Daily Archives: June 23, 2021

BORIS JOHNSON came to power in 2019 with a commitment to significant constitutional change: the Tory manifesto pledged that a Conservative government would hold a constitutional review to restore trust in our democracy.

This review would tackle the purpose of the House of Lords, prerogative powers, the role of the courts and the 1998 Human Rights Act.

The Labour Party also pledged a constitutional convention which would focus on the future of devolution and proposed replacing the House of Lords with a Senate of the Nations and Regions.

The SNP made a commitment that SNP MPs would continue to oppose the undemocratic House of Lords and vote for its abolition. The Greens were committed to a fully elected House of Lords. The Lib Dems have a long record of supporting a federal arrangement. Even the Brexit Party was committed to reforming the House of Lords.

Polling conducted in the run-up to the 2019 general election for the Electoral Reform Society reported that 85 per cent of people felt dissatisfied with the political system and felt that they had little influence.

The ERS response was that Parliament is in urgent need of an overhaul From a warped voting system to an unelected House of Lords,our 19th-century levers of government are in desperate need of an upgrade.

All this contributed to a sense that, regardless of the outcome of the election, there would be some change to the way the UK Parliament operated.

Eighteen months from that election, what has happened? There was an opportunity for a wider debate around the Dunlop Review which was commissioned by Theresa May in July 2019 as a short, focused independent review to ensure that the devolution settlements were working effectively.

It was completed before the end of 2019, but it was spring 2021 before the review was made public. The main finding was that Whitehall had little understanding or interest in devolution. It has been proved correct.

It was apparent by then that constitutional issues had fallen off the agenda and it was back to business as usual, except for Johnson making himself Minister for the Union. The imposition of the Internal Markets Act has only further centralised power in 10 and 11 Downing Street.

The issue has not gone away. Across Britain there have been renewed discussions within and between the nations and regions.

In Wales in January 2021 there was the launch of We the People: The case for Radical Federalism. Supported by the Welsh First Minister, Mark Drakeford, it made the case for the shared governance of the UK.

It argued that radical constitutional reform is a necessity. It stated that the people of Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and England should be offered the opportunity to make a positive choice to envision, and contribute to the creation of a modern, collaborative, distributed and open democracy.

In Scotland the Red Paper Collective has continued to make the case for progressive federalism. It argues that any constitutional arrangement must ensure the redistribution of wealth throughout the UK, be built on democratic control of the economy as without that real power is not devolved and be based on the principles of solidarity and subsidiarity. Solidarity with working people everywhere, but ensuring that power is held at the most local level where it can be delivered effectively.

It is not just the nations that are calling for greater powers locally and a real say in central decisions. The past five years have given voices to regions through their elected mayors.

Jamie Driscoll is the elected mayor for the North of Tyne Combined Authorities area covering Newcastle City Council, North Tyneside Council and Northumberland County Council. He is in favour of devolution to the level of the functional economic area. Thats the city region.

He is opposed to the idea of an English executive, or an English parliament. He argues that in Newcastle, he has more economic common ground with Glasgow and Edinburgh than the south coast or Home Counties. Subnational bodies such as a northern powerhouse should be confederal, where city regions choose to collaborate. He sayshe would not have chosen the mayoral model, but we have to start from where are.

Elected mayors have been a counterweight to the growing authoritarian Tory government and give a glimpse of what a federal arrangement could mean.

Federalism means more than simply devolving power to the nations and regions, it must also include the opportunity to establish common interests and by uniting together have the power to resist the imposition of damaging policies by the centralised cabinet dominated Westminster Parliament.

Constitutional Commissions and Reviews are loudly announced but quietly disappear. We should not wait for the outcome of an elite-led lengthy review but start the process now.

The regions and the nations all face a battle to protect themselves from the centralising agenda of the Johnson government. This should be the basis for working together in our common interest.

Devolved administrations, elected mayors and council leaders need to combine to resist the imposition of unacceptable policies and mobilise alongside the trade unions and campaigning groups to build solidarity across borders. This should prefigure a federal approach laying the ground for a radical restructuring of the British state.

This approach may not appeal to independence parties, but it would appeal to their voters, who recognise that a future promise of a better life under independence is not a substitute for fighting for a better life here and now.

Pauline Bryan is a Labour peer and convener of the Red Paper Collective.

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Federalism is an issue for the whole of the UK - Morning Star Online

Tamil Nadu Governor Banwarilal Purohit, on Monday, outlined the policy initiatives of the DMK government on priority issues, in his customary address at the first session of the 16th state assembly.

While a significant portion of the address reiterated the DMKs avowed ideologies of state autonomy, social justice and reservation, the governors address, for the first time in the state assembly, referred to thecentral government as ondriya arasu or the Union government, the term being used by Chief Minister M.K. Stalin to refer the central government as union of states. Strong states are needed to create a strong Union. This government will staunchly stand in defence of the rights of the states and constitutionally oppose any infringement of such rights. At the same time, we will maintain a cordial relationship with the Union government as partners in the process of nation building, in line with our policy of extending our hand in friendship, even as we speak up for our rights, he said.

Reiterating that the government is guided by the ethos of the Dravidian movement, the governor said social justice, gender equality, economic equity, opportunity for all through reservations and progress through education and social reforms will drive every legislation and every scheme of the new government. The government is determined to transform Tamil Nadu into a state with self-respect, with an empowered citizenry enjoying their rights, and which is prosperous in all respects, as envisioned by Thanthai Periyar, he added.

While touching upon the need for continuing with 69 per cent reservation and exemption from NEET, the governor also said this government would ensure that native Tamils, especially those that have studied in Tamil-medium and government schools, would be given priority in recruitment for government posts.

Stating that an expert council will be constituted to advise Chief minister M.K. Stalin on revitalising the states economy, he said the government will submit a white paper on the states finances in July. Making it clear that the government will not stand corruption in any form, Purohit said, The Lok Ayukta will be revitalised and empowered to deal with complaints against public authorities, including elected representatives and government officials.

The Directorate of Vigilance and Anti Corruption (DVAC) will be energised and pending complaints dealt with expeditiously, he said. In fact, this was one of the poll promises of the DMK. The party had said corruption will not be allowed at any level of governance and those who erred in the earlier regime will be dealt with legally.

Purohit further said the government is determined to ensure transparency and accountability in temple management, and added that the assets, lands and properties of temples will be protected.

"A state-level advisory committee for all major Hindu temples will be constituted to enhance facilities for devotees, improve the maintenance of temples and to advise on related issues, he said.

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Tamil Nadu governors address emphasises on state autonomy and federalism - THE WEEK

Formal institutional reforms, such as decentralisation and a transition to federalism, do not necessarily mean immediate or significant changes in the actors with political power or capital, the power of the government as a whole, or the power of interest groups to block reforms. However, the transition to federalism needs to have more, and different, effects on the decision-making mechanism. Decentralisation needs to increase the importance of organised opposition as the governments need to pay more attention to the communities that are under their jurisdiction. There is a need for working from both ways: national to local and local to national levels. This is possible only through massive inclusion, creative dialogue and interaction among all concerned units and stakeholders.

For this, relevant authorities should nurture policy dialogues among leaders of all sectors and levels. So, the policy process should be seen as a collective process for all Nepali people equally. The deconstruction of an elite-controlled, centralised and top-down policy process into the bottom-up approach to ensure multi-dimensional participation is a way of solution. It will help to generate the ownership of stakeholder in related policy that will be productive in accelerating the activeness and ensuring sustainability.

As Nepal transitioned to federalism with a new constitution in 2015, similar changes were expected in society. However, it did not happen effectively as the play of politics is seen during the Covid-19 pandemic and the decision-making regarding the pandemic control.

With respect to policy design and implementation, close attention needs to be paid to the body that will implement a policy rather than the body making a formal decision. During the first wave of the pandemic last year, the federal governments decision-making and fund-flow mechanism, as a response to stop the spread of the virus, were highly centralised and based on hunches and swallow analyses.

The inefficiency on the part of the government was not, however, due to a lack of decision-making bodies. In fact, multiple committees had been formed at different levels to tackle the problem, starting from the federal level to the lowest rung of administration: the local government. However, the decision-making process had been riddled with problems since the very beginning. Ad-hoc decision making, unnecessary politicisation, overlapping roles and responsibilities, a lack of coordination, political influence and unnecessary creation of hierarchy complicated the flow of information.

The personality-driven decision-making process needs to be changed with collective voices and actions from civil societies, organised opposition and interest groups. There needs to be a structural transformation following relevant pathways such as but not limited to the alignment of political capital and the mandate and ownership of implementers, organised opposition, the political economy of issues, purpose, scope and limitations, public awareness and support and the impact on direct and indirect beneficiaries.

The focus can be better placed on where the government is actually committed and motivated to act upon a policy. A useful sign of deeper commitment and interest is whether a government is prepared to spend its own resources in response to the pandemic and delegate authority to an implementing organisation to put the policy into action. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the Nepal government has pervasively and glaringly mismanaged its pandemic response. The government failed to prepare adequately for a second wave during the months when there was a letup in infections and transmissible variants that would spread more rapidly.

Willingness to devote its attention to the crisis still remains unclear. Effective state response to a pandemic of the magnitude of Covid-19 requires clear roles and responsibilities, coordination mechanisms, information channels and fiscal relations that allow for a contextualised response, and enables interventions that effectively respond to the immediate health and economic crises. Nepal clearly lacks many of these basic requirements.

Compounded divisions between CPN-UML and the Maoist Centre have added to the turmoil. Three years post-unification, different competing factions within the ruling party are still alive. Betrayal and counter betrayal continue to prevail. Party leadership got indulged in internal fissures and spent the time deadlocked in a power tussle resulting in ineffective governance practices.

Prime Minister Oli earned notoriety for misinformation, denial and nationalist campaigns to silence hiswaningpopularity and credibility. Olis incompetent leadership is costing innocent lives as he continuously undermines the severity of Covid-19. In conjunction, the Oli administrationprioritises political manoeuvresthat aim to consolidate the prime ministers power. Censorshipof the media, controversialnew ordinances, and parliament dissolution, to name a few, were his priority over Covid-19 relief efforts that benefit the general population.

These make it quite evident that political wrangling and infighting are to be blamed for the sharp turn for the worse in the pandemic. Such decision-making undermined democracy in favour of creeping authoritarianism and deepened divisions within the ruling party. Olis inability to thrive without nationalist rhetoric catalysed eventual calls for his losing the vote of confidence in the House of Representatives.

The result of politics is measured empirically in the realm of development where development is not only a purely economic phenomenon but also a multi-dimensional process of reorganising and reorienting an entire economic and social system that seeks the improvement of quality of all human lives in a protected ecology. The existing capital centred policy institution and one-way development policy process cannot be relevant in the federal system of Nepal. Proven poor governance track record, characterised by inadequate leadership, a divided ruling party, corruption and mishandling of funds by the government, and questionable governance practices by the prime minister not only put the population at a disadvantage in weathering the pandemic, but it also may deal additional blows to the countrys health and economic wellbeing.

Continued intra-party disputes and dismissal of the pandemic will lead to greater suffering and delay urgently needed measures to further weather the Covid-19 aftershocks. A change in leadership amid a crisis is not ideal for a country historically plagued by political instability, but fresh leadership and energy are necessary to mitigate the impending repercussions and reestablish effective governance that can adapt to new challenges such as Covid-19. Political reformation with strategic importance for drastic change may play the role of the game change in competitive response towards the Covid-19 catastrophe.

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Covid-19 Nepal: Federalism fared badly as politics and pandemic collided. What next? - Online Khabar (English)

Union minister Hardeep Singh Puri said PM Modi has done a lot for Punjab and Sikhs over the 7 years. He cited exemption of community kitchens of gurdwaras from GST, and the opening of the Kartarpur Sahib corridor for visa-free travel

By Malavika PM

UPDATED ON JUN 18, 2021 06:10 PM IST

Union minister Hardeep Singh Puri on Friday held a press conference to showcase Prime Minister Narendra Modis outreach to poll-bound Punjab in the true spirit of cooperative federalism and to farmers. He said Modi on Thursday sanctioned 41 oxygen plants for Punjab under the PM Cares Fund. He added the Centre earlier allocated 13 oxygen plants for the state and added some of them would be operational by the end of this month and the rest by August 15.

Puri said PM Modi has done a lot for Punjab and Sikhs over the seven years he has been the Prime Minister. He cited exemption of community kitchens of gurdwaras from GST, the opening of the Kartarpur Sahib corridor for visa-free travel to Guru Nanaks final resting place as measures of goodwill towards Punjab and the Sikhs in particular.

Also Watch | Amid 3rd wave worry, PM Modi launches crash course for 100,000 Covid warriors

Puri hit out at critics who have accused the Centre of denying the state its fair share of Covid-19 drugs. He said Punjab received 632 remdesivir doses per 100,000 people while Uttar Pradesh, which has a much larger population, 364. This might not be an indicator as many states also procure the drugs themselves. But for anyone to suggest that they have been short-changed or denied the legitimate share is a falsification.

He said Modi and the government have made it repeatedly clear that they were ready to sit and talk to the farmers, who have been protesting against three farm laws passed in September. And I reiterate that. There are several commentators on this issue. I call them up individually and ask them to clear all residual doubts. We are open to all suggestions. But the template has to be to benefit farmers. The hard-working farmer is the primary beneficiary and has to be rewarded. Anything else can be discussed.

Puri underlined it has been a year since the farm laws, which first triggered protests in Punjab, were promulgated as ordinances and none of their expected repercussions has come true.

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BJP cites PM Modis Punjab outreach to laud spirit of cooperative federalism - Hindustan Times

By Robert Egbe

True federalism, fairness, equity and justice are needed to avoid a repeat of the 1983 and 1993 post-elections violence in the 2023 general election.

This was the stand of participants at the 27th anniversary of the Epetedo declaration by the late Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola.

The events organiser, Coalition for a Better Nigeria, stated this yesterday in a statement signed by its National Coordinator, Awa Bamiji.

The late Chief Abiola, recognised winner of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, declared himself the president, at Epetedo on Lagos Island, on June 11, 1994, after waiting a year for his mandate to be restored.

His defiance of the military junta which later annulled the poll led to Abiolas arrest and subsequent death in detention.

The events theme was 2023 general election: how to avoid a repeat of 1983 and 1993 post-election violence.

Apart from the June 11 national discourse at Epetedo, there was also a June 12 Eko Youth democracy day symposium held at Eko FM in Ikeja. Both events were hosted by the Lagos State Government.

The second co-chairman at the event, Senator Biyi Durojaiye was represented by a leading figure from the Campaign for Democracy, Pastor Banji Ajayi.

Of the four discussants invited, Senator Tokunbo Afikuyomi was represented by Comrade Shina Loremikan. Two others, Oba Abiodun Sowunmi and former National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) president, Comrade Segun Mayegun, participated in person.

Also in attendance were Alfa Daud, Chief Imam, Iju Ishaga Mosque; victims of the June 12 struggle led by Abiodun Mustapha, a.k.a. June 12; and Akin Orisagbemi, former aide to the late Kudirat Abiola.

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2023: True federalism needed to avoid post-election violence - The Nation Newspaper

THE BBC has defended its decision of not including a pro-independence voice in a discussion on Good Morning Scotland of English Votes for English Laws (EVEL).

Tory minister Michael Gove has proposed scrapping the mechanism that means legislation affecting England alone must be approved by a majority of English MPs.

The measure, introduced in 2014 by then prime minister David Cameron after the independence referendum, has been accused of creating a second-tier of MPs at Westminster by the SNP.

READ MORE:Mhairi Black rips into Michael Gove's new plot to stop independence

Gove is reportedly considering the change in a bid to boost support for the Union.

So, who did the BBC get on to discuss this possibility? Good Morning Scotland opted for LibDem MP Alistair Carmichael and Conservative Home's Henry Hill.

The question was introduced: "Is Michael Gove about to deliver us from EVEL? I'm referring, of course, to English Laws for English Votes [sic]. It was brought in by the David Cameron government to prevent Scottish MPs voting on matters that did not affect Scotland.

"It now looks like Mr Gove is going to scrap the procedure. Is that a good thing, or does it mean that what's knownas the West Lothian Question returns to cause problems?"

You'll notice a distinct absence of any mention of why this move is said to be happening to boost the Union.

When we asked the BBC whether a pro-independence voice had been invited on, a spokesperson told us: "The topic of the item was English Votes for English Laws with contributors on from opposing positions to discuss it."

READ MORE:Alex Cole-Hamilton mocked for ridiculous response after Scotland game

Carmichael was for more federalism, whereas Hill defended the measure as the best option available. The other solution to this dilemma, of course, is Scotland going independent, but that viewpoint wasn't represented.

Instead, listeners were treated to attacks that went unanswered.

Explaining his position, Hill said: "Its simply a fact that the debate on devolution in England isnt where federalists would like it to be, England is under no obligation to come up with a system that sort-of mirrors those chosen by Scotland and Wales.

Especially not for effectively so trivial a reason as Scottish and Welsh MPs dont like having to crack on with case work when English-only legislation is in the chamber.

Those lazy Scots and Welsh, eh? Its a wonder they want us in the Union.

Carmichael, meanwhile, said: The fair way to do this is for the UK as a whole to have a federal structure of government, something the Liberal Democrats have been promoting since I was a boy and even before that, and now a significant number of people like Gordon Brown

If the removal of EVEL precipitates a proper debate on that future structure for governance in England then thats got to be a good thing.

More federalism. The Gordon Brown Scottish independence debate special.

READ MORE:Andy Burnham in row with Nicola Sturgeon over Manchester travel ban

Setting out his position further, Hill said: I think this is part of the problem. The idea that we should go through the vast expense and constitutional danger of bringing in an English parliament or revisit regional assemblies which English voters already rejected in the New Labour era the idea that we need to do all of that just because Scottish and Welsh MPs dont like the fact they have to sit out on an English education vote, is I think fairly ridiculous.

The fact of the matter is the people of England are not obliged to come up with the same answer or even a similar answer to that Scotland or Wales came up with. English Votes for English Laws laws allows us its the bare minimum to the answer to the West Lothian Question.

It really is annoying having decisions foisted on you despite how you voted, isnt it? For example, being forced out of the European Union despite every region in your nation voting against that.

Could the BBC host at least play devils advocate here? Apparently not

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BBC defends failure to include pro-indy voice on EVEL discussion - The National

With the increasing demand by Nigerians for the adoption of the 1963 Republican Constitution to replace the existing 1999 Constitution, KUNLE ODEREMI writes on some fundamental provisions in the document, coupled with the opposition to the ongoing moves to amend the constitution.

UNDER 21 years of civil dispensation, the 1999 Constitution has undergone four amendments through 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Alteration exercises. Nonetheless, midwifed by the then military government of Gen Abdusallam Abubakar (GCFR), based on the Constitution Decree No. 24 of 1999, fundamental issues of devolution of powers, federal structure and true federalism, the Nigeria Police and Security architecture, judicial reform, fiscal federalism devolution of powers, forms and type of government persist.

The Supreme Court of Nigeria affirms that Federalism as a legal concept generally connotes an Association of states formed for certain common purposes, but the State retains a large measure of their original independence or autonomy. It is the co-ordinate relationship of power between the individual States and the National Government which is at the centre. The court adds that Federalism, as a viable concept of organising a pluralistic society such as Nigeria for governance, does not encourage so much concentration of powers in the centre which is the Federal Government. In federalism, the component states do not play the role of errand boys.

In another landmark judgment, the apex court in the country declared that each government in a federation exists not as an appendage of another government but as an autonomous entity in the sense of being able to exercise its own will in the conduct of its affairs, free from direction from another Government. According to observers, these cardinal principles of federalism are largely in short supply and applicable in the country. They say what indeed obtains is a quasi-unitary system cloaked in federalism. This fact is underscored by a renowned constitution lawyer, Professor Ben Nwabueze (SAN) that one single constitution for all the governments involved both Federal and state in a federation is a manifest contradiction.

A former general secretary f the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), Chief Debo Adesina, buttressed the argument with the provisions of the 1960 Independence Constitution, which provided for separate constitutions for both the federation and the regions as separate Schedules to the Independence Order-in-Council.

Ditto the 1963 Republican Constitution that provided for the establishment of regional constitutions for the then three regions in the federation. Section 5 (1) thereof stated as follows: Subject to the provision of this Constitution (Federal Constitution) the Constitution of each region shall have the force of law throughout the region. In the spirit of federalism, there was a specific provision in that constitution that the Executive Authority of a Region (which extended to the execution and maintenance of the Regional Constitution), should be exercised so as not to impede or prejudice the exercise of the Executive Authority of the Federation or endanger the continuance of the Federation. It is against these background and, coupled with issues threatening the corporate existence of the country that many, including Adesina, situate what is regarded as the structural and systemic challenges facing the country, especially the inadequacies of the 1999 Constitution. There is the vexatious issue of over concentration of powers at the centre at the detriment of the federating units.

According to constitutional experts, the 1954 Constitution had 43 items in the Exclusive Legislative List, 45 items in the 1960 and 1963 Independence and Republican Constitutions respectively;66 items in the 1979 Constitution and 68 items in the 1999 Constitution as amended. Those figures underscored the geometric rise in the number of items on the Exclusive Legislative list and the awesome powers acquired by the central government at the expense of the federating units. Therefore, structure and power imbalance are evident in the powers of the federal government over such as policing system, census, labour, trade unions and industrial relations, mines, minerals, natural gas, drugs, evidence, trade and commerce as contained in the Exclusive Legislative List. This is in addition to 30 items under the Concurrent Legislative List for which both the states and the central government have powers to make laws subject.

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In spite of the huge investment in the water sector by the government and international organisations, water scarcity has grown to become a perennial nightmare for residents of Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital. This report x-rays the lives and experiences of residents in getting clean, potable and affordable water amidst the surge of COVID-19 cases in the state

Selfies, video calls and Chinese documentaries: The things youll meet onboard Lagos-Ibadan train

The Lagos-Ibadan railway was inaugurated recently for a full paid operation by the Nigerian Railway Corporation after about a year of free test-run. Our reporter joined the train to and fro Lagos from Ibadan and tells his experience in this report

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The ABC of 1963 Constitution - NIGERIAN TRIBUNE