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Daily Archives: July 27, 2021
A Century of Science Fiction That Changed How We Think About the Environment – The Wire Science
Posted: July 27, 2021 at 1:18 pm
A scene from Blade Runner 2049 (2017). Source: Netflix screenshot
It has become axiomatic to say that the world is becoming like science fiction. From mobile phones that speak to us (reminding Star Trek fans of tricorders), to genetically modified foods, to the Internet of Things and the promise of self-driving cars, people in industrialised nations live immersed in technology. Daily life can thus at times seem like visions from the pulp science fiction of the 1920s and 1930s either a world perfected by technology, manifested in events such as the 1939 Worlds Fair, with its theme The World of Tomorrow; or a dystopian nightmare, such as Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932).
If we think about science fiction (sf) in terms of the genres connections to pressing issues in 21st-century culture, no topic is more urgent than climate change and the ways it promises to transform all aspects of human life, from where we live to how we cultivate our food to what energy sources will fuel our industries.
The issue is so pressing that some have started to use the term cli-fi for climate fiction but this faddish coinage obscures a longer history of sfs engagement with the environment and leaves unexamined the question of why sf has proven such a valuable genre for thinking about environmental futures. Even before the idea of climate change took hold, the genre embraced the geological and evolutionary timescales of 19th-century science and began to think of the planet as something that preceded our species and could conceivably continue without us. Such conceptualisations of the planet as a changeable environment turned the tradition of apocalyptic fiction toward mundane visions of environmental catastrophe instead of divine judgment.
A key early way such ideas circulated was through the changing imaginary about Mars: In the late 19th century, telescopic observations seemed to suggest the planet was covered in canals, which American astronomer Percival Lowell hypothesised were an irrigation technology, an idea taken up in Edgar Rice Burroughss A Princess of Mars (1912), among other fictions. When this idea was disproven by better telescopes, sf often depicted Mars as a once-inhabited planet whose civilisations had died out due to drought, presaging a fate that might also befall Earth.
In Kim Stanley Robinsons Mars trilogy (19931996), about terraforming Mars to create an atmosphere and enable human colonisation, technology is used to make these canals a material reality. The trilogy represents the viewpoints of several different factions over the decades-long process of changing the surface of Mars, including characters who argue in defense of leaving its environment unchanged. This is the best-known science fiction series about engineering planetary environments, most of which express themes about environmental protection and sustainability, but some of which celebrate a fantasy of total human control over the environment and planetary weather.
Early sf offered spectacles of disastrous destruction of cities and their populations but unlike more recent works did not posit anthropogenic causes. Disease rather than climate was more frequently imagined as humanitys end in these works, including Mary Shelleys The Last Man (1826) and M.P. Shiels The Purple Cloud (1901). At times such tales of massive destruction serve as opportunities to remake society without much environmentalism, such as Sydney Fowler Wrights Deluge (1928), in which existing cultures are wiped out by earthquake-induced floods, distilling remaining populations into a hardier strain. This motif begins to take on a more environmentalist orientation in later works such as John Christophers The Death of Grass (1956), about a mutation that kills all cereal crops, a device that draws attention to humanitys dependence on other species, a theme also present in George R. Stewarts Earth Abides (1949), in which current humanity cannot survive, but the planet can.
Such works are interested in how the remnants of humanity might restore civilisation and what form it might take, and thus remain anthropocentric in their focus. They are notable, however, for their emphasis on connections between humans and the natural world, resisting a technophilic tone of much contemporary sf that envisioned extensively mechanised futures. Moreover, they stand out from other contemporary postapocalyptic fiction in positing a premise other than nuclear war for the end of life as we know it and in explicitly linking images of destruction to environmental themes.
With the more experimental sf of the New Wave period and its relationships to contemporary countercultures, an overtly environmentalist sf appears, although here too fictions of apocalyptic collapses are sometimes more metaphorical than literal. This is especially true of J.G. Ballards stylistically compelling disaster novels, The Wind from Nowhere (1961), The Drowned World (1962), The Burning World (1964) and The Crystal World (1966), each of which depicts the world destroyed by what we would now call climate change high winds, flood, drought and a mysterious force that crystallises matter, respectively.
Ballard uses his transformed setting to interrogate the sterility and violence of the world prior to these disasters rather than comment specifically on environmental themes; nonetheless, his vivid depictions of the monstrosities inherent in industrialisation, capitalism and colonialism evoke topics that would usually be addressed in work by activist authors.
At roughly the same time, Rachel Carson published Silent Spring (1962), a trenchant critique of the use of pesticides in agriculture, which opens with A Fable for Tomorrow in which Carson depicts a future where a blight destroys all life in Anytown, USA, an outcome that Carson traces back to disruptions in the ecosystem caused by pesticides.
Carson thus demonstrates the rhetorical power of fictional, futuristic depictions to shape public understandings. In attempts to discredit her scientific credentials and disparage her personal character, Carsons opponents were as vociferous and vile as any Ballardian antagonist. Nonetheless, her work, alongside the Club of Rome report The Limits to Growth (1972) published a decade later, fostered new ways of thinking about ecological futures, premised on sustainability.
Silent Spring energised a contemporary environmental movement, which had significant overlaps with contemporary antiwar and antinuclear activism. The first Earth Day was proposed in 1970, aimed at making air and water pollution a mainstream public concern, and eventually resulting in the creation of the US Environmental Protection Agency and the passage of legislation related to pollution and endangered species.
Earth Day drew on the sf imaginary both in terms of Carsons use of futuristic narrative and in the image of the planet as seen from space as a symbol on a flag designed by John McConnell, which was intended to convey the interconnectedness of all life on the planet. The turn toward imagination as a powerful rhetorical technique in the environmental movement is also apparent in the launch of the Whole Earth Catalog, a countercultural magazine started in 1968 and published until 1998, which also featured an image of Earth from space on its first cover indeed, this is the whole Earth of its title. An early example of DIY activism, the magazine fostered an imaginative community oriented toward an ideal of living more sustainably, addressed, in this way, to inhabitants of that future.
As with feminism in the 1960s and 1970s, environmental activists turned explicitly to sf and its relationship to the utopian tradition to promote countercultural values. The most famous example is Ernest Callenbachs Ecotopia (1975), written as if it were the notebook of William Weston, a journalist who in 1999 is visiting and reporting on a society in the Pacific Northwest that seceded from America to establish a new polis defined by sustainability, recycling, minimal use of fossil fuels, localised food production and gender equality.
Like the authors of 19th-century utopias, Callenbach demonstrates an imaginative possibility for how one might live otherwise. Moreover, the novel suggests that changed relationships to environmental ideals require transformation of other aspects of social life, such as patriarchy and capitalism, themes that persist in ecological sf today. Similar ideas about the need to address problems of poverty and discrimination alongside pollution and environmental destruction are found in fiction by Kim Stanley Robinson, unquestionably the most important living sf writer addressing environmental themes.
There are then dystopian works of environmental sf such as John Brunners The Sheep Look Up (1972). Taking its title from a line in Miltons Lycidas about hungry sheep failing to be fed by a corrupt church, the novel scathingly critiques the entrenched capitalist system that simultaneously destroys the environment and markets products designed to ameliorate the risks caused by contaminated air, water and food. The plot concerns Nutripon, a manufactured food sent to developing countries as part of an American aid package. A shipment causes hallucinations that result in violent behavior, and some believe this is a deliberate attempt to eliminate people of colour.
Meanwhile, in the United States, money is less and less able to insulate the rich from contaminated food and water. Finally, we learn the Nutripon shipment was contaminated by toxic waste in the factorys water supply, an accident. In a world of irresponsible polluters who value profit above all else, a conspiracy is not required to produce genocide. Brunners work stands out for its global scope and its recognition that the damage done by colonialism continues in and is exacerbated by pollution.
Frank Herberts Dune (1965) is often understood as a prescient novel about climate change, given its desert setting and its invention of several technologies for survival with a minimum of water. It is the first novel is what would become a sprawling franchise. The original novel recounts the political machinations by which young Paul Atreides is displaced from his inheritance as a feudal coloniser of Arrakis, lives among nomadic Indigenous peoples while mastering psionic powers, and eventually reclaims his dynasty while also fulfilling a messianic prophecy.
Alongside Robert Heinleins Stranger in a Strange Land (1961), in which a libertarian, free love-promoting human comes to Earth from Mars, Dune was read widely outside sf circles when it was published. Heinleins strange protagonist, Valentine Michael Smith, preached a hippie-like philosophy best expressed by the novels invented term grok, that is, comprehension so intense as to approximate union with the object of attention, a phrase soon widely used beyond sf. Both novels were embraced by a youthful college audience who saw in them a reflection of their own anti-establishment values.
But the shift from pollution to climate change as the main engine of dystopian futures doesnt firmly take hold until the 21st century. The explicit turn to sf as a tool for environmental activism characterises this second generation of writers, who often write fiction about climate change and are involved in activism.
Wanuri Kahius important short film Pumzi (2009), depicting the regeneration of a future Africa after a period of intense environmental loss, shows the power of new voices taking up these themes. Another prominent example is Paolo Bacigalupi, who addresses the uneven global effects of climate change. His young-adult trilogy Ship Breaker (2010), The Drowned Cities (2012) and Tool of War (2017) is set in a world changed by sea-level rise and projects both growing economic precarity and the rise of authoritarian governments in such circumstances.
Bacigalupis most forceful novel to date is The Water Knife (2015), based on a short story originally published in the environmental magazine High Country News, about near-future water wars as California, Arizona and Nevada all battle to control the dwindling resources of the Colorado Basin. It is mainly an indictment of legal manipulations that keep water rights in the hands of an elite, portraying with sympathy the fraught ethical choices left to the disenfranchised, and it concludes with a glimmer of hope in green technologies distributed by a Chinese government that is mostly in the background of the narrative.
Octavia Butlers Parable series (1993-1998) is a truly prescient work about climate change. One of the few writers of color to achieve prominence in the field during the 20th century, her reputation has only grown in the years since her death in 2006. In this series, she imagines a future California beset by massive displacements fueled by climate change. Although published more than 20 years ago, these books read as plausible futures, perhaps now more than ever. Unlike Bacigalupis despair, Butlers novel is rooted in hope, although she depicts an equally grim future. Like her Xenogenesis series, this work demands of its audience that we confront the difficult task of building communities in the face of loss, displacement and tensions about diversity.
The Parable series imagines a future religion, Earthseed, as the core of this new kind of community. As Shelley Streeby outlines in Imagining the Future of Climate Change (2018), Butlers work has inspired activists, some of whom have formed the Octavia E. Butler Legacy Network to cultivate the values Butler espoused, treating her sf as a manual for alternative lifeways what Streeby calls a place to practice the future. Streeby connects this network to other instances of imaginative activism in 21st-century environmental politics, particularly by people of color and Indigenous communities, showing powerful ways that sf is becoming a rhetoric for activist practice.
Butlers vision insists that environmentalism must proceed in tandem with other social justice movements that counter racism and colonialism, a perspective that also informs N.K. Jemisins celebrated Broken Earth trilogy, the most important recent work to address climate change and social injustice as mutually constitutive problems.
Kim Stanley Robinson has written about the environmental damage caused by capitalism throughout his career, generally offering the hope that technology can ameliorate our dire situation. Climate change is most centrally the focus in his near-future Science in the Capital trilogy (2004-2007), about the struggle to mobilise politics and science together to confront the inevitability of climate change. The first novel, Forty Signs of Rain (2004), focuses on structural barriers that bar research and legislation that could address climate change, and it ends with the spectacle of a flooded Washington, DC.
The second novel, Fifty Degrees Below (2005), is set during a mini Ice Age caused by the halting of the Gulf Stream, and it explores possible technical options to ameliorate this changed climate: a lichen engineered to capture more carbon, re-salinating the ocean to restart the Gulf Stream, and various tools and clothing that enable a high-tech Paleolithic lifestyle with a smaller carbon footprint than the lifeways of urbanised modernity. The final novel, Sixty Days and Counting (2007), offers the utopian possibility of an elected US president who will prioritise climate change and who institutes a set of policies that push the U.S. economy into sustainable energy, while acknowledge the global disparities that are the legacy of capitalism. A number of the technological amelioration projects succeed, and we are left on the cusp of a new chapter in history.
Appearing about the time that Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans in 2005, we can see in retrospect that the trilogy addresses issues of extreme weather, just as we can see now that Katrina was only the first of what has since become the new normal for the climate: heat waves, cold waves and extreme storms. The vast scope of his work speaks to Robinsons careful attention to the complexity of climate change and the institutional barriers that prevent even acknowledging this reality in some circles. His wide cast of characters enables readers to see how politicians, lobbyists, funding agencies, displaced migrants and families in America are all part of the network that informs how climate change is perceived.
The utopianism of Robinsons conclusion seems a bit forced, perhaps, but he is careful to show the number of people and institutions that must come together to enact meaningful social change as he refuses to simply capitulate to the cynical despair that fuels Bacigalupis work. Although perhaps not self-evidently a climate change novel, Robinsons Shaman (2013), set during the last ice age and recounting how early humans adapted to a changing climate, further reinforces his ideas about the value of elements of Paleolithic ways of living with, rather than in opposition to, ones environment.
Science fiction is a genre that has long used its projected other worlds to offer commentary on our material (and contemporary) one, especially to remind us that this world is open to change. There is myriad evidence that authors from outside the genre use sf techniques in precisely this rhetorical way. Consider Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conways polemical The Collapse of Western Civilization: A View from the Future (2014), written as if by a Chinese historian in 2393 who is reflecting back to theorise why Western civilisations failed to act, despite clear signs of their looming collapse.
Similarly, popular books such as Alan Weismans The World without Us (2007) and the documentary television series Life after People (2009) encourage us to reflect on how humans have changed our environments as they offer speculative visions of ecosystems continuing without us, erasing the technological signs of human habitation. Or consider Werner Herzogs strange environmental film, The Wild Blue Yonder (2005), which is part documentary, part sf narrative, fused with NASA footage of outer space, deep sea photography and a scripted narrative about an alien species who destroyed their ecosystem and seek to relocate to Earth.
Environmental rhetoric, like speculative design, an approach that encourages thinking about and designing possible futures in a meaningful way, is one of the main places we see sf become a discursive way to grasp the present. Lindsay Thomas, in a compelling article on preparedness discourse, argues that sf provides a counterdiscourse to the kinds of speculative projections found in disaster planning, including government projections about climate change. Whereas documents such as the Department of Defense 2014 Climate Change Adaptation Roadmap, cited by Thomas, cultivate feelings of neutral detachment and automated response to already anticipated scenarios, sf about climate change enables readers to experience multiple temporalities beyond the individual human life.
Preparedness discourse responds to change, understood as disaster, through strategies of containment. But science fiction offers something much more. It offers us a way of thinking and perceiving, a toolbox of methods for conceptualising, intervening in and living through rapid and widespread change and the possibility to direct it toward an open future that we (re)make.
Sherryl Vint is professor of media and cultural studies and of English at the University of California, Riverside. She is the author of several books, most recently Science Fiction, from which this article is adapted. It was originally published by MIT Press Reader and has been republished here with permission.
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Scientists Went To The Ends Of The Earth And Found Nothing. Here’s Why That’s Important. – IFLScience
Posted: at 1:18 pm
If you want to see some of the toughest, most hardy organisms on the planet, youre going to need a microscope. Microbes bacteria, amoebas, archaea, and so on can live just about anywhere, from the bottom of the ocean to the top of the tallest mountain. Theres trillions of them in your body right now and they can even survive in the cold void of space.
So you can imagine what a surprise it must have been for Noah Fierer and his team of microbial ecologists to find somewhere with no microbial life at all.
Viable microbes have been detected in even the most inhospitable environments and it is widely assumed that all environments on Earth should contain detectable microorganisms, wrote the team in their study published last month in the Journal of Geophysical Research: Biogeosciences. This assumption is likely incorrect.
Given how ubiquitous microbes are across the planet, it was no mean feat to find somewhere they hadnt already colonized. In fact, the researchers had to take themselves all the way to the Shackleton Glacier in Antarctica, where the unique mix of cold, dry, and salty conditions combine to make one of the least hospitable environments on Earth.
Its the combination of multiple very challenging environmental conditions that restricts life more than just one acting by itself, study co-author Nicholas Dragone explained in Science News. Its a very different sort of restriction than, say, just high temperature.
Using a range of tests, the researchers analyzed more than 200 soil samples from the region looking for evidence of microscopic life. And while the vast majority contained enough microbes for the team to detect and classify the various species, a good 20 percent turned up no microbial DNA at all.
We are not suggesting that we have found lifeless or sterile soils, nor have we identified the low temperature threshold for life, cautions the paper. However, our inability to detect microbes or microbial activity in certain soils suggests that these surface soils represent a limit to microbial activity and survival driven by the cold, dry, and salty environmental conditions.
Now, the discovery of, essentially, nothing may not seem like a big deal, but it really is. You see, microbes are one of our best bets in the search for extraterrestrial life, and a lot of astrobiologists have got pretty excited recently about the prospect of a bunch of the microscopic creatures burping on Mars. But if there are places on Earth where no microbes can be found, Fierer and his team say, its probably not going to be easy to find them on Mars.
The combination of conditions found in the surface soils of the Shackleton Glacier are similar to those found on the surface of Mars, the paper explains. Given that Martian soils are much older, experience similar or even harsher conditions, and contain even higher concentrations of the same salts our results suggest that searching for active life in surface soils on Mars is unlikely to return positive results.
On the other hand, maybe we shouldnt lose hope. Finding life on Mars may be a long shot, but finding life on Earth is generally pretty easy which is why some in the scientific community think the results of the study must be a simple false-negative.
Certainly, there were things there, Jeff Bowman of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, who was not involved in the research, told Science News This is Earth.
This is an environment that is massively contaminated with life.
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Opinion: Whitey back on the moon? 1970s song is anthem for Americans bemoaning billionaire space race – Houston Chronicle
Posted: at 1:18 pm
Welcome to the latest, action-packed episode of Billionaires in Space. In case you missed the most recent action: Sir Richard Branson made it to the edge of space in his Virgin Galactic rocket plane. That put him ahead of fellow filthy rich pioneers Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk. Bezos hit the skies Tuesday in his Blue Origin New Shepard rocket and space capsule. Musk, it seems, is playing a longer game. No mere space tourism for him. He wants to colonize Mars.
Some argue that such explorations represent the true spirit of adventure and enterprise. After all, Branson and Bezos didnt just fly in their own vessels; they also paid for them. Others, however, are already singing a different tune, one that dates to the days following the original moon landing. If you dont already know it, now is a good time to acquaint yourself with Gil Scott-Herons Whitey on the Moon.
The preeminent spoken word artist of the 1970s and 80s, and a spiritual and stylistic forefather of hip-hop, Scott-Heron was known for his rhyming take-downs of American hypocrisy and inequality. His most famous song, 1971s The Revolution Will Not Be Televised, drew a series of lines between commercialism and genuine social change (The revolution will not go better with Coke / The revolution will not fight germs that may cause bad breath / The revolution will put you in the driver's seat.)
Whitey on the Moon arrived one year earlier, in February 1970, less than a year after the moon landing. Scott-Heron wasnt the only one protesting the space race. In his 2003 paper Public opinion polls and perceptions of US human spaceflight, Roger D. Launius writes: Consistently throughout the 1960s a majority of Americans did not believe Apollo was worth the cost, with the one exception to this a poll taken at the time of the Apollo 11 lunar landing in July 1969. And consistently throughout the decade 45-60 percent of Americans believed that the government was spending too much on space.
This was also the age of the Kerner Commission, convened to examine the urban uprisings sweeping the country during the 60s; and the Moynihan Report, a study of African American families. But Scott-Heron didnt need such official accounts. He had a front-row seat to the nations racial and economic inequality. While the U.S. was spending some $28 billion (or $288 billion when adjusted for inflation) to reach the moon, poverty was running rampant back on Earth.
Or, as Scott-Heron put it over a pulsing bongo beat: Was all that money I made last year (for Whitey on the moon) / How come there aint no money here (Hm! Whiteys on the moon).
In other parts of the song, Scott-Heron provides close-ups to go with the overview, how a rat done bit my sister Nell and I can't pay no doctor bill. He then connects the macro view of the space race to the personal: Ten years from now I'll be payin' still. Here Scott-Heron conjures imagery right out of Richard Wrights Native Son, with its vision of Chicagos Black Belt, where rodents are tangible messengers of poverty. It should be noted that Scott-Heron was hardly the only Black person protesting Apollo 11. Ralph Abernathy, Martin Luther King Jr.'s successor as head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, called the moon landing an inhuman priority.
The song continues to echo through pop culture. In the 2018 movie First Man, a rather melancholy drama about Neil Armstrong, Fort Worths Leon Bridges appears briefly as Scott-Heron, performing Whitey against the backdrop of an anti-NASA protest. More recently, the since-canceled Black sci-fi drama Lovecraft Country used the song for both an episode title and musical accompaniment and commentary on a mystical brand of white power.
Meanwhile, back on Earth, global warming portends all manner of catastrophe, we can't quite get COVID under control, race relations are plummeting and democracy is under attack. Branson and Bezos know this, even in their spaced-out state. Musk, in his quest to colonize Mars, seems all too ready to spend his money, cut his losses and leave all of these problems behind.
Sure, spaceflight has delivered plenty of benefits to humanity but its hard to reconcile that with vain tourism. To paraphrase Scott-Heron, theres plenty wrong down here. Why so eager to fly away up there?
Vognar is a freelance writer in Houston.
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10 things in tech: Larry Page in Fiji – Zuck’s metaverse – Web outages – Yahoo News
Posted: at 1:18 pm
A host of high-profile websites including UPS and Airbnb went dark yesterday. Screenshot
Good morning and welcome to 10 Things in Tech. If this was forwarded to you, sign up here.
Let's get started.
1. A lot of websites went dark yesterday. UPS, FedEx, US Bank, Airbnb, and other major websites saw outages beginning around noon yesterday, but the issue was fixed within an hour. What we know about what happened.
2. Mark Zuckerberg said he wants to turn Facebook into "a metaverse company." The CEO said Facebook will transform from a social media company to the center of the metaverse. That sounds like something straight out of a sci-fi movie, so here's a brief explainer.
3. Reclusive billionaire Larry Page has been hiding out in Fiji for the past year, sources say. The Google cofounder has been off the grid for months - but we found he's been dwelling on islands that have been closed to most travelers during the pandemic. What's Page been doing in Fiji?
4. Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk want to colonize space, but both of their ideas have some problems. From thinning bones to toxic plants on Mars, here are the six biggest issues with their plans.
5. NASA's Perseverance Mars rover is going to cut its first sample of Martian rock. Within the next two weeks, the rover will use a laser to collect a rock sample that will help scientists search for signs of ancient life. More on that here.
6. More than half of Silicon Valley workers say they would avoid an employer that banned political discussions. Two surveys asked workers their thoughts on being able to discuss politics at work, and found that most employees want that freedom. Here's what else the surveys found.
7. Wally Funk was the only endearing thing about Jeff Bezos's spaceflight. The passengers on Blue Origin's first human flight - a pair of billionaire brothers and a millionaire investor's teen son - didn't quite reflect Jeff Bezos' message of accessibility. Our science reporter explains how Funk was the flight's saving grace.
Story continues
8. A majority of super-rich family offices own or are interested in crypto. Many investment firms of the rich increasingly see crypto as a hedge against inflation, a survey from Goldman Sachs said. Get the full rundown.
9. Disney+ streaming chief reveals his launch strategy and global expansion hurdles. Plus, he gave us some insight into what he looks for when he's hiring (hint: he's looking for "great athletes''). Read our exclusive interview.
10. A tiny-home startup that built a house for Elon Musk wants to crowdfund $50 million from Tesla fans. Boxabl gained national attention when Musk said that he was living in a tiny unit after selling his several multimillion-dollar homes. Here's how the company wants to use that recognition to emerge as a dominant player in the industry.
Compiled by Jordan Erb. Tips/comments? Email jerb@insider.com or tweet @JordanParkerErb.
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Google Fiber says it’s finishing SLC, plans to expand to 7 other cities – fox13now.com
Posted: at 1:17 pm
SALT LAKE CITY Google Fiber announced on Monday it had mostly completed its build out of Salt Lake City, with plans to expand into seven other cities in northern Utah.
"Most residents in Salt Lake City should be able to get Google Fiber service now. Doesnt mean were going away. Well still fill in some neighborhoods we havent gotten to quite yet but the bulk of the city is done and were really, really excited about that," said Angie Welling, Google Fiber's director of communications.
Google announced it is currently building its fiber service in South Salt Lake, Millcreek, Taylorsville, and Holladay. It has also signed agreements to expand into North Salt Lake, Sandy and Woods Cross.
The internet giant first moved into Utah when it took over Provo's city-run internet service provider in 2013.
The completion of Google Fiber in Salt Lake City has been years in the making. In 2015, the company announced it would begin construction on its high-speed internet infrastructure, securing permission from the city council to build in the right of way on streets and connecting to homes. It now competes with XMission, XFinity, and CenturyLink.
"It took a little longer we anticipated for various reasons. Its a big construction project," Welling said.
The Utah State Legislature has advanced broadband internet infrastructure as a necessity, especially coming out of the COVID-19 pandemic when everyone was forced to work from home and children had to pivot to remote learning. Governor Spencer Cox has pushed it as a rural Utah job creator.
"Its the future. Its not even the future. Its the now and we need that readily available," Hildale Mayor Donia Jessop told FOX 13 in an interview Monday.
Mayor Jessop has pushed for increased internet infrastructure in the Utah-Arizona border community. Hildale City spent some COVID-19 relief money to expand its internet access to lure companies to town and create jobs.
"We have huge production companies moving in, mortgage companies moving into Hildale. Number one thing do we have fiber available? Its the first question," she said.
Welling said it was an issue that Google Fiber and other internet companies do grapple with.
"Its a very fair question. The rural issue is a tricky issue to solve. Its the right thing for policy makers to be talking about and asking questions about and its the right thing for internet service providers to be exploring how we can improve internet access in rural areas," she said. "Its not an easy fix."
The mayor said right now, businesses do have access to the higher speed internet through local companies, but not all residences do.
"Right now at my house, I have to go around like, 'You have to turn that off, that off because I have to have my computer right now.' Thats how bad it is," she said. "So what I would like to see is enough ISPs [internet service providers] to make the price low enough because of the competitive nature that more companies bring, keep prices low enough so every citizen can afford good fiber connection in their home."
All new development in Hildale will have fiber access built in like they do with any other utility. But Mayor Jessop said it has not been easy. She recalled one company describing the internet access issue by saying "your community is unique."
"Im like, 'I know. Ive heard that a time or six,'" she joked, referencing the community's history with polygamy.
The Utah State Legislature has twice considered a bill to create a state office to focus on expanding internet access in under-served communities, including rural Utah. Rep. Jennifer Dailey-Provost, D-Salt Lake City, got it through the House of Representatives with bipartisan support, spurred by the collective experience of the COVID-19 pandemic. She had support from the governor's office.
But it failed in the Utah State Senate in the final days of the legislative session.
"I actually spoke to a senator after that and asked why it happened, why he voted no," Rep. Dailey-Provost told FOX 13. "The answer was very simple: it was he didnt like it had the word 'equity' in it. That was really frustrating. It just got caught up in politics and partisanship."
Rep. Dailey-Provost said she is not sure if she will try to run the bill again in 2022 or explore other ways to expand internet access across the state. But she said the state needed to address the problem.
"This needs to be something we need to lay the groundwork for and needs to be a top priority always," she said.
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Criticized over marginalizing Muslims, French bill adopted – The Nation
Posted: at 1:17 pm
France has adopted a bill titled "reinforcing respect for the principles of the Republic," criticized for marginalizing Muslims.
Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin announced Friday on Twitter that the parliament had adopted the bill.
"We give ourselves the means to fight against those who put forward religion to question the values of the Republic," Darmanin added.
The bill, rejected by the Senate in its session on Tuesday, was voted on in the French National Assembly, which has the last word on the validity of a law. The bill was passed by 49 votes in favor versus 19 against.
Meanwhile, right-wing parties announced that they would appeal against the law with the Constitutional Council, claiming it does not go after "Islamists" enough, while left-wing parties said they are preparing to do the same over its alleged violation of the Constitution.
Content of law
France, which has the largest Muslim population in Europe, has been criticized for interfering with the lives of Muslims with the law.
It contains measures to ensure the religious neutrality of public officials while moving from a homeschooling system in which parents' declaration is sufficient to one that requires authorities' permission.
Besides, the text contains an array of articles, including on the fight against certificates of virginity, polygamy, and forced marriage, as well as others punishing online hate crimes, protecting public officials and teachers, and mandating greater "transparency" in funding management.
France criticized by international groups, civil society
France has been criticized by international organizations and non-governmental organizations, especially the UN, for targeting and marginalizing Muslims with this law.
Since being announced as a bill, attacks on mosques and masjids, including arson, have increased in the country.
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Leftists and Liberals Are Still Fighting Over the Cold War – New York Magazine
Posted: at 1:17 pm
Photo: Olga Maltseva/AFP via Getty Images
Communism, noted President Biden last week, is a failed system a universally failed system. And while more than a century of experience seems to have settled this question, there are precincts on the left in which it remains a live controversy. Amid mass protests in Cuba, socialist magazine Jacobin is defending the regime with anti-anti-communist polemics, as is whoever is running the Black Lives Matter messaging on the issue. Democratic Socialists of America is posting messages backing the regime. When the official DSA account stated that the groups ideology leaves behind authoritarian visions of socialism in the dustbin of history, the tweet generated internal backlash and subsequently got deleted even though it didnt even mention Cuba, the mere abstract condemnation of authoritarian socialism was apparently unacceptable.
As a straightforward foreign-policy question, this hardly matters. Cuba is a tiny country, and the United States has few practical tools to help dissidents topple its dictatorship. But there is a much deeper ideological schism lurking beneath the surface here. The Cuba debate is really about communism. Communism has split the American left for generations, and since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the schism has evolved into a broader schism over left-wing authoritarianism and the centrality of liberal democracy.
The important rift is not really between non-communists and communists; the latter, even at their peak in the 1930s, have never accounted for more than a small minority of progressive activists. It instead pits those on the left who frontally oppose communism against those who dont. The share of the left that is anti-anti-communist has always been larger and more potent than the tiny number of actual communists. Anti-anti-communists do not support communism, but they do regard communists as valuable allies who should be criticized only in the gentlest terms, if at all.
This divide between anti-communists and anti-anti-communists is sufficiently profound that, even 30 years after the end of the Cold War, it continues to animate bitter debates among progressive intellectuals. Cold War liberalism is now a zombie ideology, Michael Brenes and Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins argued in a Dissent essay earlier this year. It offers preparedness as politics: a desire to inculcate a wartime urgency in the body politic, demanding sacrifice without solidarity and individual introspection as a path to freedom.
The ancient fault lines over anti-communism are especially visible in the lefts schism over what caused Trumps ascension and how to oppose him. The sky is not falling and no lights are flashing red, but Americans have nonetheless embraced a highly charged, counterproductive way of thinking about politics as a new Cold War between democracy and totalitarianism, argued historians Samuel Moyn and David Priestland in a 2017 New York Times op-ed.The anti-communist politics in the United States of the early 1950s were rooted in assumptions that had much in common with those of anti-Trumpism today. Last year, The Nations John Nichols published a book contending that the Democratic Party lost its way when it split off from its communist allies and suggesting that a revived popular front alliance with the far left offered its only hope to defeat Trumpism.
There is a tendency on the center-left to dismiss these sorts of critiques from the left as simply unserious to mock them as idealists with politically unrealistic demands, or perhaps they havent gotten over the 2016 Democratic primary.
But the belief system undergirding these critiques is completely serious. The left is making a profound accusation: that liberalism remains deformed by anti-communism, and only by expurgating this fear of left-wing authoritarianism can it become worthy of progressive ideals. That charge needs to be answered on its own terms.
Communism reached its peak influence in the West during the 1930s, when the Great Depression made it seem possible that capitalism might never recover. American communists gained influence within some labor unions, Hollywood, and by mobilizing an activist core that could make itself felt in New York and some other cities.
During intermittent periods specifically when it advanced Joseph Stalins foreign goals communists would work with mainstream left-of-center parties to form a popular front against Fascism in western democracies. The political logic of the popular front was summarized by a line originally attributed to Alexander Kerensky, the moderate socialist leader of the first Russian revolution: No enemies to the left. Kerenskys rivals to the left took advantage of this policy by overthrowing his government and establishing a Bolshevik dictatorship. Despite this failure, the no enemies to the left strategy retained its romantic appeal.
After World War II, when it was no longer obvious that an alliance with the anti-democratic left was needed to save democracy from Fascism, many liberals split with their former allies. Communists argued that they were merely liberals in a hurry, pursuing the same goals as other progressive Americans, just faster and more aggressively. Many leftists and some liberals believed that the left should treat communists as partners, just as they did before and during the war, and that any attacks on communism would simply redound to the benefit of the right.
Henry Wallace, once FDRs vice-president and the progressive hero of Nicholss book, was the prototypical anti-anti-communist. When the Soviet Union overthrew the democratic government in Czechoslovakia and installed a puppet regime, Wallace blamed Harry Truman for provoking Moscow and compared the coup to allegedly similar American behavior in France. After the Soviet blockade of Berlin, he attacked Truman for airlifting in supplies. Wallace did not need to articulate a positive defense of Stalins regime. He simply attacked any anti-Soviet action or statement even peaceful measures like the Marshall Plan as warlike and aggressive, changing the subject from Soviet abuses to the danger of the anti-communists.
Even though it went into remission at the end of the Cold War, the anti-anti-communist political style has never disappeared completely. It has enjoyed a mini-revival with the recent upsurge in far-left activism around the DSA and magazines such as Jacobin. The recent protests against Cubas regime have vividly displayed the anti-anti-communist lefts unwillingness to condemn a socialist regime, however authoritarian and brutal.
A piece on the Cuba protests by Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic expresses the party line. The protests, he argues, are overwhelmingly motivated by economic shortages, the entire responsibility for which rests with the United States due to its embargo. And just because Cubans may be unhappy with their government doesnt mean they want the capitalist feeding frenzy that inevitably follows.
Cubas people may be a little upset, he allows, and in their confusion find themselves blaming their leaders for problems caused by Washington, but theyre very happy with a one-party state and most certainly dont want anything like a free press or fair elections. (Credible polls of Cubas public find strong disapproval for the Communist Party and equally heavy approval of multiparty elections.)
Whether or not to condemn Cubas communist government is hardly a first-order question for the American left. But the persistence of anti-anti-communism, even on a smaller scale, shows the persistence of the no enemies to the left political style on the left that spawned it.
Todays left-wing intellectuals have revived the Cold Warera critique of liberals, who stand accused of glorifying existing political and economic institutions in general and the security state in particular.
The modern Cold War liberals are organized against hostile overseas forces, such as Russia and China, along with internal domestic enemies postmodernism, identity politics, populists [that] seek to undermine liberal democratic values, argued Brenes and Steinmetz-Jenkins. To ward off these dangers, todays liberals prefer the security state over any commitment to institutions of economic redistribution, and the effective training of future elites at the nations most prestigious schools over a program of expansive public education.
They do not quote anybody making these particular arguments, so it is difficult to understand exactly whom the authors have in mind. But it is simply not correct that todays liberals oppose economic redistribution. Just look at Joe Bidens campaign platform to massively ramp up taxation on the wealthy while increasing spending on health care, green energy, and child benefits or his attempt to pass a similar program through Congress. Bidens plan to expand pre-K access and make community college free seems exactly like a program of expansive public education.
They further assert that these awful liberals see not just Trump voters but massive demonstrations and movements against white supremacy and economic inequality as further signs of populism overtaking democracy. They dont name any actual liberals whom this is supposed to describe, and its difficult to believe any exist, given that the George Floyd protests brought along a coalition broad enough to include large swaths of corporate America, and even Mitt Romney (a figure well to the right of anybodys definition of liberal) was marching for Black Lives Matter. The liberal who opposes Trump but also opposes marches against racism and inequality seems to be an ideological archetype they dreamed up and then convinced themselves must be real.
The glue holding together this vague indictment is a conviction that the liberal critique of anti-democratic extremism lies at the roots of liberalisms alleged failures. The liberal emphasis on defending democracy and the Constitution, which has come to the fore in the Trump era, doubles as a cudgel against the far left.
It follows from this belief that liberal rhetoric decrying Trumps threat to democracy is itself exaggerated. The post-election narrative that Trump was both a fascist threat and a bumbling Manchurian candidate reflected the cultural legacy of Cold War liberalism, wrote Brenes and Steinmetz-Jenkins shortly before Trump sent a mob to ransack the Capitol in a bid to overturn the election. Moyn and Priestland (writing four years ago) insisted, There is no real evidence that Mr. Trump wants to seize power unconstitutionally, and there is no reason to think he could succeed.
Liberals, according to their critics, have transposed their Cold Warera belief in defending liberal democracy onto the modern era and conjured imaginary enemies. Their fantasies about defending the republic from Trump are merely a holdover reflex from their misguided fear of communism.
But the fantasy seems to work the other way: The left-wing Cold Warera habit of refusing to acknowledge threats to democracy has left a residue of instinctive skepticism. They suspect liberals suffer congenitally from what Moyn and Priestland call tyrannophobia, the belief that the overwhelmingly important political issue is the threat to our liberal freedoms and institutions, [which] has always been a powerful force in the United States. That suspicion, held over from decades of downplaying the evils of communism, has rendered them so unable to recognize a threat to the republic that they dont even see it until it comes marching down Pennsylvania Avenue.
While the critics of Cold War liberalism exaggerate its hostility to aggressive government action, and minimize the authoritarian danger against which it defines itself, they do correctly identify its definitional core. The Cold War liberals (or their heirs) place more value on democracy than on advancing the progressive agenda. Liberals respect their opponents political rights and are not willing to cast them aside in pursuit of power. As a result of this commitment, they consider it necessary to criticize political allies, especially on questions of democracy and liberal values.
Whether to denounce illiberalism on the left when it occurs or instead to aim all hostile fire rightward is, in my observation, the key divide within the progressive intelligentsia. The no enemies to the left posture makes it difficult to separate the democratic left from its undemocratic elements. If you meet any objection to abuses on your own side by changing the subject to the greater evil on the opposing side, then you never have to define what kinds of ideas or behaviors by your allies you wont accept. If they are willing to justify authoritarian abuses abroad, they would be willing to justify them domestically if given the opportunity.
It is true, of course, that such opportunities are rare. The illiberal left is politically marginal and pales in influence next to the illiberal right, a weakness that is constantly held up to justify withholding criticism. But we dont know what the future holds. The far left certainly hopes it is at the outset of a long march through the institutions (similar to the path taken by the far right to gain control of the Republican Party 60 years ago). Indeed, one reason for the Republican Partys sordid state is that it lacked a moderate faction with the confidence to stand squarely against extremism.
Not long ago, progressives were celebrating the DSAs emergence in national politics as a sign of their own growing strength. If the far left has enough influence to matter as a political force, it has enough influence to merit criticism when deserved.
In their Times op-ed scolding Cold War liberals, Moyn and Priestland warned, Excessive focus on liberal fundamentals, like basic freedoms or the rule of law, could prove self-defeating. This is an odd lesson to draw from history, which has many more examples of just the opposite: Insufficient focus on basic freedoms and the rule of law is self-defeating, and those who proudly defended those values are an example to emulate.
Analysis and commentary on the latest political news from New York columnist Jonathan Chait.
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Yes, Lets Reclaim the Word Liberal – National Review
Posted: at 1:17 pm
Occupy Oakland protesters hold a sign and a flag depicting Argentine revolutionary Che Guevara during an anti-police march against the Oakland Police Department on February 4, 2012.(Beck Diefenbach/Reuters)
One of the many tricks that leftists have employed to get their way in politics is to mangle the language. That tilts the playing field to their advantage by obscuring what they intend to do. The word liberal was perhaps the first casualty in that battle.
Economics professor Dan Klein of George Mason University here advances ten reasons why we should no longer call leftists liberal.
A slice: If we are to stand up for liberal civilization, we must first appreciate the great arc of liberalismthat is, the development of liberalism, beginning, say, with the printing press in the fifteenth century and its subsequent ups and downs, and across liberal civilization, not just the American scene. Such higher appreciation is sabotaged by calling leftists liberal.
I am with him 100 percent. My only quibble is that he suggests the term progressive, which is also misleading. The authoritarian ideas those people favor do not lead to progress; they lead to regress, back to earlier systems of top-down control by powerful elites and institutions.
Lets call them statists, authoritarians, or just control freaks.
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Americas liberal vs. conservative discourse is too puny for what we are facing – The Dallas Morning News
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If you think American democracy is holding on by its fingernails, you wont get an argument from the Rev. William Barber II. Yet hes quick to let you know that shining a spotlight on the overlooked and struggling among us offers our best hope for less divisive politics and a more perfect union.
Barber, a prominent pastor and civil rights activist, is a driving force behind the Poor Peoples Campaign, a movement fashioned after Martin Luther King Jr.s 1968 anti-poverty push. Its also the way Barber and his allies aim to bring poor and low-income individuals into a union whose votes, he says, would fundamentally change the economic architecture of the nation.
At the moment Barber is eyeing Texas as a place to make that point more visible when the Poor Peoples Campaign stages a 27-mile Selma-to-Montgomery-style march from Georgetown, Texas, to Austin starting on July 27.
I spent an hour with Barber on the phone recently when he came to Austin to speak at a rally in support of statehouse Democrats who had decamped to Washington, D.C., to prevent the Republican majority from passing into law a retooling of the states election rules. The legislators have gone to D.C., he told me, but Texas is the eye of the storm.
As Barber sees it, support of unfettered voting rights is intrinsically linked to five overarching issues that prevent the nation from moving forward: systemic racism; poverty; ecological devastation; the denial of health care and the war economy; and the false moral narrative of religious nationalism.
We must address these injustices simultaneously, but we can only do it with a fusion coalition that has people of every race, creed and color that can change the narrative and deal power. He calls his vision the Third Reconstruction, a nonviolent crusade that contrasts sharply with the forces that attacked the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6.
Barber, thoughtful and engaging, a recipient of a MacArthur genius grant, is ubiquitous. His YouTube entries include a rafters-rattling speech at the 2016 Democratic National Convention calling for Americans to wield a moral defibrillator to jump-start the ailing heart of our democracy. His January 2021 National Cathedral sermon implores President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris to join in closing the nations gaps in wealth and opportunity, to become repairers of the breach, which is also what Barber calls his activist outreach organization.
Admirers have likened Barbers coalition-building skills and ambitious goals to those of King. I dont know if Ill get to see the fullness of the movement, he said. But what I do know is this is a seed that is germinating.
Barber maintains that some 140 million people, 43% of the U.S. population, live in some form of economic hardship. Reasonable critics push back against conflating those living below the official poverty line with low-income earners whose incomes are considerably higher, even though experts can agree a crisis of diminishing expectations isnt good for the country.
Barber makes a habit of adopting public policy views that dont preach to the choir. As Sean Illing put it on Vox: Barber is a progressive, yet hes still hard to pin down politically. He rejects the language of left and right and instead leans on the religious values of the Gospel to push a strong anti-poverty agenda . He speaks in morally clarifying terms about the plight of low-income people while refusing to engage in diversionary culture war fights.
Barber urges people to look beyond media hot takes and their own socioeconomic bubbles to think more deeply about root causes. He is sharply critical of Donald Trump and Trump-ensorcelled political leaders who, especially in a time of COVID, are more interested in cementing political power, he said, than they are keeping people out of caskets.
Meanwhile, Democrats have focused so relentlessly on middle-class voters in recent years, he contends, theyve stopped talking at all to poor and low-wealth folks, of all races and colors and, in doing so, a lot of ... people just said, Well, were not going to participate anymore.
Its there that Barber sees an opening. Were poor and low-income individuals to organize around an agenda, he said, they would have the votes to fundamentally determine who sits in the White House, the Senate, the governors mansion.
So how do you build such a coalition, critics ask, when poor and low-income whites arent famous for siding with poor and low-income Black people? Looking at the world in dualistic terms is shortsighted, Barber said.
Americas liberal versus conservative political discourse is too puny for what were facing, he told me. Some things are not about left and right. Its about right and wrong. Its about constitutional, unconstitutional.
Our politics are volatile, he said, because some people would rather just burn the house down in the attempt to somehow hold onto their greed and power. But I still dont believe they represent the majority of this country, and thats why we are mobilizing.
Extremism is marbled throughout our history, Barber said; Trump has charismatized it, he didnt create it.
What were seeing today, he said, are pieces of what has never been fully eradicated from our body politic and our society, and all that means is, its our time now, that [in] every generation there must be truth-tellers, moral dissenters and people who will stand up and say, Its time to take a few more steps toward being a more perfect union.
The Black Lives Matter protests that rocked the nation following George Floyds murder in 2020 signified a turning point in Barbers view that is still, in some ways, in search of an agenda. Regressive public policy may not kill in the immediate, highly emotional way of a cop shooting somebody, but what often gets overlooked is how many Americans die needlessly each year from poverty and poor health care.
The problem in fixing our problems, he said, isnt a lack of resources or ideas, its a lack of consciousness, the absence of a movement that is putting a face on these problems, because thats the only way you can turn the heart of the nation.
Youve got to show the nation [to] herself before you can tell her about herself, which is why the Poor Peoples Campaigns goal is to put a face on it.
Last Sunday, from the pulpit of a neighborhood church in Georgetown, Barber said every generation has its Goliath-like problems that wont go away without action. He urged the congregants, as he often does wherever he goes, not to remain metaphorically seated, but to speak up and stand forward in the breach.
This day he was talking about the genesis of the upcoming march to the statehouse in Austin. Were not going to allow the burial of the things that are right, he vowed.
In our earlier phone conversation, Barber said, Theres never been a time in this country where you have had a fundamental change of systems whether it was slavery, denial of womens right to vote, denial of union rights without a movement to sustain the fight. Its always taken movements to put the mirror up to tell the truth.
And whether youre rejected because of your race or class, your differing abilities, your sexuality, your poverty, its up to the ignored and rejected to lead a moral revival.
They have to become the consciousness of the nation in order for the nations consciousness to be changed. Its Barbers article of faith that the time has come. Theres a hunger, he said. People are ready.
Tracy Dahlby is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin. He wrote this column for The Dallas Morning News.
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Liberal Media Scream: The worst of Trump hater Carl Bernstein – Yahoo News
Posted: at 1:17 pm
This weeks Liberal Media Scream features the latest anti-Trump outburst from Watergate reporter Carl Bernstein and his worst hits list.
Sunday on CNNs Reliable Sources, his main venting venue, he hyped up his prior attacks on former President Donald Trump, claiming that the Republican is a war criminal.
His over-the-top invective against Trump is nothing new, as a quick trip through the CNN archive shows. In 2017, he declared of Trumps decision to remove the FBI director, This is a potentially more dangerous situation than Watergate. In 2020, he was repeating his Watergate comparison as he charged Trump allies had now joined hands with a tyrant. Last fall, he described Trumps response to COVID as homicidal negligence before declaring we are witnessing the Mad King in the final days of his reign.
Our Liberal Media Scream partner Brent Baker, the vice president of the Media Research Center, drew up a list of Bernsteins greatest anti-Trump hits:
I think this is a potentially more dangerous situation than Watergate, and were at a very dangerous moment. And thats because we are looking at the possibility that the president of the United States and those around him during an election campaign colluded with a hostile foreign power to undermine the basis of our democracy: free elections. Reliable Sources, May 14, 2017.
Lets look at what Watergate was because it was about a criminal president who acted as a tyrant. And what we have here now is the Senate of the United States, through the Republican leadership and membership, has now joined hands with a tyrant. CNN Newsroom, Jan. 31, 2020.
His response has been homicidal negligence. He has failed to protect the American people and rather to put his own interest of reelection and holding on to the office of the presidency in front of the health and well-being of the American people. CNN Newsroom, Oct. 3, 2020.
We are witnessing the Mad King in the final days of his reign, willing to scorch the Earth of his country and bring down the whole system to undermine our whole democracy, strip it of its legitimacy, poison the confidence of our people in our institutions and the constitution for Donald Trumps own petulant, selfish, rabid ends. CNN New Day, Nov. 20, 2020.
I think we need to calmly step back and maybe look at Trump in a different context. He is Americas, our own American war criminal, of a kind weve never experienced before ... In international law, there have been, quote, 'crimes against humanity.' I think what were talking about, Trumps crimes as an American war criminal in his own country that he has perpetrated upon our people. Reliable Sources, Sunday.
Baker explains our weekly pick: Bernstein is a one-note musician, trying every week to ramp up his singularly focused anger to get some attention. With so much unhinged animus for Trump, its hard to imagine anyone considers his rants anything more than entertainment from a guy trying, but failing, to match Trumps skill at creating a negative public image for his opponents through creative terminology.
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Rating: FIVE out of FIVE screams.
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