Daily Archives: May 27, 2021

Higgs, Shephard pressed for ‘yes or no’ answers on merging health authorities – CBC.ca

Posted: May 27, 2021 at 8:15 am

It was another day of confused messaging at the New Brunswick legislature over what Premier Blaine Higgs has in mind for the province's two regional health authorities.

Higgs told reporters there will "always" be English and French hospital networks in the province, while Health Minister Dorothy Shephard refused to be as categorical.

And Higgs would not rule out some kind of new health entity that oversees the two health authorities and ensure they co-operate and complement each other.

"He is not clear at all, and he keeps saying things differently," said Opposition Liberal Leader Roger Melanson.

"The question is simple: is there going to be two health authorities with two boards of directors and two CEOs? It's just a yes or no question. Answer."

During question period, Melanson repeatedly pressed Higgsto clarify his intentions amid talks between the Horizon and Vitalit health authorities on how to work together to reduce the impact of severe shortages of nurses this summer.

The president of the New Brunswick Nurses Union has called for the merging of some services between the two hospitals, so that overworked nurses can avoid 24-hour shifts and get some vacation in the coming months.

Shephard said the two health authorities "did wonderful work" on May 8 and 9, when they worked together to keep both their emergency departments open asVitalit was on the verge of closing the one at the Dr. Georges-L. Dumont University Hospital.

The talk of co-operation and shared services has prompted concern among francophones that the province wants the two authorities to merge some functions permanently or even combine the two health authorities.

"We know there's always going to be a French hospital network and there's always going to be an English hospital network," Higgs told reporters Friday, apparently nixing the idea of a merger.

"I think there's some people thinking that could happen. I don't see that happening. That's not what we're talking about here. We're talking about complementary services."

But when he was asked if the two networks could be run by a single health authority, Higgs would not rule out some kind of new structure to ensure the co-operation he's looking for.

"Each hospital network will have its own management capability, the French system and the English system," he said.

"My concern has been how do we standardize our health-care delivery system so we can deliver the best services we can throughout the network? So I don't know what that looks like, how we have those ongoing opportunities evaluated."

Adding to the ambiguity was Shephard's careful use of the present tense in her own question period answers.

She said "There is no amalgamation" and "We have two health authorities, Horizon and Vitalit," without saying whether that would be the case in the future.

When reporters asked if there would always be two health authorities, Shephard refused to guarantee it, saying she has "no intention of amalgamating" them.

"We didn't know when we had eight authorities that we could go to two" in 2008, she added.

"We don't know what the future's going to bring in how we establish and answer challenges in our health-care system. For now we have Horizon and Vitalit. I have no intentions of changing that."

Shephard accused the Liberals of using divisive tactics by suggesting the province's largest francophone hospital and its French-speaking health authority are in jeopardy.

They have taken what is"very obviously [a] contingency plan that was necessary [on May 8-9]and pulled it into this conversation," she said.

While the Liberals called for clarity from the premier and introduced a 3,200-name petition opposed to any merger of services at the hospitals in Moncton, People's Alliance Leader Kris Austin said he was happy to hear talk of the two health authorities working together.

Austin has called for the abolition of the two health authorities while insisting he supports hospitals operatingin French in francophone regions.

"What I'm seeing now for the first time is an actual light moving in that direction," he said.

"Now we're starting to see at least some elements of that when we're talking about services coming together."

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An Afropessimist on the Year Since George Floyd Was Murdered – The Nation

Posted: at 8:15 am

Illustration by Kim DeMarco.

Last year, as I sat in my study in Southern California and watched videos of the Minneapolis Police Departments Third Precinct station on Lake Street burning in the aftermath of George Floyds murder, a memory eddied up in the flames.1

Its one or two in the morning. Lake Street runs like a deep scar down the southern arm of the city. Im idling in my parents green station wagon at a stoplight with a couple of teammates from the football team. Marcus, Ray, and me; three Black, intrepid, rusty-butt boys out looking for a thrill. Curtis Mayfield croons Freddies Dead on the eight-track player. A blunt passes from Marcus to me, in the front, then to Ray in the back seat. Soon, a contender pulls up beside us. White boys in letter jackets from a rival school. Their engine revs. Their windows roll down. They say, Eat shit and die! Got to bring ass to get ass! we yell back. Green winks the light. First car to the corner of Lake and Cedar wins.2

Were spotted by a patrol car. The white boys peel off long before they reach Cedar. The cops give chase to us, not the white boys. I careen right onto Cedar and make a hairpin turn into Pioneers and Soldiers Memorial Cemetery. I kill the ignition and take my foot off the brake so that the red eyes of the brake lights die. We scrunch down and wait. I dont know how long we crouched below the windows. Somebody farted. Everybody laughs. Marcus asks Ray for a roach clip so the joint wont go to waste. After the revolution, he says, sputtering smoke in the moonlight, my grandkidsll be like, Grandpa Marcus, whats a fascist pig? Ill be like, Dont you worry, baby, Ima take you to a museumthey got some on display.3

Though we laughed at the joke, we treasured its inevitability. A world with no 5-0: life as it would be after the revolution. In 1972, we thought of revolution as a question of whenin five years, six, or maybe, on the outside, eightnot if. Only the time line was up for debate. The FBI director died in May that year. All summer long I wore a T-shirt like a bulletproof vest. It read, j. edgar hoover is alive and well in hell.4

We were going to have our revolution. My dreams then werent of fair legislation or police reform. I loved football, chocolate, Ho Chi Minh, and Mao. I read Ramparts magazine, often aloud, the way Billy Graham read his Bible. The Peoples Army of Vietnam had launched a spring offensive. It demoralized Nixons brass as much as the Tet Offensive had demoralized Johnsons in 1968. When Saigon fell, we mused, Americas demise would not be far behind.5

The war would come home. Two, three, many Vietnams: Che Guevara still called us from the grave. In 1972, a deep, abiding sense that Black liberation was inextricably bound to anti-colonial struggles around the world and working-class resistance at home went without saying for most people on the left, including that teenage boy who answered to my name. Racism, Fred Hampton said more than once, is just a by-product of capitalism. That was good enough for me.6

Now, from my coastline of old age, I see how the funeral procession of Black death that litters this landscape tells a different story. Anti-Black racism is not a by-product of capitalism or patriarchyor even colonialism. Nor is anti-Black racism in any way analogous to any other paradigm of oppression. Anti-Blackness is its own beasta conceptual framework that cannot be analogized to capitalism, or any other ism. Nor is it a by-product of any oppressive necessity other than its own. The need to disavow the singularity of anti-Black violence, and the impulse to disguise Black suffering and rage (the need, that is, to characterize anti-Black violence as class oppression or even white supremacy, for that matter, and the impulse to disguise Black suffering as exploitation of the working class or as a kind of suffering thats common to all people of color), are a need and an impulse that are shared by the police and the protester. Black people find ourselves trapped in the vise grip of a pincer move between two juggernauts: the state and our allies.7Current Issue

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Black people are hemmed in by two strategies of containment that, at first blush, appear not only to have nothing in common (who in their right mind, one might ask, would equate the left and the state?) but are so hostile to each other (the left calling for the police to be defunded and the police characterizing protesters in the streets of Minneapolis, Portland, and New York as domestic terrorists) that it seems they couldnt agree on lunchmuch less a pincer move against Black people.8

The word strategy may be a bit misleading, because it implies the pincer move against Black people comes about through conscious, if not coordinated, efforts by the left and the state. This is not the case. The state kills and contains Black bodies. The left kills and contains Black desire, erases Black cognitive maps that explain the singularity of Black suffering, and, most of all, fatally constricts the horizon of Black liberation. There are important differences. The nub of the anti-Blackness that saturates these desperate strategies lies elsewherein the shared unconscious beneath their disparate conscious acts.9

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In 2016, revelations from Dan Baums 1994 interview with Watergate co-conspirator John Ehrlichman reemerged in Harpers. Ehrlichman was assistant to the president for domestic affairs under Richard Nixonwhich meant he was Nixons drug policy adviser. As Baum recounted to NPR:10

[Ehrlichman] told me an amazing thing. I started asking him some earnest, wonky policy questions and he waved them away. He said, Can we cut the B.S.? Can I just tell you what this was all about? The Nixon campaign in 68 and the Nixon White House had two enemies: black people and the anti-war left. We knew that if we could associate heroin with black people and marijuana with the hippies, we could project the police into those communities, arrest their leaders, break up their meetings and most of all, demonize them night after night on the evening news. And he looked me in the eyes and said, Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.11

If there had ever been any doubt that the War on Drugs was a cynical political tool manufactured in the Oval Office, Ehrlichmans confession laid such doubt to rest. But whats most instructive is what the confession reveals about the place of Black people in the unconscious of the state. The structure of the Nixon administrations anxiety about the white anti-war left was very different from the attitude toward Black people. Nixon and his cronies were at war with the ideas of the white left. But they were not at war with the ideas of Black peoplethey were at war with the embodiment of Black people, the threatening presence of Black bodies.12

The besetting hobble of multiracial coalitions is manifest in the ways Black members become refugees of the coalitions universal agenda. In social movements dedicated, for example, to prison abolition, the selection of topics, distribution of concerns, framing of issues, filtering of information, emphasis and toneto quote Noam Chomskys definition of how consent is manufactured and consensus enforcedand the way debate is bound within premises acceptable to non-Black coalition partners, work to crowd out a deeper understanding of captivity and anti-Black violence by limiting the scope of the dialogue to those aspects of state violence and captivity that non-Black coalition partners have in common with Blacks. Its sometimes as blunt and straightforward as our coalition partners simply telling us to stop playing Oppression Olympics.13

Burn it down: The Third Precinct station of the Minneapolis Police Department in flames on May 28, 2020. (Julio Cortez / AP)

In the 1980s, I taught creative writing at the Loft Literary Center in Minneapolis. The novelist Toni Cade Bambara gave a weekend workshop for teachers and advanced fiction writers. Before leaving town, she agreed to have dinner with me. During dinner, as I recall, she lamented the breakup of a coalition to fight rape in Philadelphia comprising Black women and white women. The white women had put forth a motion that they launch a campaign to educate the police about rape and how it affects their lives. The Black women were completely against this. The white women made comments about how they must try to weed out good cops from bad cops. The Black women scoffed at this. The white women said the Black women were too hasty in their rejection and had not put forth reasons that were good enough or offered an alternative plan. The meeting disintegrated, and, as Bambara lamented, so did the coalition.14

Twenty years after dining with Toni Cade Bambara, I began to witness different manifestations of the same conundrum that the Black women in her coalition faced. As a graduate student of critical theory and, at the same time, as an activist in San Francisco Bay coalitions dedicated to abolishing the prison-industrial complex, lobbying Congress and President Bill Clinton to pardon political prisoners who were former members of the SDS, AIM, the Black Panthers, and the FALN, or organizing (unsuccessfully) to stop the passage of legislation that would allow children as young as 14 to be prosecuted as adults and warehoused in adult prisons, I saw how episodes similar to the one Bambara had described kept repeating themselves. Our coalition partners were policed for their transgressions, and the counter-hegemonic ideas that they embodied. We were shot for breathing while Black. Black flesh stimulates a dread more fundamental than the fear of transgressions: the fear and loathing of Black bodies.15Related Article

Bambaras coalition between white women and Black women broke down not due to some ineffable, murky misunderstanding, but because the fissures in the room revealed a structural antagonism between the women, and this revelation was too much to bear. Even though white women are positioned as victims of violence in relation to white men, they are simultaneously positioned as beneficiaries, if not perpetrators, of anti-Black violence. They are on the policed side of violence against non-Black women, but they are on the policing side of anti-Black violence. They had little enthusiasm for that conversation.16

Saidiya Hartmans Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America illustrates the double bind Black slave women faced when appealing to the courts for redress in the event of rape:17

If the definition of the crime of rape relies upon the capacity to give consent or exercise will, then how does one make legible the sexual violation of the enslaved when that which would constitute evidence of intentionality, and thus evidence of the crimethe state of consent or willingness of the assailedopens up a Pandoras box in which the subject formation and object constitution of the enslaved female are no less ponderous than the crime itself or when the legal definition of the enslaved negates the very idea of reasonable resistance?18

We should read Hartmans book as an allegory of the present, because the Pandoras box is precisely what the white women in Bambaras coalition were anxious about. What kinds of political strategies of redress can be deployed by a sentient being who is always already outside of the political and, most importantly, whose exile white women depend upon for their own categorical coherence?19

It is not just that the injury of rape does not translate for Black women in the same way it does for white women; it is that injury itself is the categorical inheritance of non-Black womenin the absence of any coherent notion of consent, the concept of injury has no representational supports within Blackness. We are confronted by two regimes of violence that are irreconcilable. This was the spanner in the works of that feminist coalition. More broadly, it is the spanner in the works of every multiracial coalition Ive been a part of. But this paradox is rarely addressed because Black people are not given the space to express how our suffering and the violence that underwrites our suffering is not analogous to the violence and suffering that dominates our allies. It is as though the collective unconscious of the coalition knows that to open that can of worms would be to face the ways in which our allies, though enemies of the state, remain antagonists of the Blacks.20

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Hartman suggests it would be more precise to say that consent is not constitutive of Black subjugation; ergo, the sexual violence against Black women cannot even be theorized as a violation. What happens, then, when Black women (and men) are raped if Blackness and consent cannot be conjoined? This is the paradox that a suffering for which there are no words presented to the coalition. But coalitions, typically, are unwilling to entertain problems that arrive without solutions. The regime of violence that structures and saturates Blacks makes us objects of accumulation, rather than alienated subjects of exploitation.21Related Article

The unwillingness of the white women to give the Black women space to develop their sharp refusal of the white womens proposal (police education) into a deeper explanation as to how and why Blacks are not recognized as subjects of rights, claims, and consent was why the coalition fell apart.22

What do the cops and the coalitions have in common? One flank of the pincer is composed of the police, the army, the prison-industrial complex, and the ancillary formations of civil society that bestow legitimacy, such as the media and the church. The opposite flank is the terror of our allies, who dress us up as workers, women, gays, immigrants, or postcolonial subjects: mirror images of themselves that fulfill the need to disavowand the impulse to disguisethe singularity of Black suffering.23

The stakes of this pincer move are high because they crowd out Black peoples capacity to be captured by our own imaginations. Our allies pincer move threatens the imagination and the enunciation of Black thought and thus should not be trivialized as an ensemble of bad attitudes that can be overcome through dialogue. This prong of the pincer is as constitutive of an anti-Black world as the police and the prisons. It doesnt simply kill or warehouse Black desire the way the state kills and warehouses the Black body. It terrorizes us through an interdiction against Black performance, coupled with a demand for Black performance. The coalition craves and applauds Black energy, exuberance, and righteous indignationas long as Black suffering doesnt tag along.24

Beyond repair: The police department whose officers murdered George Floyd, or did nothing to prevent his murder, had been hailed as a model of police reform, lending new urgency and legitimacy to cries to Abolish the Police. (Eduardo MunozAlvarez / VIEWpress / Corbis via Getty Images)

In early June, as George Floyd was laid to rest and the Third Precinct stood gutted on Lake Street where Marcus, Ray, and I had raced dreaming of a world with no 5-0, I could not believe what I saw on the news. Coalition partners, from anarchists, to socialists, to non-Black supporters of Black Lives Matter, to the Minneapolis City Council, all calling for the abolition of the police! My mind and my body surged with the same exuberance that 48 years ago had surged through the bones of a boy who loved football, chocolate, Ho Chi Minh, and Mao, when Marcus laughed, Dont you worry, baby, Ima take you to a museumthey got some on display. I grinned from ear to ear and thought, Marcus wasnt jivinits finally coming to pass.25

But within weeks, the joke slipped back through my fingers like four decades of sand. For one hot summer moment, the cries of our allies had been authorized by the demand that Black suffering embodies; and their political desire was animated by a kind of Black desire that is normally crushed between them and the state.26

That moment did not last. Abolish mutated into defund, defund melted into delay, and the zeitgeist shifted from unfettered Black rage to sober tutorials on activist websites and affinity gatherings on how to massage a message that was already massaged, to win the hearts and minds of Middle Americans as they watched us being gunned down on Instagram and the news. Black death, once again, was weaponized by our allies to incarcerate Black demands, kill Black desire, and soothe the psyches of everyone but us.27

I called neither Marcus nor my grandkids. I closed my eyes and tried to see that Black, intrepid, rusty-butt boy who answered to my name. I needed to recall his optimism and his smile before he felt the world kneeling on his neck.28

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Tihda Vongkoth on Anti-Asian Hate, the Music World and the Risk of Speaking Out – Sarasota

Posted: at 8:15 am

"Too many Asian Americans have been waking up each morning this past year genuinely, genuinely fearing for their safety,"President Joe Biden saidlast week, as hesigned into lawa new measure intended to help law enforcement agencies combat a rise in anti-Asian hate crimes thathas occurred in the past year, coinciding with the Covid-19 pandemic.

The Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism atCalifornia State University, San Bernardino, for example,found that while the number of overall hate crimes declined by 6 percent between 2019 and 2020, the number of anti-Asian hate crimes rose by 145 percent during the same period. Between March 2020 and March 2021, theStop AAPI Hatecoalitionrecorded 6,603 hate incidents,ranging from verbal harassment to physical assault, directed at Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.

The daughter of refugees from Laos, Sarasota's Tihda Vongkoth is a professionalpercussionist and the founder of Modern Marimba, a nonprofit that presents concerts, lectures and exhibitions with the explicit goal ofcombatting racism and otherforms ofdiscrimination. Vongkoth, 34, describes herself as "an abled-bodied cis Lao American woman occupying Calusa territory" who has "deep respect for the land, the Indigenous peoples who stewarded this area before colonization, and the generations of Black ancestors from the African diaspora."

She spoke with Sarasota Magazine about growing up Asian American in Largo, Florida, what it's like to beone ofonly a fewnon-whitepeople in an orchestra, and why she has become more outspoken about race in recent years. The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

"I was surrounded by a lot of white families and my peers were mostly white. I was usually one of the only few Asians in my community.But I also went to predominantly Black schools, because my brother and I were ina gifted program. I ended up sharing spaces with different cultures, but it was all very segregated and weird.

"Inelementary school, I was living in a predominantly white neighborhood going into mixed-race schools. In middle school, I was still living in a predominantly white neighborhood but going to a predominantly white school. And in high school, because of the arts, I was living in a predominantly white neighborhood going into an arts school, Gibbs High School in St. Pete, which is historically Black.

"[In the predominantly white schools I went to]people of colortried so hard toassimilate that we didn't group together. That was my experience. Most of my friends were white. But in high school, there were all kinds of peopleLatinpeople, lots of Black people, more Asian people,Tongan peopleand we all hung out.It wasmore integrated and it was so cool."

"Iknew that Iwasdifferent, obviously, so it's something I've always known, but it didn't occur to me that it was a problem until I started experiencing people calling me ethnic slurs. That happened in elementary schoolnot with other kids, but with the white parents in my neighborhood.

"For a lot of my childhood and my adulthood, Iwas totally unequipped to respond, but I knew that it made me uncomfortable.I didn't know how to talk about it. I didn't understand, because I grew up in the States. I didn'tunderstandmy own personal identity and the history of Laotian people. It was very confusing."

"It was not something that was talked about during my upbringing and childhood.My mom and my dad really wanted both my brother and I toassimilate as best as we could. It was kind of like, 'Just ignore them.'"

"That came in middle school. As I got older, my parents didn't want me to keep hanging out with the group of people we were living near, because it was a low-income area. I stopped hanging out with the kids in the neighborhood and really focused on school. Practicing music and performing music became a way for me to connect with people, like ensembles, and have a social life, but it was more structured. It was a way for me to deal with a lot of the weirdness and being isolated at home."

"It's fun.It sounds cool. And it requires different skills. I was not into the whole marching band thing, and marimba was a way for me to get out of marching band and focus on solo and chamber music. It was a way for percussionists to learn how to read treble clef and bass clef and learn about harmony. It's more inclusive."

"[Interlochen] was kind of diverse. I started seeing the inklings of, 'Oh, this is a rich white kid pursuit.' And I was all about that, because I thought that was the best thing that you could be. I started feeling isolated the further I got into music but, obviously, that didn't stop me.

"The status quo of audition lists is predominantly dead white cis men, European men. [People would tell you,] 'Well, this is standard. You should learn that solo.' Or, 'You need to focus on this, because that's how you get a job.' You don't see yourself in that at all.

"That was a macro-aggression. Micro-aggressionswere people making comments, assuming that Iwasn'tgood at what I do or that I got in because Iwas a scholarship student.

"Automatically, the vibe of the group changes [when I'm there]. It's not as fun when I'm in the section. With some of my colleagues, who I lovedearly and havealways felt open with, it's not always like that. But there is a cultural thing where I'm consciouslyhaving to police what I say and do in front of certain groups of people that may not be accepting of my race or gender."

"With musicians,part of thegig and playing and performingis also the hang, right? But when thehang is at adive bar that's full of white people and could be shady, and I'm the only person of color and a woman in those spaces, I really honestly do not feel safe. SoI tend to not go. But when I'm in those spaces, [other people] arelike, 'Oh, now we can't say this.We can't objectify women in front of Tihda. We can't make fun of Black people in front of Tihda.' You can tell that the other people are uncomfortable with my being there, because they can't say all those really awful things that I know they're talking about behind my back.

"Safe spaces in college weren't created for me. I sublet an apartment from my friends, off campus, at Southern Methodist University, and I was sleeping in the middle of thenight, and the police entered my apartment. I did not open the door. I don't know how they got in. They must have had a key or something. Itwasn't forced entry.

"They came in and woke me up and searched my apartment. They asked me for my ID, my student ID and my passport. They wanted to make sure I was who I said I was, in the middle of the night, and it was super scary.

"The next day, I went back to school. It was really traumatic, but I didn't have the resources to be able to talk to anyone that I could trust about it, or work through it. I didn't even know to report it or what I was supposed to do afterwards, other than move on."

"No. And I wasn't going toask.Inthat situation, I'm only going to do what they ask me to do, because otherwise I could die, go to jail, get hurt. I just complied with them."

"I moved here after I graduated. I didn't have a place to stay. My friends at the time were like, 'Hey, we're going on the road for a year. You can stay here for free and figure it out.'

"And then I started getting work. I definitely had to break in, but my pedigree, coming from certain schools or certain teachers, opened the door in some ways. I used that to my advantage and tried to work as much as possible. Over time, it became clear that it wasn't a welcoming culture. I am still being hired in predominantly white spaces. But are those spaces safe and welcoming for people of color? I would say no."

"Because of the toxicity of the structures of orchestras and the power imbalances that happen when you have an orchestra that has several hierarchies of musicians, identity and management. I think the hierarchical modelof orchestras is inherently violent. The status quo of style and approach to playing certain music and the elitism of pedigreethat's just not safe.

"And the systems that are available to people of color are not safe. When [human resources] departments decide to investigate somebody, they sometimes involve an employment lawyer, and exposing peopleof colorto the legal systems in the United States, and using that as a threatening thing is not a way to resolve problems. I'm learning, because of my work with ModernMarimba, that using the models of transformative andrestorativejusticethat come from Indigenous roots and are led by a lot of women of color and Black women are better ways of approaching the issues."

"[People will find] reasons to not hire you because you are rocking the boat and you're raising important questions about how we are in communitywith each other, and the lack of accountability when people make mistakes. People are always going to side withthe white man and whathe thinks about what happened. And that's hard when you're entering spaces that were not created for you and based on oldmodels of colonialism. So it's like, 'Why am I posting something? I literally need money.' I have to navigate this in a way that's going to preserve my sanity and my mental health.

"I'm very active on social mediaand my friendships with people and my professional relationships have definitely changed. I have been paying theconsequences for speaking out. [I get a lot] of emails and messages from white people who just need to see themselves and see the violence that they participate in with their silence. [People say,] 'I've done this for you. I hired you. And now this is what you say about me. You're just doing this to make me look bad.' There's just a lot of fragility, and people [are] not able to acknowledge the truth about themselves."

"I startedModern Marimbabefore the pandemic and before the [George Floyd] protests, justbefore everything blew up, because I finally was like, 'I need to have an outlet for me to do my own thing.' ButI embraced opening up a side of me that that peoplehave probably notseen, ever, because of the protests. Unlocking and unpacking and understanding liberation and speaking up for all people and knowing my silence and complicity with a lot of these music organizations and in generalit's no longer an option."

"I've stayed home and I've been really careful, so I wasn't exposed to it in public. But my hairdresser is Korean, and I noticed before we started that she locked the door. And it's like, 'Oh yeah, that's what we have to do now.' I'm just being careful as I'm going out. I know that [hate crimes] have happened in other places in the U.S. more than here. There's no outward aggression. But when Imake statements about anti-Asian hate on Facebook and in the marimba circles, I definitely get a lot of hate DMs."

"It's such a big issue. I think having people of color have agency and autonomy in how resources are controlledresources being money, space, all thatisreally important. Just literally putting resources in the hands of people of color without all these conditions is important. It's all about power and hierarchydismantling the hierarchies that you have in your workplace.

"I would love to see lists of all the ways that institutions have been limiting to people of color and make it a public thing: 'This is what we've done. These have been our donors. This is what they've represented. We have this money because of this.' It needs to be explicitlike a truth and reconciliation commission. We really need that.

"You can't do that through the legal system. You can't do thatbyinviting people in the community to speak up. You have to do that with action. You have to actually say the things that happened, because it's an ugly truth. And the system of how to do that is transformative justice, restorative justice. The processes of those are not rooted in the systems that we have todaythe systems of hierarchy, the systems of capitalism. You have to actually do it in a different way. And the only people qualified tolead that are people of color who understand.

"It's changing how we interact with each otherour kinship. And people are just not ready for that. But that is the work, and it's dangerous work."

"Weare trying to create a safe space, and we're giving ourselves five years to do that, or else we willdismantle. Basically, we want our resourcesand especially moneyto be circling within the community. That affects the kinds of partnerships that we form and it puts pressure on our community to move forward with a lot of these things.

"[During] the pandemic, we did a lot of commissioning new music by composers of color to be added to the Florida Bandmasters'solo and ensemble list so students will have an opportunity to pick solos that represent them, that they can see themselves in.

"The pandemic helped us out a lot, because we were able to livestream performances,do a lot of panels and be an organization that is not afraid to talk about these issues openly. We hada series called Marimba Monday. We would interview artists around the world who are committed tomallet keyboard instruments and interview them and give thema platform to talk about their work.

"Wehosted a virtual summer music festival and had a lot of diverse faculty, and we had an end-of-the-weekconcertthat was opened up to the public on Facebook. We did an abolition and percussion panel. We did an Earth Day concert and we openly talked about the issue of Honduran Rosewood being used for instrumentsand the trajectory of that. We talked a lot about equity in queer culture and having people be authentically themselves and work with us.

"We also did two concerts at theNewtown Farmer's Market and we were able to perform the works we commissioned throughout the year. We're really putting Sarasota on the map for new music, for people who are doing this work."

"Ido want to say that I knowmusiceducators have had a really tough year, and musicianshave had a tough, tough year, and that you don't have tosacrifice your values to be able to make money. It is possible to be your authentic self and pursue the music that you really believe in and be anti-racist.

"I hope that any musician or any personcancome to our website and look at the resources for music educators and look at our resourceson anti-racism, and use that as a starting point, or even just a check-into see where people are on their journeyin trying to make this world a better place, because it actually really is possible.

"Rocking the boat can be a wake-up call, and people may take it as, 'Oh, cool. I want to work with that person because they actually stand up for what they believe in.'"

For more info about Modern Marimba, visit the organization's website.

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Good news for nihilists? Life is meaningless after all, say philosophers | CBC Radio – News Nation USA

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If embarking on a second year of shutdowns, social restrictions, constant health risks, and existential dread has eroded your sense of lifes ultimate meaning and purpose, a new report by philosophers in Britain and Australia may offer a double whammy of encouragement.

First, youre absolutely right, they say. Life is meaningless.

Second, this fact poses no significant problems or threats.

In fact, there are good things that might come out of it, said Tracy Llanera, research fellow at the University of Notre Dame Australia in Sydney and assistant research professor at the University of Connecticut.

I think that shift in perspective will just open a lot more philosophical and practical possibilities for people.

Llanera co-authored the 70-page study, entitled A Defence of Nihilism, with the British philosopher James Tartaglia, a professor at Keele University. His earlier books include Philosophy in a Meaningless Life.

Im passionate about nihilism, said Tartaglia. Its so badly misunderstood.

Nihilist viewpoints begin with a refusal to believe that human life draws meaning from a greater context, such as the will or purpose of a divine being, or another external force such as fate or moral goodness, or any measure of the worth and quality of human life. In some interpretations, a purely nihilistic outlook disdains any attempt to attribute value or meaning to anything at all.

Such views traditionally receive bad press and blunt condemnation from thought leaders across the world. During the pandemic, critics on the political left and right have targeted nihilism as a root cause for what they perceive as widespread cultural and moral malaise.

Writing in Politico in April 2021, Charles Sykes accused the U.S. Republican Party of abandoning its principles in favour of a free-floating nihilism. He was objecting to what he perceived as the partys attempt to gain power without consideration for moral, economic or democratic justifications or traditions.

Two of Pakistans most senior medical experts, Saira Afzal and Khalid Masud Gonal, have accused countries of medical nihilism for failing to take seriously the threat of COVID-19.

In their view, an apparent willingness by some governments to let the virus spreadand even to encourage behaviours known to result in more deathsamounted to an abdication of responsibility that reminded them of German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsches definition of a nihilist: someone who believes nothing in the world has a material existence or value.

And The Guardian reported this winter on the lonely repetition and growing nihilism characterizing the lives of Australias young adults after months of wildfires and pandemic-related news and restrictions. The nihilism in this case entails a sense of apathy with a loss of psychological ability to face the future and take actions aimed at achieving happiness.

Llanera told IdeashostNahlah Ayed that a constant barrage of anti-nihilist sentiment from acquaintances and the media helped prompt her to fight back on nihilisms behalf.

Defending it really makes me feel like the madman in Friedrich Nietzsches The Gay Science, said Llanera. You know, Youve come too early! Its not yet time! Dont rock the boat! But we think that its about time and thats why were making the case.

The philosophers case depends on separating the premise that life has no cosmic meaning from the many negative conclusions people tend to draw as a consequence. Tartaglia points to a common fear that a person who considers life ultimately meaningless will embark on a destructive rejection of life itself, potentially endangering others or at least falling into despair.

Thats the one major misunderstanding, Tartaglia said. The other one is that you concern yourself with trivia because you failed to see the important things in life. He often sees the latter fear expressed in relation to the time people spend online or purchasing consumer goods instead of participating in some activity deemed essential to a meaningful life by whoever is making the criticism.

The most monstrous nihilists in popular culture include Heath Ledgers portrayal of the Joker in the 2008 Batman film, The Dark Knight. He ridicules moral codes and rules as groundless, and sees order itself as an illusion created in a desperate bid for an arbitrary happiness. To the movies audience, these beliefs seem tied to the Jokers penchant for chaos, crime and sociopathy.

Tartaglia said that figures such as the Joker might correctly be described as nihilists to the extent that they reject the idea of an overall meaning for their actions coming from some non-human source.

But I dont see any reason why that view would push you to go around destroying people and holding knives to their throats, said Tartaglia. Hes a particularly evil nihilist.

Historically, German philosopher and soldier Ernst Jnger blamed rampant nihilism after the First World War for his countrys descent into Nazism.

Although such associations continue to influence perceptions of those willing to call life ultimately meaningless, the merely trivial nihilist is perhaps the more common caricature now.

An especially well-known example is the squad of cartoonish German-accented antagonists to Jeff Bridges character, the Dude, in the film, The Big Lebowski. These self-announced nihilists seem to embody both major ingredients of the philosophys poor image: violence and foolishness.

Llanera finds no compelling logical connection between nihilism and antisocial behaviour or a choice to waste ones life on trivial, unrewarding obsessions.

And while a lack of ultimate sources for the meaning of ones life cannot directly justify good behaviour either, it can release people from harmful mistaken beliefs and damaging mindsets.

Llanera hears often from students that they consider themselves not religious, but spiritual, a description she finds potentially concerning.

It strikes me that people are always looking for something to hold ontotarot cards, the luck of the stars. I think [thats] being used to fight against this threat that life will become meaningless, Llanera said.

She criticizes some non-nihilist philosophers for spreading the message that the best way to respond to a sense of meaninglessness is to tap into non-human sources, such as a sacred entity or magical realm. In her view, this amounts to misdiagnosing the problem.

The problem is egotism, Llanera said, our attitudes of wanting to have an authority controlling and giving us answers, rather than being responsible for our own lives.

Despite her passion for defending nihilism, Llanera considers the central point about lifes meaninglessness to be neutral, rather than good news or bad news for humankind. She hopes that more people will simply outgrow their sense that the cosmic meaninglessness of their lives poses a threat. In her view, life does not need a larger context of meaning to add weight to a private or social sense of morality or joie de vivre.

Those things could be understood in a familiar, ordinary sense, like you need to take responsibility for your dog, you need to not cheat on your partner or you need to protest horrendous acts of genocide or ethnic cleansing. All of those things are part of the human condition, said Llanera.

They matter and they mean something to our individual lives and to human society. But this kind of meaning doesnt extend beyond our human context. And we think that those who defend the meaning of life, theyre just very uncomfortable with that idea.

The philosophers attempt to distance nihilisms core claims from the undesirable behaviours associated with the word itself has drawn protest from some colleagues in the field. The University of Edinburghs Guy Bennett-Hunter disputes that self-professed nihilists can enjoy a social meaning to their lives while also calling life itself ultimately meaningless.

Id stress that the social meanings, which James [Tartaglia] accepts, logically as well as psychologically require a transcendent context of meaning for life which he rejects, Bennett-Hunter said. He also argues that Tartaglias nihilism fails to account for the possibility that an ultimate meaning of life may not be factual in a prosaic sense, but nevertheless exist and be poetically true, as with creation myths.

Tartaglia argues that his interpretation of nihilism relates to its history and the intellectual battles surrounding claims to know a factual reality, especially in European thought.

He points out that the widespread use of the word nihilism and the phrase meaning of life originates in a single decade at the end of the 1700s, when religious certainties broke down among scholars while scientific beliefs gained power. Tartaglia sees most modern anti-nihilist fears as a continuation of the intellectual panic that ensued back then.

During that period, French religious conservatives railed against almost any form of reasoning and learning. To them, such pursuits risked a descent into nihilism as a result of extinguishing all divine mysteries. The supposedly threatening concept of nihilism often seemed inextricable from atheism or free thinking.

Today, however, Tartaglia feels he must defend nihilism from both religious and atheist world views, since the latter have tended towards replacing the divine meanings of life with another non-human equivalent, such as a worshipful attitude toward technology. Tartaglia worries that too many leaders perceive technological advance as a force that must be allowed to progress regardless of whether humans desire the consequences or not.

It could go in very bad directions, Tartaglia said. And thats why nihilism seems worthwhile.

On the positive side, Tartaglia argues that nihilistic attitudes offer a potential common ground upon which extremes of religion and secularism could meet, since it dispenses with all their competing claims to an ultimate meaning of life.

Life is the common ground, said Tartaglia. If youre a nihilist, you dont think that anything goes beyond life. If youre not a nihilist, you think theres something extra. OK, but theres still this massive common ground. Fundamentalists on one side or the anti-religionist brigade [with nihilism] we can all understand each other, right? We can all agree on life.

Tartaglias optimism in this regard might appear out of all proportion with the worlds many unending and brutal conflicts over much smaller doctrinal differences between all manner of groups, religious or otherwise. But then, a nihilist can dream.

Tom Howell is a producer forIdeason CBC Radio.

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Scared straight: How prophets of doom might save the world – Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

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Greta Thunberg often paints the world as being in a dire position, stirring her followers into confronting the existential threat of climate change. Credit: Markus Schweizer. CC BY-SA 4.0.

Several years ago, a team of Australian researchers asked people in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia about how probable a global catastrophe in the near term might be. They found that a majority (54 percent) rated the risk of our way of life ending within the next 100 years at 50 percent or greater, and a quarter rated the risk of humans being wiped out at 50 percent or greater. Another study that focused only on climate change found that four in ten Americans think the odds that global warming will cause humans to become extinct are 50 percent or higher. A search for human extinction via Google Ngram Viewer, which combs through digitized documents in Googles collection, shows a significant leap in the terms frequency over the past 20 years.

The Australian researchers also noted that, when confronted with end-of-the-world thoughts, people tend to have one of three responses: first, they interpret the situation through the prism of religion. On this view, the threat of catastrophe is seen as part of the grand battle between Good and Evil in the universe. Second, people come to believe that the worlds future looks grim so we have to focus on looking after ourselves and those we love, or in a weaker form, we should enjoy the life we have now, and not worry about what might happen to the world in the future. And third, people latch onto the idea that we need to transform our worldview and way of life if we are to create a better future for the world. The authors referred to these fundamentalism, nihilism, and activism, respectively.

The fact is that many scholars who study existential threats agree that the probability of doom is higher today than ever before in humanitys 300,000-year history. From nuclear weapons to killer drones to designer pathogens, humanity is acquiring much more efficient methods of bringing down civilization or causing our extinction than in the past. Lord Martin Rees, a world-renowned cosmologist at the University of Cambridge, estimates that human civilization has a 50/50 chance of making it through this century intact.

Given the ominous possibility that Rees and others are right, the key question is how to talk about global catastrophic risks in ways that inspire people to become activists, rather than nudge them into fundamentalist beliefs or an attitude of defeatism.

In the book Enlightenment Now!, the psychologist Steven Pinker worries that the drumbeat of doom will ultimately backfire: Humanity has a finite budget of resources, brainpower, and anxiety. When these resources are used up, brainpower has been drained, and anxiety reaches a tipping point, the result may be a paralyzing sense that humanity is screwed. And if humanity is screwed, then why sacrifice anything to reduce potential risks? Why forgo the convenience of fossil fuels, or exhort governments to rethink their nuclear weapons policies? Eat, drink, and be merry, for tomorrow we die! In other words, Pinker is afraid that people will succumb to nihilism rather than activism.

But is this warranted? Pinker notes that many leading intellectuals throughout the Atomic Age have made dire predictions that the world is about to end. For example (these are taken from Pinker):

Albert Einstein warned in 1950 that only the creation of a world government can prevent the impending self-destruction of mankind.

C.P. Snow, an English novelist and chemist, wrote in 1961 that within, at most, 10 years, some of those [nuclear] bombs are going off. I am saying this as responsibly as I can. That is the certainty.

Joseph Weizenbaum, an MIT computer scientist, declared in 1976 that I am completely certain that by the year 2000, you [students] will all be dead.

Hans Morgenthau, an influential international relations theorist, opined in 1979 that the world is moving ineluctably towards a third world wara strategic nuclear war. I do not believe that anything can be done to prevent it.

But the nuclear holocaust didnt happen. Were these proclamations a misguided waste of nerves that did nothing more than frighten people at the time? In fact, a survey conducted after the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, later described by the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. as the most dangerous moment in human history, found that some 40 percent of adolescents experienced a great deal of anxiety about the possibility of war. Another survey that asked schoolchildren about the world in 10 years reported that more than two-thirds mentioned war, often in terms of somber helplessness. As a junior high-school student put it in the early 1980s, responding to an article on the nuclear winter hypothesis written by the cosmologist Carl Sagan, My friends are scared. Sometimes they thinkWill we wake up to see the world tomorrow?

These warnings may very well have galvanized people into action.

Perhaps the doomsday prognostications of Einstein, Snow, Weizenbaum, Morgenthau, and others were self-defeating prophecies that, by virtue of foregrounding the worst-case outcomes, led to actions that saved humanity.

Many people accused Sagan of alarmism about nuclear weapons. Even pro-disarmament colleagues, someone wrote in a 1997 obituary for Sagan, described the nuclear winter scenario that Sagan popularized in the early 1980s as the worst example of the misrepresentation of science to the public in my memory. But the fact is that former Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev told former US President Ronald Reagan in 1988 that Sagans activism against nuclear weapons was a major influence on ending proliferation.

Today, young climate activists like Greta Thunberg embraced the strategy of frightening people into action. In a 2019 message in Davos, she declared:

Adults keep saying: We owe it to the young people to give them hope. But I dont want your hope. I dont want you to be hopeful. I want you to panic. I want you to feel the fear I feel every day. And then I want you to act.

So far, the strategy hasnt solved the climate crisis, but it could very well be the best approach going forward. Fear can be paralyzing, but it can also be motivating. There is no point to sugar-coating our collective plight: It is absolutely dire. We really do face a higher probability of catastrophe today than ever before in our history, if one takes seriously the estimates from Martin Rees and others. A 2008 informal survey of experts, for example, put the median probability of extinction this century at 19 percent, and of course the minute hand of the Doomsday Clock is currently set to a mere 100 seconds before midnight.

But the urgency of humanitys present situation is only half of the story.

Communicating about existential risks is a two-step process: First, the messengers need to stress that not a single problem facing humanity is hopelessly insoluble. And second, they need to point out that there are things that every person on the planet can do to make things better. We know how to solve climate change. We know what wed have to do to redirect an asteroid or comet away from Earth. We know how early detection systems can prevent a global pandemic. We even understand that in about 800 million years, the sun will become too luminous for complex lifeforms, like us, to continue residing on this planetary island. We know we will have to move.

There are solutions to each of these problems. Some may involve technological fixes, while others might require changes to our norms, attitudes, or the structure of political systems. But there is nothing inevitable about humanitys self-destruction this century or beyond. The only natural existential threat that we dont currently know how to mitigate is a supervolcanic eruption. A speculative plan from NASA scientists, for example, involves pumping high-pressure water into magma chambers to prevent a supereruption, but these scientists add that this might inadvertently trigger a catastrophe. More research, though, could very well provide an answer.

Along similar lines, we do not yet have any good solutions to what AI risk researchers call the control problem, that is, the puzzle of how to effectively control an algorithm whose general intelligence capabilities far exceed those of the smartest possible humans. But again, there is no reason to believe that further exploration of the problem wont reveal an effective solution. In other words, there is hope, an essential feature of activism.

Beyond this, there are plenty of ways that each of us, as individuals, can ensure a good outcome for humanity in the face of grave dangers. Obvious things include flying less, recycling, embracing a vegetarian or vegan diet, supporting movements like Fridays for Future, donating money to charities or think tanks, and even (controversially) having one fewer child. Young people might consider pursuing degrees in philosophy, public health, microbiology, computer science, or climatology to help solve the biggest challenges humanity has ever faced. Alternatively, it may be that some threats can only be solved from the top downfor instance, via government regulation. In this case, our moral obligation would be to call our government representatives and demand changeand, if that fails, to vote better politicians into office.

This is how we create activists: Tell the truth about how bad our existential predicament is, but always emphasize that the situation is far from hopeless, nor are you and I helpless. There is reason for optimismconditional optimism: If we take the risks seriously and act accordingly, the future could be better than ever before.

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The Republican Partys Partisanship Projection Problem – The Bulwark

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The Republican party has transformed projection from a psychological phenomenon into a political strategy. In a clinical setting, projectionaccusing others of ones own flawsis an uncontrollable behavior. While that may be true of Donald Trump (Lord knows he presents as a compelling case for psychoanalysis), it is not true for his loyal minions. For them it is a conscious effort to stuff reality down the memory hole.

Three women have exposed the viciousness and nihilism guarding the official Republican version of history by daring to contradict it. The abuse that Rep. Liz Cheney, Susan Hennessey, and Natasha Bertrand have suffered says more about the Republican party than it does about them.

What could generate such animus?

Though there is more than a hint of misogyny in the assaults on the integrity of the three women, the graver problem for the Republican party is the intellectual threat they pose in reminding people of the truth.

Cheney had the temerity to refuse to forgive or forget the January 6 insurrection. In addition to being ousted from her leadership role in the party, she has been criticized for everything from her politics to her decision to politely greet President Biden during the State of the Union address. One of her colleagues, in display of the sort of juvenile trolling increasingly common among Republicans, tweeted a childish hey, hey goodbye at her after she lost her position.

The events of January 6 are sufficiently recent that the effort to erase the memory of them is still ongoing. Some Republican members of the House are trying to recharacterize the riot as a normal tourist visit and condemned the FBIs investigation of the insurrection as the harassing peaceful patriots. Likewise, Sen. Ron Johnson has claimed that the assault was by and large a peaceful protest, which is true in the same sense that Fords Theatre on April 14, 1865 was by and large free of assassinations.

Cheneys refusal to let this destruction of history stand unchallenged is what they fear. Projection is a strategy born of weakness and the recognition that there is no defense for the Republican partys actions. By refusing to be deterred, she exposes the Republican party to scrutiny for inciting and defending the insurrection.

Similarly, there is no defense for former Attorney General William Barrs shameful actions while in office, so projection is the only option. Hence the absurd charges that Hennessey, who recently left the Lawfare blog (where I am a contributor) and joined the National Security Division at the Department of Justice as a special counsel, will politicize the Department of Justice. The rightwing commentariat went ballistic at her appointment, claiming that her work on Russiagate and the history of DOJ politicized engagement reflects a political bias and would somehow make DOJ more political than it was before. Even if partisan squabbles were in her nature, given the history of how Barr bent DOJ to Trumps service, that would be a tall order.

The list of Barrs corruptions, abuses, and lies is long and sordid, including politically motivated interventions in multiple prosecutions of Trumps allies, the Lafayette Square incident, refusing to respond to congressional oversight, misleading the public aboutthe content of the Mueller report, and being an early proponent of the foreign ballot conspiracy. One recent revelation about Barrs tenure is both troubling and comical: The Washington Post reported last week that DOJ tried to protect Rep. Devin Nunes from an anonymous critical parody account by issuing a subpoena to Twitter seeking the identity of the user known as Devin Nunes Alt-Mom. (Under Attorney General Merrick Garlands leadership, DOJ withdrew the subpoena earlier this year.)

Hennesseys appointment, far from being a politicization of the Department of Justice, is a rejection of the politicization of the department during Barrs twenty-two month tenure. As a skilled lawyer and an assiduous observer of the Trump administration and its Russian connections, shes well positioned to repair the damage done to the department under Barr.

The final leg in this tripod of forgetfulness is the ongoing attempt to rewrite the history of Trumps collusion with Russia during the 2016 election by calling all of those who reported on the story or analyzed it conspiracists.

Hence the case of Natasha Bertrand, a reporter for CNN. Shes been prolific in reporting on Trumps connections to Russia. For her efforts, as recounted in Washington Monthly, she was sued by Kash Patel, a Trump/Nunes acolyte, for defamation. The case has little if any factual basis, to say nothing of its lack of legal merit. More recently, Glenn Greenwald called her a deranged conspiracy theorist and scandal-plagued CIA propagandist.

This assault is a classic case of misdirection. Both Bertrand and Hennessey were, it is said, more credulous of the allegations of the Steele dossier than the document warranted. In hindsight, maybe so. But their analysis of one document doesnt disqualify the validity of their observations of the myriad Trump-Russia connections, nor absolve Trump and his enablers of one of the most grievous acts of unpatriotism of the twenty-first century.

The fact remains that the Mueller report, and, more recently, the bipartisan Senate Intelligence Committee report, described a pattern of activity that involved hundreds of steps taken by Trump, his campaign team,and his friends and confederates during the 2016 election campaign in which Trump or his associates connected themselves to or benefited from Russian actions.Never has the history of American politics seensuch an entanglement. The report describes, in painstaking detail, what happenedand the wholesale assault on Bertrand and Hennessey as conspiracy mongers is nothing less than historical revisionism. In the end, at least sixteen of Trumps campaign staff can be proven to have had Kremlin connections.

The five-volume Senate report is replete with detail, which is precisely why Republicans wont allow reality to stand. Trumps subservience to Russia, his corruption, and his attacks on constitutional democracy are political liabilities. Forgetting, distracting from, or distorting them is political necessity. And for insisting on those truths, Cheney, Bertrand, and Hennessey have become the objects of Republican ire.

As George Orwell said: The most effective way to destroy people is to deny and obliterate their own understanding of their history.The objective of the Trumpians who wish to destroy democracy is exactly that: to obliterate history and, at the same time, destroy those who would remind us of it. The only way to fight themthe only step left for those of us who prize history and rationality over power and authorityis to remember that history so that it will never be repeated.

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The controversial reasons Sex Pistols song God Save The Queen was banned by the BBC – Far Out Magazine

Posted: at 8:15 am

God Save the Queen is the second single by British punk icons, the Sex Pistols. Shortly after its release, Pistols frontman Johnny Rotten claimed, There are not many songs written over baked beans at the breakfast table that went on to divide a nation and force a change in popular culture.

The song is undoubtedly a punk classic and one of the highlights from the original British wave. In addition to its composition, the lyrics and the furore they caused cemented the songs place in pop culture history making it one of the most punk songs of all time.

The song was released during Queen Elizabeth IIs Silver Jubilee of 1977. If by some miracle, you havent heard the song, the title God Save The Queen may seem like an uber-patriotic reaffirmation of the house of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. However, it is not. Given Johnny Rottens take, as mentioned earlier on the songs polarising nature, it is clear there was more to the track than meets the ear.

Everything about it was controversial. Released on the 27th of May 1977, slap bang in the middle of the Queens 25th anniversary of her accession, the single caused widespread horror. The lyrics and the cover were seen as highly provocative at the time.

The extent of the offence caused was so deep that the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) flat out banned the song. The Independent Broadcasting Authority refused to play the song, and ubiquitous chain Woolworths refused to stock the single. The BBC called it an example of gross bad taste. This furore played into the band and their manager, Malcolm McClarens hands. Between late May and early June, they were shifting 150,000 units a day.

The songs original title was No Future, as the lyrics display a general malaise towards the British monarchy and a general anti-authoritarian stance. In 2017 Rotten said To me, the lyrics themselves were a fun thing. It was expressing my point of view on the monarchy in general and on anybody that begs your obligation with no thought. Thats unacceptable to me. You have to earn the right to call on my friendship and my loyalty. And you have to have value-proven points in order for me to support you. Thats how it is.

The songs title also caused great offence as it took its name directly from the UKs national anthem. This, in tandem with it being the Queens Jubilee, and the lyrics were too much for many sections of the Mustard clad, red-trousered, stuffy British public to take. The lyrics equate dear Queenie to a fascist regime. They also sardonically claim, like a progenitor to David Ickes whacky theories, God Save The Queen/She aint no human being. Rottens lyrics also embodied that jaded nihilism of punk that made it such a tangible force for the youth, there is no future in Englands dreaming.

It seems as if the change of name from No Future to God Save The Queen was, in fact, a coincidence rather than a well-orchestrated business move or a piece of stringent anti-authoritarianism. Sex Pistols drummer, Paul Cook, maintained, it wasnt written specifically for the Queens Jubilee. We werent aware of it at the time. It wasnt a contrived effort to go out and shock everyone.

Johnny Rotten has also expanded on the intention behind the lyrics You dont write God Save the Queen because you hate the English race. You write a song like that because you love them, and youre fed up with them being mistreated. His purpose of evoking sympathy for the British working class seems fair enough, given the mire of the 1970s on the island. After all, Britain in the 70s was dubbed the sick man of Europe.

The song also caused much debate surrounding its chart standings. It reached number one on the NME charts in the UK and made it to number two on the Official UK Singles Chart, which the BBC used. However, given the number of units it was shifting in its first month, many people doubted that it could have been stuck in the penultimate position by chance.

The rumours that the charts had been fixed by the BBC were exacerbated by the fact the song that pipped it to the top spot was Rod Stewarts forgettable single I Dont Want to Talk About It.

More recently, Rotten has also thrown shade on the BBCs general reputation. He claimed that when the BBC banned him personally in 1978, it was for calling out Jimmy Savilles depravity in the until-recently-concealed interview with his post-Pistols band, Public Image Ltd.

The furore God Save The Queen caused has only added to the band and the songs legacy. Punk in all its essence, it remains a three-chorded staple for rebels everywhere. Its lasting impact made somewhat of an ironic turn on the 3rd of November 2016.

Andrew Rosindell, a Conservative MP, argued in a motion for a return to the broadcasting of the national anthem God Save the Queen at the end of BBC Ones daily transmissions. Rosindells call came as he wanted to commemorate the Brexit vote and Britains consequent withdrawal from the European Union. Rosindells claim drew much ire, largely because the BBC had dropped the practice in 1997 when they switched to 24-hour news broadcasting (which rendered the need for a closing song obsolete).

In a bizarre twist of fate, that same evening, BBC Twos flagship programme,Newsnight, ended their broadcast with host Kirsty Wark saying that they were incredibly happy to oblige Rosindells request. They proceeded to close with a Sex Pistols song clip much to Rosindells displeasure.

Watch the music for God Save The Queen, below.

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OP-ED: Between a simple sentence and an essay of uncontrollable complexity – Dhaka Tribune

Posted: at 8:15 am

Remembering Fuad Sir: English teacher, funny adult, tongue-clicker extraordinaire

As a reader, consumer, and perhaps even a man of letters once upon an optimistic time, tributes, be they written or otherwise, constitute some of my least favourite types of content. Between the narcissism of the author and the nihilism of temporal annihilation, what purpose does a tribute serve but to ensure that, through the weight of tragedy or through serendipitous proximity, an individual finds his or her way into the spotlight for a brief moment in time?

These journeys through the artificially cobbled streets of a strangers lane of tediously strung-together memory -- oftentimes with an eradicated person of some import whose existence, unfortunately, has failed to earn its place next to yours -- are oftentimes little more than hyperbolic, poorly expressed, uninteresting forays into the falsity of a person that once existed.

Is there really such shame in remembering, loving, liking, enjoying the company of, praising somebody who existed imperfectly, that we must take away these flaws, instill pretenses, create statues out of clouds so that an act of remembrance in effect serves the exact opposite purpose -- to be forgotten as just another subject of a few thousand words forcefully spread to span a few hundred hours?

Can we move away from such selective memory sharing, from birthing elephants inside rooms too small to house so many?

Contrary to appearances, this is not a bitter diatribe that unnecessarily seeks out flaws in individuals who have perhaps earned the right to indulge in the harsh unrealities of manufactured memory. This is a response to finding myself in a situation similar to my predecessors: A desire to offer a few words dedicated to my subjectively important memories regarding a person who is an objectively unimportant stranger to most people to have ever existed.

This is an attempt to do something different.

While I wish to make no claims towards the quality of writing I now present you with, the activity itself is something that I enjoy and feel comfortable doing. Such instances occur less frequently in these times of millennial misery, time shortages, and overly indulgent digital dalliances, but hardly ever as a 16-year-old student of O Levels and future failure at committing to less than three letter grades.

But, thanks to fragile alliances formed by soft fathers in hardened corporations, thanks to inevitable friendships formed in Lalmatia and unlikely ones formed above a Dhanmondi bicycle store, thanks to the forces of the universe blowing woefully unprepared dad-son duos across the subcontinent and back, I found myself awkwardly sitting in a room filled with adolescent teenagers, doodling endlessly in my notebook.

This was the class of Abdullah Al-Fuad, father of friend, sporadic attention giver, also teacher of O Level English. My memory, notorious for not existing most of the time, does not recall detail with much accuracy, or at all. But I can remember so many moments of shared laughter, specificities now long forgotten, not with him, but the people who surrounded him. From the way he clicked his tongue to the unaffordable price of his attention, leaving you dumbfounded with his answer to a reasonable question you were unlucky enough to have asked, to the random Turkish swear words he would slip into conversations with unsuspecting students, he was just incredibly fun and funny to be around.

Three decades into a life dissipating its worth, I understand the value of laughter: I have all the patience for people who have shown moments of exceptional cruelty, whose sins have delved into the societally unacceptable and the justifiably illegal, who have dumbfounded me with their ability to be self-serving with such unwavering consistency, but none whatsoever for unfunny individuals with hollowed out senses of humour.

That room was also where I discovered that this was something I enjoyed. I dont know which aspects of Fuad Sirs knowledge pool I was fortunate enough to have inherited, but I do know that the room served as an endless well of opportunity for me to sweat out the frustrated, imitational words of a lovesick teenager. And then, later, more practically, the provider of my first salary as an individual qualified enough to scrutinize the English language skills of others.

But, before that, I read at home. I wrote in Fuad Sirs class. Sometimes we exchanged words. I read at home. And I attempted to write like the writers I read. I think I received some feedback or the other in between but I remember nothing. I read at home. I wrote in Fuad Sirs class. I began with simple sentences. Like that one.

And now its 15 years later and I do not know if the dependent clauses which constantly shove their way into my sentences are welcome details or burdensome annoyances, whether this is a skill to take pride in or a habit to be eliminated.

Between the nostalgic act of recalling those times-when-we-understood-so-little to the living of these times-where-we-understand-too-much, we have gained and lost the people we choose to act as supporting characters in the forgettable movie of our lives. Fuad Sir, along with the people who surrounded him, was part of a similar process, not for some unfortunate, avoidable, and regretful decision on anyones part, but merely due to frosty way leading on to frosty way.

But all of this is just a complex, time-consuming, and convoluted path towards expressing a simple sentiment: Fuad Sir was an undeniable catalyst in my life. I had at 16 what most people spend their entire lives missing: Knowledge of exactly what I was meant to do.

I dont know why I choose to waste this knowledge with such consistency of spirit, and I dont know why I began nor where we have ended up, nor do I know what my intention was as I began. And I definitely dont know if youll remember Abdullah Al-Fuad, teacher of English, funny adult, and tongue-clicker extraordinaire, but I do know that our memories only exist in the living and that our incessant need to create statues of ourselves will only lead to a half-broken visage in an antique desert.

I believe I was lucky to have my life visited by Fuad Sir and to have later visited his life and that of his family. Maybe I will visit again. But if you have found any value in my visit into your life today, unannounced and unearned as it may have been, then you too have been visited by the spirit of Fuad Sir. And that realization is the closest to immortality we ever get.

SN Rasul is an Editorial Assistant at the Dhaka Tribune and a Lecturer of English at North South University.

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OP-ED: Between a simple sentence and an essay of uncontrollable complexity - Dhaka Tribune

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Oceania and Regent plan their 2021 and 2022 cruise seasons – Travel Weekly

Posted: at 8:13 am

Sister brands Oceania Cruises and Regent Seven Seas released restart details, setting fall and winter sailings on the majority of their fleets.

Norwegian Cruise Line, the largest of the Norwegian Cruise Line Holdings brands, also detailed its fall resumption plans today.

In total, the three brands laid out plans for the return of fifteen additional ships.

"We continue to see incredible pent-up demand for future cruise vacations, and as regions across the globe continue to reopen for travel and tourism, we are excited to get back to what we do best and deliver exceptional vacation experiences for our guests to once again explore the world," said Frank Del Rio, CEO of the parent company.

Regent Seven Seas Cruises said all five of its ships would be back in service by next February. The Seven Seas Splendor is already slated to return to service in September. As much as possible, Regent said, it has tried to preserve its previously published schedules.

The Seven Seas Explorer will restart Oct. 16 from Venice before crossing to Miami for the winter. The Seven Seas Mariner will resume its published scheduled on Dec. 18, cruising from Miami to San Francisco where it will begin its World Cruise on Jan. 5. The Seven Seas Navigator will begin Jan. 6 from Miami on published southern Caribbean sailings. The Seven Seas Voyager will return with five new Mediterranean voyages, the first from Barcelona on Feb. 15, before resuming its published 2022 summer season in the Mediterranean and Northern Europe on April 15.

Oceania will resume service on three ships this fall, with the Riviera, Insignia and Sirena launching between October and January.

The Riviera will resume its previously published cruises from Istanbul on Oct. 18 with Mediterranean sailings, prior to a winter of Caribbean cruises from Miami. The Insignia will begin Dec. 21 with a Panama Canal cruise from Miami prior to embarking on a sold-out, 180-day world cruise from Los Angeles to New York. The Sirena will commence service on Jan. 22 with a cruise from Miami to Panama City, Panama.

Oceania's Marina has already been scheduled to resume sailing from Copenhagen on August 29. The line said that phased restart dates for its Regatta and Nautica ships will be announced later.

All passengers on Norwegian Cruise Line Holdings brands, until further notice, must be vaccinated.

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Oceania and Regent plan their 2021 and 2022 cruise seasons - Travel Weekly

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Oceania Cruises Announces Restart Dates For Three More Ships – Cruise Radio

Posted: at 8:13 am

Oceania Cruises has announced the restart dates for three more of its cruise ships:Riviera, Insignia,andSirena, between October 2021 and January 2022.

Rivierawill resume its previously-scheduled voyages from Istanbul beginning on October 18, 2021 and sail a series of Mediterranean cruises before beginning a winter series of Caribbean cruises from Miami.

Insigniawill resume cruising with the December 21, 2021 Panama Canal cruise from Miami, prior to setting sail on a sold-out 180-day Around the World cruise from Los Angeles to New York City.

Sirenawill begin sailings starting with the January 22, 2022 Caribbean cruise from Miami to Panama City, Panama.

This is an exciting day for our guests and team members alike as we begin to prepare another three ships to resume sailing in Europe, the Caribbean, and the eagerly anticipated kickoff of our epic Around the World in 180 Days voyage for 2022, stated Bob Binder, President and CEO of Oceania Cruises.

Itineraries for each ship will be continually evaluated for port availability, and may be adjusted closer to departure dates.

READ MORE:Oceania Cruises Reveals New Fleet-Wide Restaurant Menus

These additional ship restarts follow theApril 28 announcement thatMarinawill be resuming voyages from Copenhagen beginning August 29.

Phased restart dates forRegattaandNauticawill be announced at a later date.

Until further notice, all Oceania sailings will require that all crew and guests be fully vaccinated against COVID-19. This requirement is the cornerstone of the lines SailSAFE health and safety program.

Other SailSAFE protocols include the following:

These protocols are subject to continuous adjustment as science and technology evolves.

READ NEXT:Oceania Reveals Details on New Ships Pool Deck & Bars [IMAGES]

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