Daily Archives: July 16, 2021

SCOTUS Gets It Right In ‘Mahanoy’ With Measured Response To Student Speech – Government, Public Sector – United States – Mondaq News Alerts

Posted: July 16, 2021 at 1:14 pm

In April, the United States Supreme Court heard argument in acase that could have changed the school law landscape. The issuebefore the court was whether the Mahanoy Area School District inPennsylvania had violated the First Amendment rights of a studentwhen it suspended her from the cheerleading team for vulgaritiesshe posted on Snapchat after she did not make the varsity squad.Would the court affirm the Third Circuit and provide even greaterprotection to a students' First Amendment right to speak orwould it give more power to the school to regulate a student'sspeech when not on campus?

The headlines blared last week that the court ruled in favor ofthe student, which it did. But savvy school administrators shouldknow that school authorities dodged a bullet here, and they shouldbe grateful that the court rejected the reasoning of the ThirdCircuit in this case.

B.L. had labored in the obscurity of the JV squad for herfreshman year, and she was hopeful that she would move up to thevarsity cheerleading squad with the new season. When she heard thenews that she did not make the varsity squad, she wasdisappointedso much so that she and a friend shared herdisappointment with the world by posting two pictures on Snapchat,including one with middle fingers raised with the caption,"Fuck school fuck softball fuck cheer fuck everything."When one of her teammates forwarded that Snapchat post to thecheerleading coach, B.L was suspended from cheerleading for thatentire season, notwithstanding an apology for her post.

Her parents sued, claiming that her posts were speech protectedby the First Amendment, and the district court agreed. The schooldistrict appealed, and the Third Circuit affirmed. But in so doing,a divided Third Circuit announced a broad new rule, to the effectthat school officials have no authority to discipline students foroff-campus speech, including the posts in question.

By contrast, other appellate courts, including the SecondCircuit, have ruled that school officials do have such authority todiscipline students for off-campus speech.InMahanoy,the United States Supreme Courtresolved the conflict, holding that school officials do haveauthority to discipline students for their off-campus speech inappropriate cases. However, the court limited that authority tocompelling situations, and it ruled that the discipline of B.L. forher vulgarity exceeded that authority and violated her FirstAmendment rights, as explained below.

For more than fifty years, we have been guided by thecourt's seminal decision,Tinker v. Des MoinesIndependent School District(U.S. 1969). For those of uswho practice in the First Amendment arena or are children of thesixties, we will recall the court held that school officials hadviolated the First Amendment rights of Mary Beth Tinker, herbrother and a friend by suspending them from school for wearingblack armbands to protest the war in Vietnam (in violation ofanad hocrule against wearing such armbandshurriedly adopted in anticipation of their protest). In so ruling,Justice Fortas famously said on behalf of the court, "It canhardly be argued that either students or teachers shed theirconstitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at theschoolhouse gate." Those rights, however, are subject tolimits, and the court went on inTinkerto layout the framework that still applies today: "conduct by thestudent, in class or out of it, which for any reason whether itstems from time, place, or type of behavior materiallydisrupts classwork or involves substantial disorder or invasion ofthe rights of others is, of course, not immunized by theconstitutional guarantee of freedom of speech."

In theMahanoy Area School District case,the district court rejected the school district's claim thatschool officials can regulate off-campus vulgarityunderBethel School District v. Fraser (U.S.1986), and it applied theTinkertest. Findingthat her vulgar post did not cause substantial interference withthe educational process, the court ruled in favor of B.L.

The Third Circuit, however, went a step further by holding thatthe authority of school officials to regulate student speechunderTinkerdoes not extend to off-campusspeech: "We hold today thatTinkerdoes notapply to off-campus speech that is, speech that is outsideschool-owned, -operated, or -supervised channels and that is notreasonably interpreted as bearing the school'simprimatur." That decision, however, was not unanimous. JudgeAmbro dissented from the holding on the basis of judicialrestraint, explaining that the court should not announce a broadnew rule when it was not necessary, given that the vulgar postscaused no disruption at all. He was correct.

This broad new rule was deeply concerning, and we applaud theUnited States Supreme Court's rejection of it. To be sure, thecourt affirmed the significant protection students have under theFirst Amendment, and it laid out three factors militating in favorof protecting off-campus speech: (1) school officials do notnormally standin loco parentiswith the respectto off-campus speech, noting that "off-campus speech willnormally fall within the zone of parental, rather thanschool-related, responsibility;" (2) assertion of schoolauthority in such cases could result in 24/7 oversight of studentspeech that impinges on their First Amendment rights, and (3)"the school itself has an interest in protecting astudent's unpopular expression, especially when the expressiontakes place off campus," an important lesson that schoolsshould convey.

Significantly, however, and in light of the realities that mostmodern day discourse takes place through internet communications,the court also recognized that some off-campus speech is harmfuland should be regulated: "The school's regulatoryinterests remain significant in some off-campus circumstances. . .. . These include serious or severe bullying or harassmenttargeting particular individuals; threats aimed at teachers orother students; the failure to follow rules concerning lessons, thewriting of papers, the use of computers, or participation in otheronline school activities; and breaches of school security devices,including material maintained within school computers." (NoteP.A. 19-166, effective 7/1/21, raises the bar on what is"bullying" and conforms to the court's carve-out fromprotected speech by defining "bullying" as an act that isdirect or indirect and severe, persistent or pervasive, which (A)causes physical or emotional harm to an individual, (B) places anindividual in reasonable fear of physical or emotional harm, or (C)infringes on the rights or opportunities of an individual atschool.") Of course, what is "severe" will likelyprovide the next cottage industry of school litigation. As JusticeAlito noted in his concurring opinion, "Bullying and severeharassment are serious (and age-old) problems, but these conceptsare not easy to define with the precision required for a regulationof speech."

But for now, the court has appropriately clarifiedtheTinkertest as it applies to off-campusspeech, outlining the few circumstances that would authorize schoolregulation of such speech. Mere "disruption" has neverbeen the standard; from its inception,theTinkerrule has limited the rights of schoolofficials to regulate student speech to situations when theyreasonably forecast that student speech will"materially[disrupt] classworkor[involve]substantialdisorder."(Emphasis added).

TheMahanoy Area School Districtcase strikesan appropriate balance between the competing concerns for studentfree speech rights on the one hand, and for a safe and healthfulschool environment for all students on the other. Importantly, thedecision serves as a reminder to school officials that they mayregulate student speech only in compelling circumstances.

Originally published by the Connecticut Law Tribune

The content of this article is intended to provide a generalguide to the subject matter. Specialist advice should be soughtabout your specific circumstances.

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SCOTUS Gets It Right In 'Mahanoy' With Measured Response To Student Speech - Government, Public Sector - United States - Mondaq News Alerts

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Is Gender Wokeism the New Religion of the West? – Heritage.org

Posted: at 1:14 pm

Conservatives from the U.S. and U.K. have long reacted with alarm at the culture wars being waged on both sides of the Atlantic, but the situation is growing considerably more dire. Many now see two great nations with robust liberal traditions surrendering to a secular woke orthodoxy that threatens to demolish the pillars of free speech and freedom of religion on which the two nations stand.

But we suggest that there is something seriously wrong with this viewpoint: the idea that woke ideology is secular. On the contrary, while many commentators have noted the quasi-religious fervor of social justice warriors, complete with foundational sacred texts, go-to advocates (or rather, high priests), taboos and heresy trials, we propose that the time has come to treat woke ideology as being a belief system that places paramount ethical value on identity markersrace, sexual orientation and gender identity. It operates as a religion, not least in the legal sense.

If their belief system is successfully enshrined at the societal leveland the winds certainly appear to favor themit will mean the woke would have to compete on an equal basis with all other faiths, rather than claiming that their beliefs are incontrovertible facts which everyone must honor.

Religion is notoriously difficult to define. It need not involve belief in a deity; Buddha,for example, was not a god, just an extraordinary man, according to his followers. But the woke belief that gender identity, not biology, defines the real person, certainly has the look of a metaphysical soul.

>>>Dont Be Fooled: Gender Identity Policies Dont Follow the Science

In the United States, courts first recognized secular-progressivism as a religion in World War II conscientious objector cases. During the Vietnam War, the Supreme Court found that instead of belief in a Supreme Being, a conscientious objector to armed conflict need only demonstrate a belief that is sincere and meaningful [and] occupies a place in the life of its possessor parallel to that filled by [traditional religion] to satisfy the relevant statute.

Today, wokeism occupies a place in the life of its followers parallel to that of the most devout Christian, Jew or Muslim. But wokeism seeks to dominate the lives of all citizens in a manner that Christianity, Judaism or Islam never could because the establishment clause of the U.S. Constitution forbids it.

Yet, zealous adherents of wokeism seek to establish their ideology as state-sponsored orthodoxy via protected categories in state and federal non-discrimination laws which include gender self-identification. We agree with former U.S. Attorney General William Barr that it is time to examine whether wokeism in public institutions is unconstitutional, because it operates as a state-sponsored religion.

This is happening on both sides of the Atlantic. The high priests of wokeism have weaponized laws to punish teachers, professors and doctors who would not utter support for the idea of human sex change, something that is biologically, and, some would say, metaphysically, impossible. Those who dare to question tenets of wokeism like a transwoman is a woman or who fail to use preferred pronouns are treated as modern-day heretics who deserve to be canceled on social media, fired from their jobs and even investigated by the police.

This is what I (Bernard) found out the hard way. When the woke came to my secondary school, I gave that fateful sermon to students telling them that while its OK to try and persuade each other, no one should be told they must accept an ideologyeither wokeism or Christianity. I told them to Love the person, even where you profoundly dislike the ideas. I suggested they may (but need not) accept traditional beliefs about marriage and the reality of sex differences. I told them that if the idea of gender identity is, as it appears, incoherent, it can only be partly true.

This led to me being fired for gross misconduct, as well as being reported to the police as a terrorism threat, and to child welfare servicesas a potential abuser.

In the U.K. there is no constitutional protection that prevents the government from establishing an official religion. This makes the danger from wokeism greater in some senses.

>>>Equality Act Would Cancel Religious Freedom

But there is cause for hope. U.K. law makes no distinction between religion and philosophical beliefs which impact behavior. The recent judgment in the case of researcher Maya Forstater found her beliefs in biological sex are protected in law. The corollary is that gender identity beliefs have equal, but not greater status than religious ones.

When opinion can become dogma from which no whisper of dissent is permitted, free societies are in danger. We can already begin to see self-censorship among the young who encounter wokeism at earlier and earlier ages. With both public and private schools adopting the tenets of woke gender ideology in curriculum and policies parents, teachers and pupils have few places to turn.

The answer is neither to bend the knee nor to seek escape. Now is the time to shore up the foundations of freedom of speech and religion while we can, before wokeism smashes them and the pluralistic societies which rest upon them into bits. We believe the law of both lands still provide the resources our pluralistic societies need.

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Ghost of Section 66A – The Indian Express

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Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, has long been dead. It was struck down as unconstitutional six years ago by the Supreme Court, which found that it arbitrarily, excessively and disproportionately invades the right of free speech. And yet, this draconian piece of dead law has had an astonishing afterlife in police stations across the country, leading to the persecution of several citizens for menacing or offensive online posts. According to a plea filed by an NGO in the Supreme Court, as many as 745 cases are active before district courts in 11 states, with the accused being prosecuted for offences under the invalid law.

Early this month, the Supreme Court bench hearing the plea was moved to seek a response from the Centre on what it called a shocking state of affairs. The Centre has written to state governments, asking them to pass on the memo to the police force and withdraw all cases that may have been filed under Section 66A. Introduced by the UPA government in 2008, the amendment to the IT Act gave the government power to arrest and imprison an individual for allegedly offensive and menacing online posts, and was passed without discussion in Parliament. The courts 2015 decision in Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was a landmark judicial pushback against state encroachment on freedom of speech and expression. Section 66A is cast so widely that virtually any opinion on any subject would be covered by it and if it is to withstand the test of constitutionality, the chilling effect on free speech would be total, it said.

The gap between the courts judgment and the pile of Section 66A cases is, perhaps, explained by a political climate in which free speech, dissent and legitimate criticism are seen as exercises in bad faith, and existing laws are wielded as weapons to arrest journalists and citizens for a tweet or a slogan or a Facebook post. Even a large body of progressive judgments by constitutional courts has not prevented the blatant misuse of the law of sedition or come in the way of courts reluctance to grant bail to accused. In the face of a political class that does not shrink from arrogating more powers to regulate speech, the police marches to the tune of vendetta, and even judicial wisdom is ignored. The Centres note to the states is welcome but regular monitoring is the only way to ensure that the law is implemented in letter and spirit.

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Leave the Billionaires in Space – Jacobin magazine

Posted: at 1:13 pm

On June 7, Jeff Bezos announced his plan to go to space on July 20 just fifteen days after finishing up as CEO of Amazon. It was positioned as a bold next step in the billionaire space race that has been escalating for several years, though it didnt take long for its true face to show itself. Soon after Bezos set his date, Virgin Galactic CEO Richard Branson a man known for his marketing stunts decided he would try to beat the richest man in the world into orbit and scheduled his own space flight for July 11.

But as these billionaires had their eyes turned to the stars and the media showered them with the headlines they craved, the evidence that the climate of our planet is rapidly changing in a way that is hostile to life both human and otherwise was escalating.

Near the end of June, Jacobabad, a city of 200,000 people in Pakistan, experienced wet bulb conditions where high humidity and scorching temperatures combine to reach a level where the human body can no longer cool itself down. Meanwhile, half a world away, on the West Coast of North America, a heat dome that was made much worse by climate change sent temperatures soaring so high that the town of Lytton, British Columbia, hit 49.6C, beating Canadas previous temperature record by 4.6C, then burned to the ground when a wildfire tore through the town.

The contrast between those stories is striking. On one hand, billionaires are engaging in a dick-measuring contest to see who can exit the atmosphere first, while on the other, the billions of us who will never make any such journey are increasing dealing with the consequences of capitalisms effects on the climate and the decades its most powerful adherents have spent stifling action to curb them.

At a moment when we should be throwing everything we have into ensuring the planet remains habitable, billionaires are treating us to a spectacle to distract us from their quest for continued capitalist accumulation and the disastrous effects it is already having.

Last May, we were treated to a similar display of billionaire space ambition. As people across the United States were marching in the streets after the murder of George Floyd and the government was doing little to stop COVID-19 from sweeping the country, Elon Musk and President Donald Trump met in Florida to celebrate SpaceXs first time launching astronauts to the International Space Station.

As regular people were fighting for their lives, it felt like the elite were living in a completely separate world and had no qualms about showing it. They didnt have to make it to another planet.

Over the past few years, as the billionaire space race has escalated, the public has become increasingly familiar with its grand visions for our future. SpaceXs Elon Musk wants us to colonize Mars and claims the mission of his space company is to lay the infrastructure to do just that. He wants humanity to be a multiplanetary species, and he claims a Martian colony would be a backup plan in case Earth becomes uninhabitable.

Meanwhile, Bezos doesnt have much time for Mars colonization. Instead, he believes we should build large structures in Earths orbit where the human population can grow to a trillion people without further harming the planets environment. As we live out our lives in ONeill cylinders, as theyre called, well take occasional vacations down to the surface to experience the wonder of the world we once called home.

Neither of these futures are appealing if you look past the billionaires rosy pitch decks. Life on Mars would be horrendous for hundreds of years, at least, and would likely kill many of the people who made the journey, while the technology for massive space colonies doesnt exist and similarly wont be feasible for a long time to come. So, whats the point of promoting these futures in the face of an unprecedented threat to our species here on Earth? Its to get the public on board for a new phase of capitalist accumulation whose benefits will be reaped by those billionaires.

To be clear, that does not even mean anything as grand as asteroid mining. Rather, its form can be seen in the event last May: as Musk and even Trump continued to push the spectacle of Mars for the public, SpaceX was becoming not just a key player in a privatized space industry but also in enabling a military buildup through billions of dollars in government contracts. The grand visions, rocket launches, and spectacles of billionaires leaving the atmosphere are all cover for the real space economy.

While Branson is using the PR stunt for attention, the real competition is between Bezos and Musk and while they do compete with each other, they have significant mutual interest. In 2004, Bezos and Musk met to discuss their respective visions for space, which led Musk to call Bezoss ideas dumb. As a result of that discussion, they occasionally snipe at each other exchanges the media eats up but theyre still working to forward a private space industry from which they both stand to benefit.

The years of competition between SpaceX and Blue Origin over landing platforms, patents, and NASA contracts show what the billionaire space race is really about. The most recent example of this is a $2.9 billion NASA contract awarded to SpaceX to build a moon lander, which Blue Origin and defense contractor Dynetics challenged. In the aftermath, Congress considered increasing NASAs budget by $10 billion, in part so it could hand a second contract to Blue Origin. But thats hardly the only example of public funding for the ostensibly private space industry.

A report from Space Angels in 2019 estimated that $7.2 billion had been handed out to the commercial space industry since 2000, and it specifically called out SpaceX as a company whose early success depended on NASA contracts. Yet private space companies arent just building relationships with the public space agency.

SpaceX won a $149 million contract from the Pentagon to build missile-tracking satellites, and two more worth $160 million to use its Falcon 9 rockets. It also won an initial contract of $316 million to provide a launch for the Space Force a contract whose value will likely be worth far more in the future and its building the military a rocket that will deliver weapons around the world. On top of all that, SpaceX won $900 million in subsidies from the Federal Communications Commission to provide rural broadband through its overhyped Starlink satellites.

For all the lauding of private space companies and the space billionaires that champion them, they remain heavily reliant on government money. This is the real face of the private space industry: billions of dollars in contracts from NASA, the military, and increasingly for telecommunications that are helping companies like SpaceX and Blue Origin control the infrastructure of space and its all justified to the public under the promise that its in service of grand visions that are nothing more than marketing ploys.

Part of the reason SpaceX has been so successful at winning these contracts is because Musk is not an inventor but a marketer. He knows how to use PR stunts to get people to pay attention, and that helps him win lucrative contracts. He also knows what things not to emphasize, like the potentially controversial military contracts that dont get tweets or flashy announcement videos. Bezoss trip to space is all about embracing spectacle, because he realizes its essential to compete for the attention of the public and the bureaucrats deciding who gets public contracts.

For years, there have been concerns that billionaires space investments are about escaping the climate chaos their class continues to fuel here on Earth. Its the story of Neill Blomkamps Elysium: the rich live on a space colony, and the rest of us suffer on a climate-ravaged Earth while being pushed around by robot police as we perform the labor that makes the abundance of the colony possible. But thats not actually the future were headed toward.

As Sim Kern explains, keeping just a few people alive on the International Space Station takes a staff of thousands and it gets harder the farther away people are from the one world we can truly call home. Mars colonies or massive space stations are not happening anytime soon; they wont be a backup plan, nor an escape hatch. As billionaires chase profit in space and boost their egos in the process, theyre also planning for climate apocalypse down here on Earth but theyre only planning for themselves.

Just as Musk uses misleading narratives about space to fuel public excitement, he does the same with climate solutions. His portfolio of electric cars, suburban solar installations, and other transport projects are promoted to the public, but they are designed to work best if not exclusively for the elite. Billionaires are not leaving the planet, theyre insulating themselves from the general public with bulletproof vehicles, battery-powered gated communities, and possibly even exclusive transport tunnels. They have the resources to maintain multiple homes and to have private jets on standby if they need to flee a natural disaster or public outrage.

We desperately need the public to see through the spectacle of the billionaire space race and recognize that theyre not laying the groundwork for a fantastic future, or even advancing scientific knowledge about the universe. Theyre trying to extend our ailing capitalist system, while diverting resources and attention from the most pressing challenge the overwhelming majority of the planet faces. Instead of letting the billionaires keep playing in space, we need to seize the wealth theyve extracted from us and redeploy it to address the climate crisis before its too late.

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What Does Bill Cosbys Overturned Conviction Mean for Your Fifth Amendment Rights Against Self-Incrimination? – JD Supra

Posted: at 1:13 pm

The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania recently overturned Bill Cosbys 2018 conviction for crimes of sexual assault. Most have focused on the justness of this outcome. But the courts 79-page opinion also has implications for how witnesses in civil cases navigate the potential risk of self-incriminationincluding witnesses testifying on behalf of a corporation as a corporate designee under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 30(b)(6).

As we discussed in our blog on invoking the Fifth Amendment in a civil deposition, the privilege can only be claimed if the deponents answer to the question may render them vulnerable to prosecution for a crime. The question must require the witness to confront a substantial and real, and not merely trifling or imaginary, hazardof incrimination.[1] Whether the risk of incrimination is substantial and real is the very issue that has resulted in why Cosby is free today.

Cosbys legal issues started with a criminal investigation in 2005 by then Montgomery County District Attorney Bruce Castor after an alleged victim reported she was sexually assaulted by Cosby in 2004. For a variety of reasons, District Attorney Castor determined that he did not have enough evidence at the time to prosecute Cosby. Prosecutors weigh similar decisions every day, and typically, a prosecutors decision to not proceed with charges is not binding and is subject to reconsideration at a later date. But District Attorney Castor wanted to help the victim seek some justice in a civil case, so he made a promise he could not keephe publicly promised not to prosecute Cosby for that particular crime. Cosbys attorneys then determined that, because he had no reasonable fear of prosecution, he could not invoke his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination at a deposition in his civil case. Cosby made multiple admissions of guilt in the depositionin reliance on the promise that he would not be criminally prosecuted.

Whether this promise was enforceable and valid was a hotly litigated issue in the casebut the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania held that whether the promise was properly executed and / or enforceable was irrelevant since Cosby detrimentally relied on it. There was no way to un-ring the bell of his testimony and restore him to a position where he would not have incriminated himself had he utilized his Fifth Amendment protections. So, when District Attorney Castors successor later decided to charge Cosby and used his admissions in the civil deposition against him in the criminal trial, the court held that Cosbys rights to due process and protection from self-incrimination were violated. When an unconditional charging decision is made publicly and with the intent to induce action and reliance by the defendant, and when the defendant does so to his detriment (and in some instances upon the advice of counsel), denying the defendant the benefit of that decision is an affront to fundamental fairness.[2]

The civil and criminal justice systems interweave and collide in many circumstances, and some conduct, even negligent omissions, can raise both criminal and civil consequences. The complex circumstances of Cosbys conviction and subsequent release serve as an ominous reminder that your attorney needs to understand all aspects of potential incrimination and liability.

[1] Marchetti v. United States, 390 U.S. 39, 453 (1968).

[2] Pennsylvania v. Cosby, Supreme Court of Pennsylvania Case No. 39 MAP 2020 (June 30, 2021).

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Wisk Submits Evidence Claiming Massive Theft and Archer’s Use of Wisk Trade Secrets, as Archer Engineer Pleads the Fifth – PRNewswire

Posted: at 1:13 pm

MOUNTAIN VIEW, Calif., July 15, 2021 /PRNewswire/ -- Wisk Aero LLC ("Wisk"), the Urban Air Mobility (UAM) company behind the first all-electric, self-flying air taxi in the U.S., has submitted a brief in support of its preliminary injunction motion to the San Francisco federal court [FOUND HERE]. The filing details newly-obtained documents and testimony from Archer demonstrating misappropriation of Wisk's trade secrets "on a massive scale," and that an Archer engineer pleaded the Fifth Amendment. The brief states:

Archer's SPAC sponsor, Atlas Crest Investment Corp., disclosed in its July 1 amended S-4 that Archer and three of its employees received grand jury subpoenas from the United States Attorney's Office for the Northern District of California. According to the S-4, the "grand jury subpoenas seek documents and information about Archer's business, including its hiring practices and intellectual property, as well as documents and information relating to the employment of such employees at Wisk, including Wisk's intellectual property, business plans, and information relating to Wisk's aircraft design."

Additional context for Wisk's legal action and latest filing can be found on our website.

ABOUT WISK

Wisk is an urban air mobility company dedicated to delivering safe, everyday flight for everyone. Wisk's self-flying, eVTOL (electric vertical takeoff and landing) air taxi, will make it possible for passengers to skip the traffic and get to their destination faster. Based in the San Francisco Bay Area and New Zealand, Wisk is an independent company backed by The Boeing Company and Kitty Hawk Corporation. With over a decade of experience and over 1500 test flights, Wisk is shaping the future of daily commutes and urban travel, safely and sustainably.

For more information, follow us onLinkedIn,Twitter,InstagramorFacebook, or visitwisk.aero

SOURCE Wisk Aero

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Give And Take: How The U.S. Supreme Courts Ruling In Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid May Impact Rhode Islanders Who Own Property Abutting Public Lands -…

Posted: at 1:13 pm

Rhode Island is a small state favored with many natural attractions, not the least of which are its 400 miles of shoreline and more than 8,200 acres of public parks and recreation areas. Such lands frequently abut private property, and their borders have increasingly become sparring rings for individuals declaring rival rights of access and ownership.

As lawmakers continue to look for means of balancing these competing interests, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its ruling in Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid, refining the terms according to which a state may prohibit private landowners from denying access to their land by third parties. Rhode Island landowners with property adjoining public lands should take note: a state generally cannot compel a private landowner to provide public access without just compensation.

Cedar Point Nursery may be summarized as follows: when the government gives with one hand, it may also take with the other, and the Constitution compels it to pay for what it takes. The Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, applicable to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment, provides that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation. A physical takingthe clearest sort of takingoccurs when the government physically appropriates private property for public use.

The law before the Court in Cedar Point Nursery was a California regulation that granted union organizers access to agricultural employers property for three hours per day, 120 days per year to solicit support for unionization. The agricultural employers argued that the regulation effected an unconstitutional per se physical taking by appropriating without compensation a right to enter their property. In other words, the regulation granted an easement over the agricultural employers property. On the other hand, the Agricultural Labor Relations Board, the entity that promulgated the regulation at issue, argued that the regulation did not constitute a per se physical taking because it authorized only limited and intermittent access for a narrow purpose. The Board further argued that the regulation should be evaluated as regulatory rather than per se physical taking.

A regulatory taking occurs when the government imposes a regulation that restricts a private landowners ability to use his or her own property, as opposed to appropriating property for itself or a third party. While property may be regulated to a certain extent, if a regulation goes too far in restricting the use of property, it will be recognized as a regulatory taking. According to the Board, the appropriation of a three hour per day, 120 day per year right to invade the agricultural employers property did not constitute a taking of a property interest but rather a mere restriction on its use.

In a 6 to 3 ruling, a majority of the Court held that the regulation constituted a clear, per se taking because it resulted in a physical appropriation of private property. Rather than restraining the agricultural employers use of their property, the regulation appropriated for the enjoyment of third parties the agricultural employers right to exclude. A common way of describing the rights of a property owner is that they constitute a bundle of sticks: each stick is a separate right related to the land, such as the right of possession or enjoyment. The Court emphasized that the right to exclude is universally held to be a fundamental element of property ownershipa principal stick in the bundle, to extend the metaphor. The right to exclude, the Court explained, is not an empty formality that can be modified at the governments pleasure. When the government creates a right to invade private propertywhether by statute, regulation, ordinance, or miscellaneous decreea per se taking has occurred, regardless of the scope, duration, and frequency of the physical invasion. The terms of the permitted invasion bear the amount of compensation due, but not its fundamental effect.

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Ink Blog: The Supreme Court & the Constitution in 2021 – Ashland Daily Press

Posted: at 1:13 pm

The U.S. Supreme Court recently concluded its 2020-21 term. The Court decided several major cases, with many of the more significant decisions released earlier this summer.

Mahanoy Area School District v. B.L. was one of the Courts most anticipated First Amendment cases this year. It involved a high school cheerleader who was suspended from her cheer team for a profanity-laden social media post. By a vote of 8-1, the Court overturned the cheerleaders suspension in Mahanoy. Although the Court interpreted the First Amendment to provide public schools with the power to regulate some off-campus student speech, the justices found that this cheerleaders speech was protected. Justice Stephen Breyer wrote for the majority how a public school has an interest in protecting a students unpopular expression, especially when the expression takes place off campus. Americas public schools are the nurseries of democracy. Our representative democracy only works if we protect the marketplace of ideas.

Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta was another First Amendment case decided this summer. The justices voted 6-3 that a California requirement that non-profit organizations disclose their donors identities violates the First Amendment. Chief Justice John Roberts explained for the Court that when it comes to the freedom of association, the protections of the First Amendment are triggered not only by actual restrictions on an individuals ability to join with others to further shared goals. The risk of a chilling effect on association is enough.

The Court decided multiple cases interpreting the First Amendments freedom of religion over the last few months. In Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, the Court unanimously struck down Philadelphias refusal to contract with a Catholic foster care agency unless the agency agreed to certify same-sex couples as foster parents. Chief Justice Roberts wrote for the Court, holding the law in question violated the Free Exercise Clause by burdening religion: so long as the government can achieve its interests in a manner that does not burden religion, it must do so.

In another freedom of religion case, Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo, the Court ruled by a vote of 5-4 that New York State could not ban in-person attendance at religious worship services. A per curiam opinion declared the following: even in a pandemic, the Constitution cannot be put away and forgotten. The restrictions at issue here, by effectively barring many from attending religious services, strike at the very heart of the First Amendments guarantee of religious liberty.

The Court issued several noteworthy constitutional law decisions outside of the First Amendment. One was Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid, where a 6-3 majority found that a California law granting labor unions a right of access to farmworkers at their worksites violated the property rights of agricultural employers under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment. Chief Justice Roberts again wrote for the Court, explaining for the majority that the access regulation grants labor organizations a right to invade the growers property. It therefore constitutes a per se physical taking.

Jones v. Mississippi saw the Court rule 6-3 that the Eighth Amendment prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment does not require a finding that a juvenile is permanently incorrigible before imposing a sentence of life without parole. Justice Brett Kavanaugh clarified for the Court that while a finding of incorrigibility is not required, there remains a requirement that a sentencer consider youth as a mitigating factor when deciding whether to impose a life-without-parole sentence.

Finally, in California v. Texas the justices by a vote of 7-2 held that plaintiffs challenging the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Acts minimum essential coverage provision lacked standing to sue under Article III of the Constitution. Writing for the Court, Justice Breyer emphasized that since Congress repealed the penalty for not carrying that health insurance coverage, the plaintiffs in this suit failed to show a concrete, particularized injury fairly traceable to the defendants conduct in enforcing the specific statutory provision they attack as unconstitutional.

Next year, the Court is again expected to rule on important constitutional questions, including reviewing laws on abortion and affirmative action. As is typical, next years most anticipated decisions are expected in June.

Eric T. Kasper is a professor of political science and the director of the Menard Center for Constitutional Studies at UW-Eau Claire. He also serves as the municipal judge for the city of Rice Lake and is a member of the Wisconsin Bar Association.

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Man convicted of sex crime on Colo. tribal reservation appeals to SCOTUS – coloradopolitics.com

Posted: at 1:13 pm

A man prosecuted for assault in theUte Mountain Ute's judicial system is turning to the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing his subsequent conviction in federal court violated his constitutional right against double jeopardy.

Merle Denezpi is asking the justices to determine whether the "CFR Court" for the Ute Mountain Reservation named for the Code of Federal Regulations provision that established it is an arm of the federal government rather than a sovereign entity. The answer could illuminate whether he deserved to have his second case dismissed entirely.

"CFR courts differ from tribal courts and whether federal or tribal sovereignty is the source of their prosecutorial powers is an important question this Court has not yet answered," Santa Fe attorney Theresa M. Duncan wrote to the Supreme Court in Denezpi's petition.

According to court records, Denezpi, of Shiprock, N.M., traveled into the reservation in July 2017 to his girlfriend's house near the town ofTowaoc. Denzpi, a Navajo tribal member, traveled there with his victim, also Navajo, and at the house he threatened and sexually assaulted her.

The victim was able to escape in the early morning and after being picked up by police, she reported the assault to tribal authorities and underwent a forensic examination that documented numerous injuries to her body and genitals.

Tribal police arrested Denezpi afterward, and he faced an assault charge in theCourt of Indian Offenses of the Ute Mountain Ute Agency. He ultimately served a sentence of less than five months in custody.

However, a federal grand jury subsequently indicted Denezpi for aggravated sexual abuse in Indian Country. The crime is subject to both federal and tribal jurisdiction when the victim and perpetrator are Indian. A jury found him guilty and Denezpi received a sentence of 30 years in prison.

Denezpi appealed, arguingthe Fifth Amendment prohibited his re-prosecution for the same offense.

A federal district court judge decided it did not, given that tribes derive their prosecutorialpower separately from any delegation by the federal government. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit upheld Denezpi's conviction last year, also rejecting his claim that the tribal court gained its jurisdiction from the federal government, rather than its status as a sovereignentity.

Congress established CFR courts to give tribes jurisdiction over American Indians where tribal courts have not been established. Tribes have both created and stepped back fromtheir tribal courts over the years.

In writing for the three-member appeals panel, Senior Judge Stephanie Kulp Seymour referenced the Supreme Court's 1978 finding that Indian nations' power to punish tribal members who violate tribal law has never been taken away, and always stemmed from their sovereignty.

"Congresss creation of CFR courts, then, did not divest the tribes of their self-governing power," she wrote in the panel's opinion.

The case raises the issue of "dual sovereignty," a doctrine that allows for two sovereign entities to both prosecute a crime that is against their laws, regardless of double jeopardy protections. Denezpi claimed that CFR courts are hybrids, operating as tribal courts in areas where there are none, but are also arms of the federal government.

"Because the CFR courts function, at least in part, as a 'federal agency,' the the Double Jeopardy clause prohibits a second prosecution by another federal agency, in this case the Department of Justice," his petition argued.

The government waived its right to respond to Denezpi's petition, but the Supreme Court subsequently requested that the U.S. Departmentof Justice weigh in.

The case is Denezpi v. United States.

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Federal Circuit Reverses CIT’s Decision on the President’s Ability to Modify Section 232 Tariffs – Lexology

Posted: at 1:12 pm

On July 13, 2021, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit (CAFC) released its opinion reversing the U.S. Court of International Trades (CIT) decision that President Trump had unlawfully doubled tariffs on imports of steel from Turkey under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (Section 232). The CIT had initially found that such action was beyond the Presidents authority as it was taken outside the timeframe set forth in Section 232. Our prior blog post discussing Section 232 cases at the CIT, including that decision, can be found here.

In Transpacific Steel LLC v. U.S., the CAFC found that the increase in Section 232 tariffs on Turkish steel was permissible because the initial proclamation imposing tariffs on steel imports had allowed for future adjustments. According to the CAFC, under the statute, the President can take a continuing course of action which allows later modification, including the increase of import restrictions. The CAFC concluded that the CITs narrow reading of the statute obstructs the statutory purpose of Section 232, and would impede the Presidents ability to effectively address the national security issues raised by the Department of Commerce. The CAFC also reversed the CITs finding that the tariff increase had violated equal protection rights under the Fifth Amendment. One member of the CAFC panel, Judge Reyna, dissented, arguing that the CIT correctly found that the President exceeded his authority under Section 232.

While this decision concerned a temporary increase in 232 tariffs with respect to imports of steel from Turkey, its impact could be much broader, in that the Biden Administration may rely on this decision to adjust any of the Section 232 duties on steel and aluminum imports more freely. Currently, it is unclear what President Bidens next steps with regard to these Section 232 tariffs will be, and now, he may have a freer hand in modifying these tariff levels to effectuate broader trade and industrial policies.

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