnt his wife, but he was also bad at being bad. The ministers failing marriage is here seen not only though his eyes, however, but also, in successive chapters, through those of his wife, Marion, and their children. Not for the first time, Franzens novel reminds you in places of those morality tales of Nathaniel Hawthorne, which pitched the puritanism of Americas settlers against the democratic dreams of the pursuit of happiness. The Hildebrandts are not so far removed from those New England innocents who believed they might inhabit a new Eden, before the inky cloaked preachers and their four-hour sermons got involved.

In examining the attitudes of 50 years ago, in the knowledge of how they turned out, Franzen never forgets, sentence by sentence, that the novel is a comic form. He invites his readers both to sympathise with each of the familys private passions, their frustrated desire to be loved, their troubled relations with their gods, while having enormous fun observing the folly of their romantic delusions, the lies they tell themselves about love. This is, you realise, just about the perfect year in which to set that tragicomedy, full of Id like to teach the world to sing in perfect harmony and everyone is beautiful earnestness (everyone is ludicrous might be a Franzen recasting of that lyric). He teases out some of the inbuilt hypocrisies of Vietnam protests (white college undergrads using their student draft deferrals to send young black men off to war), of the progress of civil rights (Russ Hildebrandts first date with Frances Cottrell involves an ill-fated trip to bring Christmas toys to children in the Chicago projects), and of the war on drugs, sermonised in public, despite a general private sense that where there is dope there is hope.

Much as Franzens characters might believe that they are in charge of their destinies, they find themselves dancing to the music of their times. Having established in loving detail their ingrained hopes and fears, Franzen has to find a way to bring those inner voices out into the world and test them against reality. While the minute currents of tension in domestic relations are as ever the engine of his writing, those frustrations, also typically, find their release in wider generational themes. The catharsis here is provided by two quests. Marion Hildebrandt She was a mother of five, with a 20-year-olds heart goes in search of her troubled past, before she found God and Russ, in seeking out the used car salesman who was her disastrous first love. Her husband, meanwhile, joins the Crossroads trip out to a Navajo reservation in the Arizona desert, along with Frances Cottrell and two of his children, and Burning Man fantasies inevitably come to dust.

It is a testament to Franzens authorial habits of empathy, his curiosity about the lives of others, his efforts in a land of cliche to add twists to easy assumptions, that you are likely to find yourself caring about how things turn out for each of the Hildebrandts equally: for Russ and Marions marriage, for the mental frailties of Perry, for the love story of Becky and the political idealism of Clem, the eldest. As a group, they are the most sympathetic of Franzens creations since the Lambert family of The Corrections and, as with that novel, their local tribulations speak with wit and eloquence to the fatal flaw of American society: the question of how a culture of extreme individualism equates to the ties of guilt and convention and love that bind us to family and community. The answers in 1971 are no easier than those of half a century later.

Crossroads by Jonathan Franzen is published by Fourth Estate (20). To support the Guardian and Observer order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply

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Crossroads by Jonathan Franzen review spiritual successor to The Corrections - The Guardian

COMMENT | The systematic oppression of Palestinians over many years through discriminatory policies, denial of basic civil rights, imposition of harsh conditions, large scale land confiscation and inhumane acts committed against them is tantamount to the crime of apartheid, said Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob in a video speech to the United Nations General Assembly yesterday.

Syabas! An admirable position was taken up by the Umno man but you know what else is tantamount to the crime of apartheid? dividing Malaysians by race, depriving Orang Asli of their hereditary lands, sitting idly by as one Indian after another suffers a mysterious death in police lockups and leaving Sabah and Sarawak decades behind in development despite their lands being resource-rich.

It is absolutely shameful that every single premier of the country thus far has belonged to a Malay-rights party and not an ideological one like a conservative, liberal or social-democratic party what does it say about the insecurity of a voter base that is so comfortable with electing ethnic champions?

To be fair, Ismails speech was spot on he said that Malaysia has always been a firm believer in all efforts and initiatives that promote peaceful coexistence between nations, different peoples, faiths and cultures.

Perhaps in his righteous indignation over the suffering of the Palestinians, the Bera MP has forgotten about the strife that followed in 2018 when the Pakatan Harapan government proposed that Malaysia sign the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (Icerd).

Malaysia is one of only two Muslim-majority countries in the world that has not...

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COMMENT | Why minorities did an eye-roll over Umno PM's 'apartheid' remark - Malaysiakini

WALTER WENDLER| Amarillo Globe-News

From their earliest inception, universities in the United States have burned bright with fires fueled, thoughtful opportunity fanned into flames, creating a stronger, more robust, free society. These fires were built to recognize that individuals, a collection of selfs, would be bound together into a functioning representative democracy.

Universities traditionally believed the opening of the Declaration of Independence, We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that theyare endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness. Our nation transformed itself, slowly but relentlessly, from an agricultural to an industrial economy and with accompanying challenges, threats and opportunities enhanced by the Morrill Act of 1862.

The Morrill Act established land-grant universities: To teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner as the legislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions in life. The Act was based in part on a seemingly mundane but profoundly impactful principle memorialized in the Northwest Ordinance of 1787: …Knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. The ordinance proposed a governing authority that relied on the importance of knowledge to sustain effective self-government.

These influential and important documents chartered a course for the future of the United States that would be supported by a strongly focused commitment to the good and purposeful benefit of sound educational offerings to move society forward. Central to these foundational concepts is the idea that society is based on free individuals at work, both literally and figuratively, to create a better world. The better world came about through the exercise of free moral agency and one of the fundamental tenets of human nature expounded by figures as old as Socrates and his student Plato: Know Thyself. Several interpretations are possible. Ben Franklin in Poor Richards Almanac suggested the challenges were significant: There are three things extremely hard, steel, a diamond, and to know ones self. No matter ones interpretation of knowing yourself, whether as a positive step forward enabling a contribution to the larger social order or an admonition to be wary of overconfidence in personal abilities or bloated self-worth, education relative to great expectations came from an understanding of transcendent moral authority flowing from endowments bestowed by The Creator, to the created.

It is difficult to think about these concepts, and admittedly these views are my own and not necessarily those of the institution I represent. Simply stated, individual character, configured in reflective repose, or seeing through a glass darkly outwardly to the larger social group, should be at the forefront of the educational mission. Such thinking does nothing to deny the universal concept of the commonalities of all, frequently referred to as human nature. The idea of human nature is subject to much legitimate debate from people in all walks of life and varied perspectives. Yet, the struggles of life in a free society are impossible to dismiss. They exist regardless of class or social group, race or ethnicity, wealth or poverty, strength or weakness, of the able or unable. They are human nature.

Any efforts to put individuals into groups that deny the opening lines of one of the most powerful social narratives ever fashioned, that all men are created equal, that theyare endowed by their Creator, fall short. They have historically fallen short. They will continue to fall short. Human history, coupled with human nature and its exercise, allows no other outcome. Regardless of theological, political or social perspective, views of biology, or any created characterization or classification, the basis for the organization of a truly free society is appreciating the concept that people must own the ability to choose and be responsible for choices made which are independent. Groupthink or identity politics fall short.

Universities may fail the people served by accentuating the power and authority of group identity over the more historically accurate and time-tested notions embedded in the foundational philosophies of our nation embodied as personal responsibility. Neglect of these precepts risks the nature and substance of moral authority in a free society.

My beliefs are, of course, my own. However, as a university leader, I endeavor to see the students to whom energy and resources are directed as free moral agents and, therefore, sparks of liberty.

Walter V. Wendler is President of West Texas A&M University. His weekly columns are available athttps://walterwendler.com/.

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Wendler: Universities remain sparks of liberty, points of light - Amarillo.com

Jacquie Petrusma,Minister for Parks

The Tasmania Parks and Wildlife Service (PWS) is preparing for the upcoming bushfire season with an extensive planned burn program underway as part of the Tasmanian Liberal Governments plan to keep Tasmanians safe.

Two PWS firefighting crews have already undertaken intensive winch training this year to tackle remote fires, and other staff involved in firefighting efforts will be conducting preparedness activities over the next few weeks.

The fire management staff, fire crews, field staff and incident management teams who assist with firefighting each summer are participating in these specialised training sessions.

PWS is responsible for more than 50 per cent of the states land area and the PWS is taking the necessary steps to ensure it maintains its capability to respond to fire on the three million hectares of reserve land the service manages.

We know how easily fire can spread, so ensuring staff are prepared and ready to respond quickly and safely is our number one priority.

Large, complex fire incidents are managed by Incident Management Teams in accordance with the nationally recognised Australasian Inter-service Incident Management System.

The PWS works closely with its program partners, including the Tasmania Fire Service, Sustainable Timber Tasmania, local government and private land owners to deliver the State-wide Fuel Reduction Program, and to respond to large bushfires.

The Tasmanian Liberal Government is dedicated to keeping Tasmanians safe, and proactively ensuring that we are ready for the upcoming bushfire season is key to delivering on our commitment.

More Media Releases from Jacquie Petrusma

More Media Releases from the Minister for Parks

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PWS getting ahead of the fire season - Premier of Tasmania

Emissions reductions need to be achieved without leaving communities behind and I am confident that can be achieved.

Independent candidates in Sydney and Melbourne are being backed by wealthy benefactors in the Climate 200 group to challenge sitting Liberal MPs, with the shared goal of shifting the balance of power in parliament to increase Australias climate ambition.

Higgins Liberal MP Katie Allen said it was an environmental and economic imperative for Australia to boost climate action.

We need to power-up not only our plans but our targets as well, Ms Allen said. Ambition is the path to success. And we must be ambitious.

And part of doing that is achieving greater emissions reduction by driving investments into new technologies making them more affordable and reliable while creating the industry and jobs of the future.

Climate scientist and physicist Bill Hare, the director of policy analyst group Climate Action Tracker, said the federal government could release emissions reduction projections exceeding its 26 per cent Paris target, based on the rise of emissions-free renewable energy flooding the electricity grid.

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While there are no mandated emissions reductions under the governments technology not taxes policy, it could release more optimistic emissions projections ahead of Glasgow that assumes clean technology will enjoy rising uptake across the economy into the future.

Energy and Emissions Reduction Minister Angus Taylor says Australia is on track to meet and beat its 2030 Paris target, and the government will release an updated emissions reduction projection before the Glasgow summit.

Mr Taylor said in August Australia had reduced its emissions by 20 per cent on 2005 levels, more than the UK and US has to date, and critics should look at the scoreboard.

Annual emissions have fallen by about 122 million tonnes since 2005. Analysis by the Climate Council said emissions saved by reductions to land clearing made up 111 million tonnes of the total.

However, right wing Nationals including Matt Canavan and George Christensen are opposed to emissions reduction targets, and it remains to be seen if the Prime Minister is willing to risk the fight that could result from setting a 2050 deadline or increasing the 2030 target.

Mackellar Liberal MP Jason Falinski said we are going to beat 28 per cent easily, so why not take credit for what we are already going to achieve?

We need to update our targets for 2030 and I support net zero by 2050, Mr Falinski said. Given the economic benefits from transitioning to a clean technology future, we are not doing ourselves any favours by not leading that argument on the world stage.

North Sydney MP Trent Zimmerman said his key goal was to make sure Australia adopts a net zero 2050 target.

It makes sense as part of that, that we need to establish clear milestones on the pathway to 2050, Mr Zimmerman said.

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More ambition in the short to medium term inevitably makes the long term task more achievable and also allows Australia to join the global effort to reduce emissions as soon as possible in accordance with the warnings given in the IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change).

Labor has committed to net zero by 2050. It has not finalised its policy for 2030, but climate change and energy spokesman Chris Bowen said Australia should take a higher medium-term target to (Glasgow) in November.

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Higher ambition: Moderate Liberals urge government to raise climate targets - Sydney Morning Herald

When Scott Morrison arrives home from his week in Washington, the prime minister needs to deal with two pressing problems replacing Christian Porter and getting some material in front of the Nationals about net zero.

When it comes to the reshuffle, colleagues think the prime minister will keep changes surgical. People speculate the he will replace the departing Porter with another Western Australian Ben Morton. Morrison is close enough to Morton to call him the apprentice.

Morton is currently a parliamentary secretary so its unlikely he would be elevated straight to cabinet. But theres a potential fix if the prime minister wants it. Morrison could hand Angus Taylor responsibility for industry, while creating a science and technology portfolio for Morton in the outer ministry.

Invoking Taylor brings us back to net zero. Taylor is in cabinet, and is the minister for energy and emissions reduction. Right at the moment, Taylor is pulling together a new technology roadmap with input from across the government.

Think of this exercise as being like a proof of concept this work is supposed to demonstrate that various technologies can produce emissions reduction consistent with Australia achieving a net zero commitment by 2050.

The primary target audience for all this work (apart from the voters, of course) is the National party. Morrison has been signalling for months he wants to land a net zero commitment in the run-up to the Cop26 in Glasgow. But the prime ministers problem is not everyone in the Nationals party room is prepared to sign up.

Opposition to climate action brings us to Barnaby Joyce. Joyce blasted his way back to leading the National party in the middle of this year, in part by projecting opposition to Morrison signing up to net zero.

Some of Joyces key backers, including Matt Canavan and George Christensen, are opposed to net zero. Keith Pitt, the resources minister, isnt a Joyce backer, but hes projecting a hard no as well.

Now lets be honest. The bulk of what Joyce says on a daily basis is absolutely incomprehensible.

But one thing is very clear. When Joyce ran Michael McCormack out of the leadership, he signalled the Nationals were a hard no on net zero.

But Joyce has softened that messaging more recently. Thats because several colleagues told their resurrected leader in forceful terms he would not be making a captains call on this issue. The party room would decide.

In addition to the climate jostling, there is also significant internal tension about Joyce failing to rebuke his favourites when they say stupid or ugly things. MPs brawled earlier this week on their encrypted group chat about Christensen supporting violent protests in Melbourne. Things got so heated that the Victorian National Darren Chester (who supports net zero) quit the group chat, and then on Sunday, announced he was stepping back from the Nationals for a few weeks.

So, given his internals are a tinderbox, Joyce has stopped saying no to net zero.

Instead of no, we are treated to a word salad.

On Sunday morning, the deputy prime minister told the ABC no coal jobs should be lost by reason of domestic policy. But shortly after that declaration, he said protecting coal jobs was not the bottom line. He thought hed quote Voltaire, but then he remembered he wasnt quoting Voltaire but someone Voltaire adjacent.

You could call this stumbling. But what it actually is is stalling.

The Nationals need to see the finalised roadmap before they can determine whether or not net zero is something they can support.

Politically, its difficult, because a number of Queensland Nationals told voters during the 2019 election that coal was good for humanity and nothing needed to change. This was weapons-grade bollocks of course. Change is coming whether or not this government adopts a net zero commitment. Change is already here.

But in order to acknowledge that change, and give it policy shape, these same MPs will need to be able to show their communities they wont be decimated during the transition.

If Taylors roadmap shows a technologically driven transition can happen without significant economic dislocation, then senior players believe that a majority of Nationals MPs will support the commitment.

They say the implacable noes are currently in the minority; that the bulk of Nationals MPs are pragmatic on the question.

But given all the huffing and puffing, government sources say Taylor has been floating an option privately where the government would sign up to the roadmap he is coordinating but remain artfully nonspecific about supporting a net zero target.

Presumably this idea genuflects to the hardline no faction in the Nationals party room. But that particular landing point would be totally unacceptable to Liberal MPs in city electorates.

Senior figures also insist that Morrison who is under considerable diplomatic pressure from important allies wants to be able to adopt the target ahead of the Cop26 in Glasgow, not just a roadmap.

The treasurer, Josh Frydenberg, and the finance minister, Simon Birmingham, evidently feel the same, because they were out in force last week making the economic case for net zero.

At one level all this fuss is absolutely ridiculous.

Morrison has made it clear that, in the event the government is able to reach consensus and adopt net zero ahead of Glasgow, the target wont be legislated.

Morrison wont have to wear the faux leadership test of government MPs crossing the floor. It will just be situation normal: Joyce rambling on several ABC programs each day, Christensen in high dudgeon on Facebook, and Canavan in high-vis in front of his tool collection talking to Steve Bannon.

There could be a risk of flight to the crossbench. But conventional wisdom about election timing says theres not that much parliament left.

It would be tempting to write off the whole thing as performative.

But recent history tells us formulating climate policy is dangerous for leaders.

In many instances, it is lethal.

Hence all the tiptoeing.

Originally posted here:

Scott Morrison will return home to a fight on two fronts and one could prove ruinous - The Guardian Australia