Daily Archives: May 31, 2021

Say names of those who died in defense of freedom – Scranton Times-Tribune

Posted: May 31, 2021 at 2:50 am

Every headstone in cemeteries across our nation and around the globe tells a story.

The letters etched upon those stones are the names of mothers, fathers, wives, husbands, daughters and sons. Far too many lived short lives fighting and dying for the peace, freedom and opportunities we enjoy as Americans.

Whenever I walk through the sacred grounds of our national cemeteries, I pause and read the names aloud to ensure I never forget the ultimate sacrifice these patriots gave in defense of freedom.

On Memorial Day, my wish is that all Americans take the time to remember the sacrifices of these heroes by saying their names aloud. Saying the names of these men and women keeps their memory alive the memory of their service, commitment, dedication and love of country. It reminds their families that we continue to stand with them.

My most humbling career experiences have been the privilege of meeting our men and women serving in Afghanistan and Iraq, visiting and seeing firsthand the resilience of those wounded and recovering, and sharing my condolences and grief with military families when their loved ones came home in a flag-draped coffin. They arent just names. They are our families and friends, our neighbors and fellow citizens. These men and women have so many stories of bravery and valor to tell.

Wood National Cemetery in Milwaukee is the final resting place of four Civil War Medal of Honor recipients, Buffalo Soldiers and Michelle Witmer, the first woman from the Wisconsin National Guard killed in war in 60 years. She served in Iraq with her sisters, Charity and Rachel.

Army Private David Bennes is buried in San Antonio. He earned the Medal of Honor in World War I after he volunteered to cross a river to observe enemy positions and drowned on the return trip.

In 2006, Air Force Tech. Sgt. Alfred Hill, who was missing in action for 62 years, finally returned home and was laid to rest at the Fort Sill National Cemetery. He and eight crew members were onboard a B-24 bomber that disappeared on a mission during World War II.

Those who read the book We Were Soldiers Once and Young or saw the movie will recognize the name of Medal of Honor recipient Army Capt. Ed Too Tall Freeman, buried in the Idaho State Veterans Cemetery. A helicopter pilot who volunteered to fly food and supplies to soldiers fighting in Vietnams Ia Drang Valley under heavy enemy fire, Freemans bravery allowed hundreds to return home to their families.

And theres Jesse LeRoy Brown, who earned the Distinguished Flying Cross the first Black naval officer to complete the Navys basic flight training program and the first Black naval officer killed in the Korean War. He was killed trying to save Marines trapped at the Chosin Reservoir. His body was never recovered and his family was left without a grave to honor and remember him.

The Sicily-Rome American Cemetery and Memorial is the final resting place for 7,861 servicemen who died liberating Italy from the Nazis. Many more heroes from our wars rest in hallowed grounds around the world.

We cant lose sight of what Memorial Day means for our nation and families who continue to grieve the loss of a soldier, sailor, airman, Marine or Coast Guardsman.

For these Americans, Memorial Day may not be a day of celebration. It may be a deeply personal and somber day. Remember them in your prayers and recognize that we are free because of their sacrifices.

As our caring colleagues in the National Cemetery Administration maintain their solemn mission to watch over those no longer with us, we know many more veterans came home with wounds both visible and invisible. I promise that all of us in VA will selflessly serve those men and women who served and sacrificed so much for all of us.

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How much freedom from media obligations should Naomi Osaka and other athletes get? – The Athletic

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In the classic 1938 journalism novel Scoop by Evelyn Waugh, reporters who arrive at a supposed African war zone find no conflict, then create one in a hysterical sendup of the media at the time.

When news hit this week that tennis star Naomi Osaka revealed on Instagram that she would not be meeting with reporters at the French Open that starts Sunday in Paris, I thought of Waughs masterpiece. Unless Osaka shifts her position, reporters wont get to ask her questions about the tournament, or about whether she will play in the Tokyo Olympics or if she thinks they should even occur amid the lingering pandemic.

Osaka, whose mother is Japanese and father is Haitian and who grew up in the U.S., plays under the Japanese flag and is a face for the already once suspended quadrennial games.

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The Harvard Crimson The Freedom That Is Elsewhere | Opinion – Harvard Crimson

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I grew up in inner-city Columbus, Ohio, and attended Northland High School, where fear and struggle were students primary motivations. When I look back, I realize just how unhealthy it was for me to understand that I would never want my own children to live in an environment like mine at the very time that I was living there. No one should have to live in a place where their friends are subject to being murdered, where flying bullets often mark their parties, or where the bullets that miss their bodies still puncture their understanding of their self-worth.

Most of us simply wanted to make it out of this situation. Some of us wanted desperately to change it from within. None of us ever really questioned why a situation filled with violence and suffering existed at all.

It is not a question I considered until I arrived at Harvard. For the first time, I was part of a community where the absence of a socioeconomic burden was possible. I often hung out with folks from privileged situations but endlessly found myself peeking over white picket fences, examining the variety of luxurious cadences and dispositions performed by these individuals. Predictably, I never found myself able to assimilate, for my heart was with my brothers and sisters back home. My father manually installed a white fence in our backyard when I was a boy. He knew it could not save me from the violence that would later rupture me and the people I loved. I was doomed, inevitably and immeasurably.

I soon realized that those luxurious dispositions displayed by my privileged peers did not symbolize freedom because they were on the opposite pole did not intrinsically mean they were in a fundamentally ideal situation. Instead, it was the freedom to exist without the aforementioned burdens perpetually looming in every bat of my eyes that I found most illuminating. I was able to wonder in ways I had never wondered, venture places that would remain distant potentialities for those back home.

This gnawed at me more than anything knowing and feeling the freedom that was out there and not being able to simply give it to the people I loved. It was because of this realization which came around the end of my time at Harvard that I ultimately decided to address the question that had been quietly waiting for me: Why do these conditions exist?

Such a simple question requires one to be both analytical of the world and ever-critical of the structures which create it. For oppressed peoples, it establishes, as Paulo Freire calls it, conscientization, or the process of learning and understanding ones oppression and subsequently learning how to fight it. However, no matter your age, background, or societal position, you are never too far from harsh realities to be critical of the forces at play.

For those who benefit from a repressive system, be brave enough to reckon with a system that imposes violence and perpetual suffering unto others. The questions are clear and ready to be asked (For example, why do Black and third-world peoples suffer while others do not? What must be done to liberate them?). We must do everything we can to solve them. Lives are, quite literally, at stake.

It took me wrestling with this question to realize that the conditions only reflect the social systems within which they exist. In the year since I graduated from Harvard, I have been to numerous public protests (at one of which I was detained), kneeled for the national anthem before my teams basketball games (as I now play for Ohio State University), and, most recently, started a book club with the goals of reading texts that are critical of oppressive structures and dynamics, and engaging in liberating discourse. All of these efforts were in the name of challenging and rejecting a system that has caused immense suffering for my loved ones and me. Yet, the reality of oppressive conditions is visible to all. It is up to each of us to change them.

Seth Towns 20 was a Sociology concentrator in Winthrop House and former Harvard men's basketball player.

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Central Park ‘Exonerated 5’ Member Reflects On Freedom And Forgiveness – NPR

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Yusef Salaam, shown above in 2019, reflects on his wrongful conviction in the memoir, Better, Not Bitter. David Paul Morris/Bloomberg via Getty Images hide caption

Yusef Salaam, shown above in 2019, reflects on his wrongful conviction in the memoir, Better, Not Bitter.

In 1989, 15-year-old Yusef Salaam was one of five Black and Latino teenagers who were wrongly accused of assault and rape in the so-called Central Park jogger case.

At the time of his 1990 trial, Salaam, then out on bail, felt confident that the truth would come out and that he and the other teens would be proven innocent.

"I was on the phone with a friend of mine and I remember someone running up to me, [saying] 'They got the verdict! They got the verdict!' " Salaam says. "And I told the person, 'Hey, they got the verdict. I'll see you in a little while. I'll be right back. I'll be home.' And I didn't come back until seven years later."

Each of the boys, then known as the "Central Park Five," was convicted. It wasn't until 2002 well after Salaam had completed his nearly seven-year prison sentence that DNA evidence confirmed that they were all innocent. A serial rapist and murderer had acted alone in committing the crime.

"When the truth came out, that's when we got our lives back," Salaam says. "But for those of us who had five to 10 years prison sentences, we had done all of someone else's time. ... We will never know what our life would have been like had we not gone through this horrible experience."

Salaam now refers to himself, Antron McCray, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana and Korey Wise as the Exonerated Five. Their stories were told in a 2012 documentary by Ken Burns and in the 2019 Netflix series When They See Us, directed by Ava DuVernay.

In the memoir, Better, Not Bitter, Salaam reflects on his wrongful conviction and his efforts to forgive those responsible for his vilification.

"You have to be able to forgive so that you can cut yourself from the ball and chain that's holding you back," he says. "It has nothing to do with the individual who harmed you, but everything to do with yourself."

Better, Not Bitter: Living on Purpose in the Pursuit of Racial Justice, Yusef Salaam Grand Central Publishing hide caption

Better, Not Bitter: Living on Purpose in the Pursuit of Racial Justice, Yusef Salaam

On how the boys were forced to give false confessions

I remember when I was [at the precinct] with Korey [Wise] hearing him getting beat up in the next room. I remember hearing him yell out, "OK, OK, I'll tell you!" And he made, if I'm not mistaken, four completely different confessions, four completely different ones. And the one that he implicated me in, they played at my trial and all we wanted to do was go home. This was a nightmare. We were delirious with hunger. We were delirious, because time was passing and we didn't know what time it was, just a whole nightmare of the whole situation and I think what happened is, after a certain point, you break and in the breaking point, you say anything that will allow you to get out of that.

On the advice his mother gave him which led him to not initially agree to the police's narrative

[My mother] told me something that's very important. And I think that the thing that she told me is something that I tell people often. She said to me, "Stop talking to them." And then she said to me, "They need you to participate in whatever it is that they're trying to do. Do not participate. Refuse." And for me, it was one of the most powerful learning tools that I could ever imagine, because here I was on my own, being told to stand my ground and being told in many ways that it's on me. "I can't come into the room with you. I can't fight for you. You have to fight for yourself. But I need you to know that whatever you do, they're trying to get you to participate in your own destruction."

On being in danger in prison because of how high profile his case was

Salaam appears with Rev. Al Sharpton during his 1990 trial. Bettmann/Bettmann Archive hide caption

Salaam appears with Rev. Al Sharpton during his 1990 trial.

I think all throughout our case, there was a knowledge of who we were. It was very difficult for us to hide. I'm saying "hide," because we wanted to be anonymous, but we had been convicted of this heinous crime. We have been vilified in the media. Over 400 articles [were] written about us within the first few weeks. And our faces were on every single front page of every newspaper in New York City for a very, very long time. So by the time we got to prison, the inmates had already known who we were. ...

You're told the worst crime that you can go to prison for is rape. The only crime that trumps rape is child molestation. And then you feel all of the tension, all of the negative [energy] ... you feel that, and you're walking through that in these prisons and here are killers around you. Here are [rapists] around you. Here are child molesters around you, and they want justice. They want to do to you what you have been convicted of.

On his feelings toward the police and prosecutors who put him behind bars

The overwhelming feeling that I have towards the police and prosecutors is that they knew that we had not done this crime.

Yusef Salaam

The overwhelming feeling that I have towards the police and prosecutors is that they knew that we had not done this crime. They knew it, but yet they chose to move forward. They built their careers off of our backs, and the law of karma caught up to them. And they never imagined that they would have to contend with these crimes that they committed because these are crimes. They're supposed to be the upholders of law and they have things like prosecutorial immunity. But they were involved in prosecutorial misconduct. No one wants to be in a situation where the people at the highest level in life are the ones who are the most criminal. We want those people to be the most upstanding. They have to hold that truth in their minds and hearts as they move in the justice system because they're changing people's lives. ... The people who are supposed to uphold the law, it is criminal when they do the exact opposite of that.

On his healing journey

We've been able to make leaps and bounds in our healing, in our adjustments into society, but at the same time, it's still there lurking in the background. The awful experience that we should have never gone through is really always the cloud over our heads. But the cool thing about it is that we now know how to deal with those emotions. We now can say, "This is how you get through any prison that you may be going through," whether you're physically in bondage or not. Making the choices that are meaningful, taking the time to breathe, meditating, creating vision boards, all of those things are necessary.

They say the imagination is the precursor of what's to come, and so if you can imagine a future that is brighter than the one that you're growing through and I'm saying "growing through" on purpose, because when you get to that point, you realize that you're not just going through something, but that you're being prepared for greatness, that you need to know the lows in order to appreciate the highs in life. I think that when I look at my story, being able to look at it from the outside gives me the tremendous opportunity to describe in full what it is that I had gone through, and then going back in and being a participant in my growth and development is important because you have to marry those two things together. And it's that that causes you to step forward with tremendous hope in the future, with tremendous faith in the future, knowing that it can only get better and not get worse.

Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.

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Central Park 'Exonerated 5' Member Reflects On Freedom And Forgiveness - NPR

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A day to remember alliances and the sacrifices that secure our freedom – Chicago Daily Herald

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"Why all the fuss?"

That is how retired United States Army Colonel Ralph Puckett reacted when he learned he was to receive the Medal of Honor for his extraordinary bravery and effectiveness in combat during the Korean War. The modesty befits the man, and reflects his selflessness, a distinctive human virtue.

Memorial Day is a fitting time to honor him, along with the men and women in our military who gave their lives. This special day originated shortly after our Civil War as Decoration Day.

From the beginning, parades have been an important feature. From ancient times, surviving warriors have been viewed as closely associated with comrades who died.

Col. Puckett may not be a "household name" across America, but he is a legendary and inspirational figure within the U.S. Army. His extraordinary career highlights the strong dedication military service can develop in distinctive ways.

The Korean War began in late June 1950 when North Korean forces invaded South Korea. U.S. President Harry Truman immediately decided to support the United Nations effort to defeat the invasion, and military action would continue until President Dwight Eisenhower achieved an armistice in July 1953.

In late 1950, enormous numbers of the People's Liberation Army of China intervened. The offensive surprised UN commander General Douglas MacArthur and staff, and serious reversals followed.

This was the situation on the ground when young First Lt. Puckett, in command of the Eighth Army Ranger Company, was ordered to occupy Hill 205. They secured the strategically important high ground but were under heavy fire and cut off.

Puckett's leadership proved vital. He repeatedly exposed himself to enemy fire in order to survey terrain and protect his men.

The Rangers held the hill against five massive human wave attacks. Puckett ultimately ordered a retreat from what had become an untenable position.

Badly wounded, he told his men to leave him. They refused to do so. For his actions in that battle, he received the Distinguished Service Cross, which has now been upgraded to the Medal of Honor.

During the Vietnam War, Puckett again served in combat in command. He displayed comparable courage and leadership.

On May 21, President Joe Biden awarded Col. Puckett the Medal of Honor at a ceremony at the White House. In attendance was President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, who was visiting Washington to meet with President Biden. This is the first time the leader of a foreign government has attended a Medal of Honor ceremony.

Holding the ceremony during President Moon's visit is admirable. That war forged the important, enduring alliance between our two peoples. The Korean War also transformed the Cold War to a broadly global conflict.

As a very young man, Moon's political activism led to arrest and imprisonment. The dictatorship of Park Chung-hee was merciless in punishing dissidence of any kind. Reflecting that experience, he decided to pursue a career as a human rights lawyer.

Moon also served in the Republic of Korea (South Korea) Army. He joined the Special Forces, and saw action in the DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) along the 38th Parallel that divides North and South Korea.

South Korea maintained 50,000 troops in South Vietnam during our long war there. Memorial Day is an appropriate time to reflect on the importance of those close allies who aid us in war and in peace. It is a particularly important time to remember the sacrifices and actions of men and women like Col. Puckett whose determination and bravery continue to protect our freedoms.

To learn more about Ralph Puckett, see his memoir "Ranger: A Soldier's Life."

Arthur I. Cyr, acyr@carthage.edu, of Northbrook, is Clausen Distinguished Professor at Carthage College and author of "After the Cold War."

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Mike Schur and Todd May: What We Believe About Freedom – The New York Times

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It will be pointed out and rightfully so that obligations to others is a nebulous concept. How much should we consider those around us before we decide how to act and what to believe? To what extent should we limit our own freedom in consideration of those around us? Is there a calculation we can do? A scale we can use? An app we can download?

In short, there isnt. But there are benchmarks that can serve as guides to belief. For instance, we can trust scientists about scientific matters and doctors about medical matters instead of relying only on ourselves and other nonexperts. But even these benchmarks have their limits (which we can capture with a single word: economists).

There are other areas in which the benchmarks are unclear. What, for instance, should we believe about the proper constraints on free speech? Here we must feel our way, using Gandhis dictum and recognizing the various others who are affected by our speech. And in feeling our way, we recognize that we often fail. Perhaps this is why believing in absolute freedom is so tempting if we follow that path, we are always right, which is easy.

One of the authors, in designing the TV show The Good Place, came to the conclusion that a key ethical concept is that of trying. (Which author this was the professional TV show runner or the other guy we will leave as an exercise for the reader.) We try to believe rightly about choices and actions that affect other people. Then, when we fail, we try to do better. Its not as easy a path, but its certainly a more compassionate one, and importantly a more human one.

This is what we think of as our ur-belief: Before we decide what to believe, we have to believe that other people matter. If we act with this obligation in mind and we fail to get it right, then we have to reconsider, learn more, aim to improve and try again. Our inevitable failures will mean more, and be more productive, if they are grounded in what we might simply call consideration for other people the notion that there are people around us who are affected, directly and indirectly, by so much of what we believe and say and do.

Conversely, if we act only out of a sense of unlimited personal freedom, our failures will mean nothing. The refusal to recognize that we have obligations to others and that our beliefs and our behavior should respond to that recognition, is one we allow ourselves at our peril.

Mike Schur is the former showrunner for the NBC series The Good Place. His book, How to Be Perfect, will be published next year. Todd May is serving as philosophical adviser for the book.

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Kangana Ranaut mocks Twitter after it raises concerns of threat to freedom of speech: ‘Who are they’ – Hindustan Times

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Kangana Ranaut, who was banned from Twitter earlier this month, has reacted to the social media platform's recent statement regarding their concerns over the threat to freedom of speech. The micro-blogging platform had issued a statement suggesting that the new IT rules have elements that inhibit free conversation.

Taking to her Instagram Stories, Kangana shared Twitter's statement and said, "Poor Twitter begging for freedom of speech, twitter the great, the unelected member of parliament, supreme justice of the world, keeper of moral compass of humanity and what is their basic qualifications or credentials to ask or forcefully acquire this power? Who are they?"

"Handful of druggies who can be bought and sold easily, everything has a price tag from followers to promotional tweets, these money greedy private businessmen and capitalists want to run nations, bully and control the governments? Really haven't we learnt from east India company?" she added.

On Thursday, Twitter had issued a statement that read: "Twitter is deeply committed to the people of India. Our service has proven vital for the public conversation and a source of support for people during the pandemic. To keep our service available, we will strive to comply with applicable law in India. But, just as we do around the world, we will continue to be strictly guided by principles of transparency, a commitment to empowering every voice on the service, and protecting freedom of expression and privacy under the rule of law."

"Right now, we are concerned by recent events regarding our employees in India and the potential threat to freedom of expression for the people we serve. We, alongside many in civil society in India and around the world, have concerns with regards to the use of intimidation tactics by the police in response to enforcement of our global Terms of Service, as well as with core elements of the new IT Rules," the spokesperson added.

Also Read: 'Radhe is not a great film at all': Salman Khan's film gets negative review from dad Salim Khan

Kangana was 'permanently suspended' on May 3 after she posted a series of tweets in reaction to the recent West Bengal assembly election results. A Twitter spokesperson had said her account was suspended 'for repeated violations of Twitter Rules specifically our Hateful Conduct policy and Abusive Behaviour policy.'

Soon after, Kangana turned towards the homegrown social media platform Koo while she frequently shares her opinion on Instagram as well.

PUBLISHED ON MAY 20, 2021 12:22 PM IST

UPDATED ON MAY 20, 2021 09:35 AM IST

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Kangana Ranaut mocks Twitter after it raises concerns of threat to freedom of speech: 'Who are they' - Hindustan Times

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I’m a Palestinian American and my dad is older than the oppressive state of Israel – USA TODAY

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Rania Batrice, Opinion contributor Published 7:00 a.m. ET May 30, 2021

I may not live in Palestine, but the trauma I have to go through in order to go see my family and friendsis painful and enraging.

Rania Batrice in Dallas, Texas, in October of 2019.(Photo: Family handout)

To be Palestinian is to be perpetually gaslit. Each and every day, choices are made that all but ensure that the imbalance of power and continued oppression lives in perpetuity. From the nearly $4 billion per year handed over from the United States government to the Israeli government with no humanitarian strings attachedto thepropaganda machine of the Netanyahu regime the Israeli government has no motivation to stop oppressing and brutalizing my people.

This situation isn't complicated. In fact, its only 73 years old. My dad is older than the state of Israel. He was in his first year of lifeduring the British Mandate, when the British government supported "a national home" for Jewish people,leading to the creation of Israel. My people call the 1948 war that uprooted Palestinians from their home"al Nakba". The rest of the world doesnt have a name for it because its rarely even acknowledged.

With the Israeli governments feet pressed firmly on our necks, they still find ways to stab us in the heart. Members of the so-called progressive left still fail to see their own hypocrisy.

A photographer captured the moment a missile attack destroyed the 14-story al-Sharouk Tower in Gaza city. USA TODAY

Im a proud Palestinian and an American and Ive worked in politics and advocacy for over two decades. My work has always centered justice, equityand fairness. And the same people who call to ask me how to best ally with Black communities in their fight for self determination and how to provide support to Native peoples in their continued fight for sovereignty, tell me that I dont understand history and the rise in support of Palestinian people is about popularity. The gaslighting is as blinding as it is maddening.

I grew up in Texas, and I have a lighter complexion than the rest of my family. Which means that for my entire life, Ive been Arab-undetected. That means people feel comfortable saying things in front of me they wouldnt to the rest of my family: theyve called me, my family, my people terrorists. Theyve quoted the Bible at me as justification for the persecution of Palestinian people. Theyve disparaged those people and assumed I would agree.

I often let them dig the hole just deep enough before I reveal that I amPalestinian and that the majority of my family is actually Catholic. Because, yes, there are Palestinian Christians Jesus Christ was Palestinian.Not that religion should matter in fighting bigotry and oppression, but it is an ignorance that must be named.

The problem, in part, lies in the inability or refusal to separate true antisemitism from the legitimate critiques of the oppressive Israeli regimes that have reigned over Palestinians, carrying out human rights abuses that would not be justified in almost any other circumstance.

Ruins from Kafr Birim, a Palestinian Christian village, where the Batrice family began.(Photo: Family handout)

Lets start with the fact that Palestinians, and Arabs, are actually Semitic people. So the attack itself is not even accurate. Last month, Human Rights Watch released a report outlining the atrocities carried out against Palestinians and concludedthat Palestinians are in fact living under apartheid.

Israelis want to live without fear: Israel is the Jewish people's ancient home. We will always defend ourselves from Hamas.

The accusations of antisemitism began immediately an intentionaltactic to distract from the truth. Even Jewish people who dare to speak out against this oppressionare being attacked and labeled antisemitic. Meanwhile,Jewish settlers, bolstered by the Israeli government, are forcibly displacing Palestinian familiesfrom their homes.These details areconveniently forgotten while claiming Israels right to defend itself.

The bottom line is standing up for Palestinians isnt the same as antisemitism. Arabs are Semites too, and ethnic persecution is ethnic persecution.

I may not live in Palestine, but the trauma I have to go through in order to go see my family and friendsis painful and enraging. I have dual citizenship because of my parents forced Israeli citizenship. But I was born in the United States.

Why am I being attacked?: I'm a Palestinian living in Gaza. No matter when it is or where I am, I know I'm not safe.

When I fly to Tel Aviv, my U.S. passport is literally useless. I have beendetained for hours on end. My family doesnt know when to pick me up because my release is based on the whim of that particular day's security agents. I have beenstrip searched.My bags and electronics have been ripped apartand scanned and then scanned again and again.

The security agents shuffle me from office to office and ask me absurd questions like when was my grandfather born? What was my great grandmothers maiden name? Why dont I speak Hebrew?

This entire process is meant to anger and intimidate and remind me that Im notequal. If my American citizenship can't protect me, imagine how vulnerable every Palestinian livingfrom the West Bank to Gaza feels.

Rania Batrice is a first-generation American, born to Palestinian parents, and the founder ofBatrice & Associates, a communications, advocacy, organizing, and legislative strategy firm. She has worked formany elected officials and electoral entities includingSen. Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign and the Democratic National Committee. Follow her on Twitter: @RaniaBatrice

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Left Behind: Ethnic Minorities and COVID-19 Response in Rural Southeast Myanmar – Myanmar – ReliefWeb

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Introduction

From the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were concerns about what would happen in Myanmar, given its extremely weak health infrastructure, its long history of conflict and political instability, and its large impoverished and at-risk population. The low spread of the virus in Myanmar through the first half of 2020 however led some to believe that the Myanmar government was getting it right. The World Health Organisations country representative in Myanmar boasted in July 2020 that Myanmar has done extraordinarily well so far. He cited Myanmars whole-of-government approach, adding: So the country has really gone all out to strengthen the public health side and preparedness and response, which has been critically important to try and make sure we have as few cases as possible in Myanmar.

Although the Myanmar governments COVID-19 Economic Relief Plan (entitled Overcoming as One) made claims about being a coordinated action leaving no-one behind, many of the positive actions of the government have not reached the entire population. Aid and support have remained insufficient in most rural areas, like that of Southeast Myanmar, which is largely populated by ethnic minorities who are already vulnerable due to protracted and on-going conflict, displacement, and ethnic oppression by the central government. Thus Myanmars success should and can only be gauged through a closer look at COVID-19 response and impact in rural ethnic areas.

Very early on in the pandemic, despite the relatively slow spread of the virus, political fractures and infrastructure weaknesses due to Myanmars long and on-going history of conflict could be seen not simply in the governments response, but that of other stakeholders, like Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), locally based civil society organisations, and NGO/INGOs. In a brief report on the situation in Southeast Myanmar during the first wave of the pandemic, KHRG noted the poor coordination and collaboration between stakeholders and the delayed and uneven response to the crisis. KHRG argued that the lack of coordination between political stakeholders has meant that villagers and local leaders have struggled to obtain information and consistent training and regulations, and has left too much of the responsibility of figuring out what to do in the hands of those who lack information and resources to effectively organise awareness and prevention. Not only did this poor coordination result in the forced removal of screening checkpoints by the Tatmadaw, KHRG also found the rise of conflict and tension between villages, increasingly critical challenges to livelihood, as well as the breakdown of local systems of mutual aid.

Given the early indications that COVID-19 response and support were failing in some of the most vulnerable areas in Southeast Myanmar, KHRG continued to monitor the situation to more fully assess the structural weaknesses and barriers that might lead to crisis as the pandemic entered a second wave of outbreaks beginning in August 2020. Increased threats of infection in rural areas did in some cases lead to new efforts at awareness and prevention, but in general sparked heightened restrictions by both the Myanmar government and the Karen National Union (KNU). Thus rather than working to increase individual knowledge and responsibility on the part of villagers, most measures ended up being in the form of broad restrictions like travel bans and school closures that have had significant negative impact on villagers lives. These restrictions also seemed to be matched by a reduction in the range of stakeholders providing services and aid. Although the government has provided small amounts of financial and material assistance to households in need, villagers living in KNU-controlled and some mixed control areas have been excluded, leaving local authorities and CSO/CBOs to figure out solutions to support these communities.

Most rural areas in Southeast Myanmar have not (yet) experienced widespread local transmission of the virus, and thus impacts have been more clearly tied to restrictions and prevention measures as opposed to the full-on health crisis seen elsewhere. But because of the already extremely vulnerable situation of many rural communities, the livelihood impacts are themselves at risk of creating a humanitarian crisis. The poor handling thus far of information and prevention, as well as of testing and treatment, may also have wider implications if outbreaks start occurring in the more remote areas.

On February 1st 2021, the Myanmar military seized power by staging a coup against the newly elected government. Although this report focuses on the situation prior to the coup, the infrastructure and services (albeit insufficient) that the central government, EAOs and other stakeholders have put in place over the past year are in the process of being dismantled. Public healthcare services in some areas have come to a halt, and there have been major disruptions to communication, transportation, supply chains, and banking services. COVID-19 testing has been largely reduced, with little reporting now taking place. Any plans for widespread vaccination seem to have been entirely interrupted.

If rural areas of Southeast Myanmar have not yet faced widespread problems of infection, all of this is likely to change. As local doctors have pointed out: Since the military takeover, the COVID-19 response has stalled. Mass public rallies and protests are both serving a critical function for resistance and unity, but also as likely superspreader events for virus transmission. Without adequate testing, public compliance and goodwill for isolation, access to acute clinical care, and continued immunisations, the implications for COVID-19 spread, morbidity, and mortality are substantial. Thus, there is need more than ever to find solutions to bring support and aid to rural villagers, whose situation has already deteriorated and become more precarious over the past year. With the military now in control, there is even less likelihood that support and services will reach rural ethnic communities.

Although this report covers the period prior to the coup, and describes an infrastructure that may now barely exist, the problems created by COVID-19 and the governments response have not disappeared, and will need to be addressed. Furthermore, the underlying political dynamics that impede the development of a support infrastructure capable of addressing the needs of rural ethnic minorities continue to play out. The report thus begins by providing a brief overview of the political dynamics that have shaped access to services and COVID-19 response. Followed by that is a discussion of COVID-19 reporting and testing, and the prevention measures that have been put in place to address the rise in COVID-19 cases. The discussion then turns to impacts on livelihood, access to different forms of support, and the situation of healthcare and education.

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Left Behind: Ethnic Minorities and COVID-19 Response in Rural Southeast Myanmar - Myanmar - ReliefWeb

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Vancouver Mayor calls on feds to provide funding to Tkemlps te Secwepemc – News 1130

Posted: at 2:49 am

VANCOUVER (NEWS 1130) Vancouver Mayor Kennedy Stewart is responding to the disturbing discovery of the childrens bodies in Kamloops.

In a statement released Sunday, he says mourning is not enough.

We must continue to seek the full truth of what happened at these so-called schools, as well as other systems of oppression created by our government to destroy Indigenous peoples, he says.

Stewart says hes calling on the Government of Canada to provide necessary funding and support to Tkemlps te Secwepemc to help identify lives lost.

Hes also calling on all residential sites in Canada to be expertly examined under the guidance of local First Nations.

The flag at Vancouver City Hall has been lowered to half mast.

Meanwhile, in Surrey, a memorial was underway Sunday afternoon to honour and mourn the childrens lives lost.

Organizers said participants planned to gather at Holland Park to pay their respects, light candles, and take part in a drumming tribute.

Memorials are happening across the Lower Mainland, including 215 pairs of shoes displayed on the steps of the Vancouver Art Gallery to mourn and honour the children.

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Vancouver Mayor calls on feds to provide funding to Tkemlps te Secwepemc - News 1130

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