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Daily Archives: May 22, 2021
Village of Wisdom Used Community-Based Participatory Research to Co-Design Education with Black Families – Stanford Social Innovation Review
Posted: May 22, 2021 at 10:06 am
Parents in a breakout session during a Family Learning Villages workshop. (Photo by Derrick Beasley)
Oppressed people, whatever their level of formal education, have the ability to understand and interpret the world around them, to see the world for what it is, and move to transform it, said civil rights and human rights activist Ella Baker. She may not be viewed as a pioneer of equitable implementation, but her outsize impact on the civil rights movement was grounded in her ability to listen and support the leadership and wisdom of people most affected by racism.
Implementation sciencethe study of the uptake, scale, and sustainability of social programshas failed to advance strategies to address equity. This collection of articles reviews case studies and articulates lessons for incorporating the knowledge and leadership of marginalized communities into the policies and practices intended to serve them. Sponsored by the Anne E. Casey Foundation
My name is William Jackson and Im the founder and a team member of Village of Wisdom, an organization leveraging the collective wisdom of Black families to support advocacy and organizing for racially just schools. Bakers approach was unknown to our team when we founded Village of Wisdom (VOW) in 2014, but the spirit of her approach informs everything we do. Indeed, it wasnt hard to convince us, as the children of Black parents ourselves, that Black parentsa Black childs first teachersmight know best how to facilitate learning for Black children.
VOWs solution was simple at its core: Leverage the cultural wisdom of Black parents to affirm their childrens Blackness as an antidote to a world that actively depletes their self-worth through systemic racism and interpersonal racial discrimination.1 Our work was initially informed by strength-based racial socialization research, which traditionally focuses on how Black parents communicate the idea of race to their children.2 We aimed to create spaces where Black parents shared racially affirming messages they used with their children and how they used those messages to prepare their children to cope with the racism they would experience in school. We drew upon the research of scholars such as Enrique Neblett,Stephanie Coard, and Howard Stevenson.
We initially called the workshops we developed to support Black parents in assisting their children Family Learning Villages. We gave families space to develop their approach to navigate school settings dominated by white teachers and plagued by white supremacy (such as devaluing and erasing the contributions of Black people, prioritizing white teacher comfort over Black student learning and rights, and villainizing Black student language, hair, and clothes). The name we chose for these sessions reflected our teams instinctive beliefs as the children of Black parents who had helped each of us navigate American schools. We knew Black parents had a lot of wisdom to share; we just needed to create a space for them to share insights with and learn from each other.We also provided content to encourage conversation between parents that would amplify racial pride and deepen perspectives on racism and how to undermine it. Realizing the connection between economic oppression and racism, we also established the practice of compensating Black parents for their time and intellectual contributions during these first workshops.
Our communal approach that structurally and financially demonstrated respect for Black parent wisdom struck a sharp contrast with the majority of parent support programs: As psychologist Stephanie Coard has asserted, most parenting programs have been problematically designed by whites looking to fix the parenting of Black people.3 Unfortunately, the working assumption of most parent training programs seems to be that the Black parents lack the expertise to contribute to conversations about parenting Black children.
Our intentional approach to structure our workshops to promote and compensate Black parent wisdom sharing proved fruitful. Specifically, the Family Learning Villages revealed what parents knew, what they wanted for their children, and what teaching strategies would likely be successful with Black students.Even more, we learned that when we approach parents with information to explore, Black parents will not only deepen our understanding of the issues facing Black families but also contribute to the work themselves. They saw us and more importantly themselves as coconspirators in the collective struggle for liberationa future where self-determination for all, especially for Black people, is a reality and a right.
As VOW staff listened to the dreams and frustrations of parents, we noticed that many of them were passionate about the same issues: their children didnt trust their teachers; their children werent interested in the lessons; and there wasnt enough Black history being taught. We werent the only people hearing Black parents complaintsbut we were different from others in that we were one of the few groups really listening to parents concerns as valid critiques.
Through this listening, VOW staff realized that Black parents were experiencing the same processes of dehumanization as their children. Black parents were clearly articulating their realities and acutely identifying the root causes of how schools were failing them and their children. However, due to the white supremacist motivations of schools (e.g., worship of the written word), the genius of Black parents was being overlooked and undervalued. Through my understanding of the world as constructed in the Black homes, baseball parks, and churches where I grew up, I heard the Black parents voices loud and clear.
In fact there was a lot of research theory that aligned with their wisdom. For instance, Bren Browns research on vulnerability tells us that if a child cant trust you, they cant learn, love, or create in that environment.4 Even more, we know that if students are not interested in the instructional content, they cannot sustain the type of learning psychologists Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan cite in their self-determination theory as necessary for tasks requiring sustained effort.5 Just as important, the need for Black history is well substantiated by a multitude of Black researchers who have outlined the importance of racial identity affirmation for Black children.6 Our team heard parents clearly say that their children did not deserve to be taught how to cope with racism; their children deserved liberatory learning environments that affirmed their humanity.
With critical insights gleaned from Black parents, VOW team membersespecially Taylor Webber-Fields, Amber Majors, and Aya Shabupushed me to center the cultural knowledge and experience of Black parents in all of our work. Not only did we decide to center our organizational theory of culturally affirming instruction based on parents observations, but we also realized we needed to codify Black parents insights about the tools and strategies needed to build culturally affirming instruction that could help educators and others better use these insights. Therefore, parents became collaborators in developing the grounding framework of our organization: the Black Genius framework. This structure brings together six elements of culturally affirming learning environments that encourage the healthy development of Black childrens intellectual curiosity and racial identity. The identification of the Black Genius framework also solidified the evolution of our program model to focus our efforts on transforming schools into more culturally affirming learning environments where Black children experience less discrimination.
Equity consultants and evaluators Donna-Marie Winn and Marvin McKinney offer a useful analogy of fish swimming in dirty water to help elucidate the difference between liberatory, resilience and deficit-based efforts.7 In a situation where the majority of fish in a body of water are dying, the only rational conclusion is that the water is dirty or poisoned. A deficit approach focuses on fixing the dying fish rather than the water that is killing them. Unfortunately, most interventions and organizations purporting to serve Black children see them as problems to be fixed, and even more often see their families and communities as the source of their issues. Racial socialization research and our first workshops with parents taught us that Black parents were instead critical agents protecting their children from the dirty water that was killing the spirits of their children.
Focusing on learning from and with the community is a core tenet of equitable implementation. Unfortunately, investing in the wisdom of Black parents was a difficult concept to describe and build support for in the philanthropic and social science sectors, where intervention work too often starts from the deficit-based, fish-fixing paradigm. For example, requests for proposals (RFPs) call for responses to, How will the work improve student performance? How will your organization change student behavior? How many students will your organization work with this year? These types of RFP questions discourage equitable implementation strategies and incentivize problematic, deficit-based approaches focused on fixing students and not the water.
As an organization, we began looking for assessments that would elucidate the culture and climate Black students face. We wanted to know how dirty the water was. Only then would we be able to identify the impact of racism and demonstrate how efforts could reduce both the impact and presence of discrimination in schools. We knew that if we wanted to measure the issues that were the most important to change, we would need to assess the water.
The exploratory structure of our Family Learning Villages workshops gave parents a forum to tell us what their children deserved in learning environments. We took the six factors Black parents identified and developed a student-perspective survey so that youth themselves could evaluate whether the instruction they were receiving was culturally affirming. We validated the survey with more than 1,000 students from five different schools. Preliminary statistical results found the items within the survey were measuring the phenomena related to cultural affirmation in the classroom. Student positive reports of cultural affirmation across the six factors were positively correlated with attendance and negatively correlated with suspension rates. Two of the cultural affirmation factors were correlated with overall academic performance. In other words: Exploring the wisdom of Black parents led us to an assessment design that was desperately needed by the field to assess how to create ideal learning environments for Black children.
Coping strategies are obviously necessary as institutional racism is not going to be dispelled by a magic wand.But building resiliency is not a pathway to liberation, nor does it address the inequities that give racist systems their power. An equitable implementation approach allowed us to see that we were called to do more than just work with Black parents to prepare their children to cope with racism and discrimination in school. Our work had to include transforming instruction into being more culturally affirming.
We struggled to balance our potential impact in schools with our original commitment to center Black parents in our work. We needed a way to make the process of identifying a Black-parent informed framework and developing a Black-parent validated instrument more intentional and repeatable. This realization led our organization to our most compelling question to date: What if we identified processes that intentionally did what we previously did in a more organic fashionput parents in spaces to identify and evaluate culturally affirming strategies?
We found our answer in community-based participatory research (CBPR): the act of putting people closest to the phenomena being explored by a research study in control of the study. We endeavored to identify culturally affirming strategies that would be validated by Black parent researchers. We started where we beganwith a group of parents in workshops talking to each other about how they were affirming their children in the middle of a double pandemic (i.e., COVID-19 and racism). We identified five parents from this group to be our inaugural group of Black Parent Researchers. Just as before, we compensated these parents throughout the process for their intellectual contributions.
After receiving training on facilitating focus group discussions, the Black Parent Researchers facilitated a series of focus groups for parents, teachers, and students about their dreams for a culturally affirming learning environment. Using both equitable implementation and CBPR practices, we involved those parents in interpreting the meaning of the research findings. We used the emergent findings from the CBPR process to ignite a user-centered design process. Powered by Black homeschoolers, teachers, and parents, this process identified culturally affirming instructional strategies for teachers and resources for parents. We plan to repeat this process continuously to provide the education field with a myriad of culturally affirming learning strategies validated by Black parents.
CBPR approaches are a means to achieving equitable implementation.Our approach has included three key elements of equitable implementation. First, we engage the community in assessing the problem, developing strategies, and validating solutions, with Black parents playing an integral role from the very beginning. Second, we make sure that we are compensating contributions equitably. Third, we pay explicit attention to cultural knowledge, history, and values in designing programs, with the shared wisdom of Black parents being integral in designing our frameworks and tools.
Despite these efforts, equitable implementation has its challenges, many of them systemic. We are seeking resources from an inequitable ecosystem where the preponderance of the funding, frameworks, and measures are driven by deficit frameworks focused on fixing the systematically oppressed, rather than the systems of oppression. In fact, many academic historians, including Ibram Kendi, have detailed that much of the historically foundational research informing Americas most common assessments in psychology and education have been corrupted by pseudo-scientific scholarship whose primary purpose was to exclude and dehumanize Black people. Funders like to invest in impact by supporting evidence-based programming that sees impact as fixing fish.
Our organizationlike most organizationsis swimming in dirty water. These factors make it difficult for Black-led, equity-focused organizations to identify evidence that supports their oftentimes sophisticated equitable implementation approaches. Our hope is that other Black-led organizations will see our model and know that, despite the barriers, their work is essential and the how of their work is just as important as they think it is. Equally important, those who wield institutional power need to join the struggle for racial equity by examining how they might adopt an equitable implementation approach and shift the institutional inertia of their organizations toward freedom and liberation. Our hope is that we are all not held captive to how things have always been, but rather that we can move forward to pursue more equitable structures built on visions of a transformed world.
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Denver To Receive $308M In Rescue Plan: Survey, Townhalls Planned – Patch.com
Posted: at 10:06 am
The city has also proposed a $400 million General Obligation Bond to fund job-creating infrastructure projects. The combined funding would support residents and industries hit hardest by the pandemic, revitalize businesses, create thousands of higher-paying jobs and stimulate the economy through infrastructure and workforce development, the city said. The General Obligation Bond will require City Council referral and voter approval.
Denverites are asked to take a series of surveys on their top priorities for the funding, which can be found here. The city has also planned four virtual townhalls:
City officials will call Denver households, but residents are encouraged to register ahead of time here to receive a call. Denverites can also dial in to a meeting:
Don't miss the latest news updates in Denver: Free Denver Patch Newsletters and Email Alerts | Facebook | Twitter
"We intend to get our economy moving again, build back better and sustain this recovery, especially for those workers and businesses in sectors that will be foundational to our success in the wake of this pandemic," Mayor Michael Hancock said.
"Engaging our residents to help determine what will be included in this package and where funding will be directed will help us to make the broadest impact across our city not just over the next several months, but for years into the future."
The economic recovery strategy focuses on community and business supports as well as infrastructure investments to rebuild Denver's economy in a way that is equitable, sustainable and supports communities most impacted by the pandemic, city officials said.
"Residents know what resources will have the greatest impacts for them and their neighborhoods," said Stacie Gilmore, Denver City Council president.
"We want to hear how the community, especially those hit hardest by the pandemic, would prioritize stimulus recovery dollars. It is crucial that we are intentional during this process about reaching and listening to diverse perspectives to achieve an equitable, long-term recovery plan."
The General Obligation Bond would fund capital infrastructure projects across the city, officials said. For every $10 million spent on construction, 130 jobs are created, which results in $20 million in economic activity, according to the city.
The city will convene a diverse group of stakeholders to serve on a Stimulus Investment Advisory Committee, which will review public, agency, and City Council feedback, and use the community's guidance to inform potential funding proposals, officials said.
The General Obligation Bond will have an additional stakeholder committee which will use the public feedback to identify infrastructure projects that best meet the goals and desires of the community to create sustainable economic recovery, the city said.
The emergency funding for local governments was established by the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021. The funds are meant to be used to respond to acute pandemic-response needs, fill revenue shortfalls among state and local governments, and support the communities and populations hardest-hit by the COVID-19 crisis, according to the U.S. Department of the Treasury.
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Denver To Receive $308M In Rescue Plan: Survey, Townhalls Planned - Patch.com
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Bringing Private-Sector Values to the Public Sectorand Vice Versa – Yale Insights
Posted: at 10:05 am
In 2011, Roderick Bremby was named commissioner of the Connecticut Department of Social Services, with responsibility for the states Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and more than 60 additional programs, including Medicaid. CT SNAP was then ranked among the countrys worst food stamp programs, with overwhelmed staff and delayed and inaccurate benefits. Over the next several years, Bremby transformed the program, reengineering business processes and digitizing, and streamlining the application process. By 2018, the federal government recognized the program as one of the best in the country.
Before coming to Connecticut, Bremby served as secretary of health and environment in state government in Kansas, where he made headlines when he cited greenhouse gas emissions in denying a permit for a proposed coal-burning power plant. He is now an executive in the global public health business unit at Salesforce, which has provided contact tracing worldwide during the COVID-19 pandemic and introduced a vaccine management solution in the fall of 2020.
Recently, CT SNAPs turnaround was the subject of a Yale SOM case study, co-authored by Professor Teresa Chahine for her course Social Entrepreneurship in Public Health. Earlier this year, Chahine talked with Bremby about bringing private-sector-style innovation to state government and the role of businesses in addressing societal needs like public healtha convergence that is accelerating during the pandemic.Ben Mattison
Teresa Chahine: When I had a call with Rod to prepare for him visiting my class, and he told me about his role at Salesforce and how theyre deploying solutions to address COVIDat the time, it was contract tracing, and now its the vaccineI said, We can start with the case, but then Id also love for you to just speak to my students about your work in the private sector today, and how and why you joined the private sector after leading state government agencies in multiple states. I think we need to talk about that.
The CT SNAP case was meant to be about intrapreneurship and innovation within the government, within a public health agency. But we also ended up talking about Salesforces core values and as an example of conscious capitalism, where companies feel their role is to produce positive social and environmental outputs in addition to positive economic results. And conscious capitalism is something that keeps coming up in my classes, and its really what SOM embodiesthe intersection of business and society.
I wondered whether this is a moment in time when public health could serve as a platform and an opportunity for more companies to start practicing conscious capitalism because everybody has a vested interest in a healthy society.
Business leaders dont often think of themselves as people who have a role to play in public health. But everything is a driver of health, so a company could impact education, nutrition, pollution, transportation, access to green space, healthy communities, racial equity, gender equity. No matter what your job is, you can produce positive health outcomes.
Rod, a great place to start would be to tell us a little bit more about how you took CT SNAP from worst to first. What was the role of innovation and private-sector methodologies?
Roderick Bremby: In terms of that transformation, we had a lot of teams working together. Some of the private-sector capabilities deployed were business process reengineering. Simply, we wanted to understand how the work was being performed through process analysis, and then assess where the efficiencies could occur and eliminate redundancy and increase workforce capacity.
Prior to this work, fewer than 6% of customers visiting our 12 regional offices left with their business wholly accomplished. In other words, they had to keep coming back repeatedly. And we convinced the teamthe staff in the fieldthat if they were able to satisfy their customers needs with one visit, it would make their customers lives easier, and it would make our lives easier, given that we wouldnt have to keep paperwork available, stored, and ready, for the customer to return. So we were able to go through the business reengineering process, drive something north of 90% of first-touch resolution across all offices within a matter of months.
We had a transformation on the Medicaid side of our organization as well. When I came into the Malloy administration, there was a desire to move towards a single-payer, state-based healthcare program. When Malloy came in, [former secretary of the office of policy and management] Ben Barnes reviewed the condition of the state budget and found that it was not possible to support a single-payer healthcare program for the state.
So we did, I think, the next best thing. We decided to implement a self-insured Medicaid program, a radical departure from the direction most state Medicaid programs were moving. Most states contract with managed care organizations to minimize their risk and cap their annual expenditures for the Medicaid program. We went the other way and became self-insured as a state in 2012, which meant that if our expenditures exceeded the line item in the budget, resources from other places in the budget would need to be found to ensure that the budget balanced at the end of the year.
So we again deployed best practices from the private sector. We performed risk stratification across the Medicaid population to understand which members were indicated for additional cost trends. And we also engaged an administrative service organization to deploy an intervention using nurses for intensive care management for those members. Nurses engaged Medicaid members at the greatest risk of increased cost or chronic conditions to ensure that they received the services needed, whether access to specialists, transportation to a physician, food if they were food insecure.
Long story short, from 2012 to 2017, the Connecticut Medicaid program experienced the greatest per-member, per-month cost reduction of any Medicaid, Medicare, or private plan in the nation. This success was documented in a Health Affairs article. A health researcher from New Haven estimated that the program saved the state billions of dollars.
Our administrative cost burden was a little under 3%, lets say 2.5%. Most Medicaid programs pay private organizations anywhere between 8% and 12% to administer Medicaid services. So if you just look at a 5.5% reduction off of a $6 billion base for administrative purposes, you realize minimally a $300 million annual program cost avoidance.
As Teresa said, before coming to Connecticut, I was privileged to lead public and environmental health in Kansas. And my goal under then-Governor Sebelius was to integrate those two functions. We launched a Healthy Kansas initiative as the public health component of the governors health reform agenda. On the environment side, we began to look more closely at our permitting processes and environmental sustainability.
In 2007, I became the first U.S. official to deny an emissions permit on the basis of climate change. This was a coal-fired plant planned for the western part of the state. Earlier that year, in April, Massachusetts vs. EPA was decided by the U.S. Supreme Court and affirmed that CO2 could be defined as an emission. I used this ruling and an endangerment finding as the basis of my decision. Then, all hell broke loose. Governor Sebelius vetoed three actions of the legislature seeking to overturn the decision. She prevailed each time.
On election day 2010, Sam Brownback was elected governor of Kansas. It was still a tumultuous time, but that led to me transitioning out of Kansas to Connecticut.
After I left my role in Connecticut in July 2019, I decided that I wanted to pursue impact at scale, and I thought the private sector would afford that opportunity. I chose Salesforce because of the culture, the values, and the market-leading technology they had begun to create for the public sector marketplace.
Over the last year, Salesforce has responded aggressively to COVID and other challenges weve been experiencing domestically. The organization committed over $200 million to organizations advancing racial equality and justice. Fifty million pieces of PPE were sourced for hospitals, $30 million donated to frontline organizations in support of relief efforts. And in education, $20 million to help schoolchildren go online and learn from anywherenot that the organization was asked to do it these things, but it was some of the ways it could help. Additionally, Salesforce is partnering with GAVI, a global NGO, to help deliver two billion doses of COVID vaccine to developing countries across the globe by 2023.
Theres also the value of the Salesforce workforce. Each employee is encouraged to give back 1% of their time, as the organization contributes back 1% of its equity and 1% of the product. So not only are we actively engaged in a business sense, but were also trying to support communities and organizations that our products touch. Its a culture. Its not a gimmick. Its something that the organization does because its the right thing to do.
When Teresa and I spoke last year, we spoke about how the organization was supporting public-sector organizations in their contact-tracing responses. Since then, and over the course of the year, most residents of the United States are supported by contact-tracing solutions powered by the Salesforce platform. Thats a story that few people have heard, but we were able to go from no deployments to be the leading solution. And since then, weve focused on supporting vaccine administration programs.
In terms of framing the conversation, its important to understand that public health has been woefully underfunded over the last decade. COVID exposed the lack of readiness and capability in terms of human and technological resources. Much of the technology was secured through solution-focused, grant-funded opportunities with little opportunity to think about interoperable scalable systems. And with COVID, we were able to rapidly deploy technology to augment existing systems in most instances and replace systems when the customer desired.
But we also see this as an opportunity to create a public health platform that centers on equity. Thats really where the work needs to be extended. And as we think about supporting public health objectives to increase whole population wellbeing, the Salesforce platform can certainly help. Solutions to support syndromic surveillance, a 360-degree view of a community with the people and the environment in which they live. Knowing whats going on in communities, being able to survey community members, being able to communicate in ways that maximize social media channels allows public health organizations a more powerful capability for community health assessment and analysis.
Back when I was in working in public health, we only had to worry about, say, four channels for an effective communication program. Now with over 100 social media channels, public health leaders need to access to significantly more channels, sample them, understand public sentiment, and position messages that people will understand. Residents need to understand their options, how choices, resources, and supports can help sustain and improve wellbeing. So thats an example of how the private sector and the public sector can begin to forge a relationship to elevate the wellbeing of the population through public healthagain, centering on equity because thats really where we all have a role to play.
Chahine: I agree. I think the private sector has a huge role to play and that the public sector needs to drive it because it needs to center on equity, as you said. Racial inequity in the drivers of health and in health outcomes has always been there, but only people in the public health sector knew about it and were working on it. And now its been really brought to the forefront of everybodys mind and everybodys agenda. And thats why I think this is a moment in time when everybody has a role to play.
In many cases, the private sector worsens inequities. But you can just as easily imagine a situation where the private sector has a role to play in improving health inequities and racial inequities. And I think its the job of the public sector to be really proactive and strategic about how its going to engage the private sector and work with the private sector so that the role of the private sector will improve those inequities rather than making them worse.
Bremby: Absolutely. I participated in a town hall meeting earlier this afternoon. And I mentioned that we are in a race unlike any other in our lifetimes. Theres a race to community immunity so that the coronavirus becomes less able to spread by having fewer available hosts. But we have to do this by centering equity. If we lose this race, the virus will continue to spread and mutate. We can only run as fast as trust will allow, and so its a process of building and rebuilding trust while accelerating the vaccination effort. Its unlike anything Ive read about either in public health or in history. If too few people of color are vaccinated, we cant get to community immunity.
Chahine: And weve already seen that so far, vaccination has been yet another failure in health equity and racial equity. Already, the data shows that in communities of color, that there are fewer vaccination spots and more barriers to vaccination. Were falling short.
In order to be equitable, more investment needs to be made in tackling the barriers, not just the number of vaccination sites, but also people having assistance signing up for vaccinations and with transportation, thinking about where youre going to locate it. What if people dont have a car? What if people dont have a smartphone or internet?
Bremby: One of the challenges in this process, and well continue to hear this until we solve it, is that we are not adequately capturing enough data on whos being vaccinated. In the first report issued by the CDC, almost half of the 12 million people who were vaccinated did not report, or the data was not captured, regarding their race or ethnicity. So we truly dont know how many within that first 12 million U.S. residents were vaccinated by race and ethnicity. Many systems dont capture that at all.
And I was taught early on in my local government career that what matters gets measured. And so if we truly value equitable distribution of this vaccine, well be more intentional about measuring vaccination rates at racial and ethnic level. We will design our systems in a way to capture that critical informationwhile respecting the wishes of the individual if they choose to not disclose it. But, we should give them the opportunity to disclose and inform them of the value of disclosure so that we can have better data to inform our collective progress.
Chahine: You mentioned trust. Can you speak to the historical roots of that lack of trust in communities of color?
Bremby: Yes. There is a lack of trust endemic within the Black American community towards health and healthcare systems. Historically, there has been experimentation, if you will, on people of color. There have been incidents of people taking and using black bodies, for medical and other experimentation. The Tuskegee syphilis experiment, where Black men with syphilis were not told of their diagnosis nor treated to permit researchers to understand the course of this affliction. And then the Henrietta Lacks story, about the DNA of a woman being used for scientific research for decades without the family even knowing that her DNA had been used in this way. Those are historical incidents.
What is current, consistently, in the present day, is that there is health inequity exists in most areas that you look. There are stories about people of color being treated differently in emergency departments, where theyre undertreated for pain. Not too many months ago, a physician that had contracted the coronavirus was turned away from the very hospital in which she practiced because they thought perhaps her condition wasnt as dire, but the diagnostics werent applied with the same rigor. An advocate on her behalf actually got her admitted to her own hospital, where she subsequently died. But that shined a recurring light on the fact that health inequity continues to persist, regardless of affluence, regardless of knowledge, or education. Its something that we have got to wrestle with and get our arms around as a culture.
Getting the messages out that people of color were a part of the vaccine trials, that the vaccines are effective, that there is no unintended harm or intentional harm for people of colorthose are the types of messages that need to be exposed, as well as communicated back into the community through trusted members like clergy, teachers, neighbors, and other community leaders.
Chahine: Just this morning, I found out that I have a paper accepted for publication thats about building trust in public-private partnerships. What are the success factors in building trust? Four main patterns emerged when we looked at interviews among participants, which is that results matter, people matter, context matters, and alignment of goals matters.
How do you build trust? With results. You plan for deliverables that are attainable. And you need to plan for short-term and long-term deliverables because when something is delivered, that builds trust. It cant be something abstract. You have to deliver.
The second thing is that it really matters who the person is. Its not just the institution. People trust a person. Its the people who build trust, so its really important who the people are that are orchestrating and implementing these partnerships. The third one is that context matters, so its going to be different in an urban versus rural area, or in two different states, or two different countries. For example, in one country, the interviewees said, Why would I trust the private sector? Theyre not interested in my health. Its the governments job. Health is a human right. And I trust the government. Whereas in another country, it was actually the exact opposite. They said, I dont trust the government. The government has failed me, has given me nothing. But the private sector actually knows what its doing. I buy products from this company. They deliver products to my village, so I trust in their competency.
And then the fourth one was the alignment of goals. You cannot build partnerships unless your goals are actually aligned and your incentives are aligned. And I think in this case, they are. We will all lose if we fail this. And we all have something to gain by getting it right.
Bremby: Absolutely. It so aligns with some of the conversations I just had with our team, and our reflections about the last year. We were asking people to show up with customers with persistent empathy. Its not just enough to be empathetic, but be persistent. This is not a selling cycle. This is an opportunity to get to know the customer and their pain points, to become a trusted advisor. In those instances where we were able to do so, we developed great relationships and were able to help facilitate tremendous outcomes.
Interestingly enough, the role component that you mentioned is very important. If we are not seen as worthy of anothers trust, it delays our ability to generate speed to value.
Chahine: When you think about the role of the private sector in health equity, people could say, Well, its a supply chain. Its a vendor. How is this conscious capitalism? How is this partnership? Well, there are different ways of engaging. You can be involved in something in a very extractive way, where youre not interested in building equity and youre not interested in building power. And you could be involved in something as a trusted advisor, as a long-term partner. Everything thats happened over the last year just highlights how much all sides have at stake in building those partnerships, and the impact they can have on society when successful.
Learn more about the Yale SOM case study examining the turnaround of CT SNAP.
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Diversity and Events – TSNN Trade Show News
Posted: at 10:05 am
Last year brought us the COVID Pandemic, but it was also the year that America confronted racism head-on. After the murder of George Floyd, I reached out to my colleague Derrick Johnson, director of diversity programs with Talley Management Group. We decided that event planners should be empowered to affect real change in the business of events, so we founded Events: From Black to White, a free weekly (now monthly) open online discussion on all things equity in the meetings industry.
We felt that by giving the events community a safe space to come together to talk, listen, learn, educate and ideate solutions was a start to eradicating racism in the industry and at our events. Weve learned some incredible lessons along the way that I want to share:
Start Small
The overarching theme in these conversations is that people feel overwhelmed, and sometimes inadequate, in finding a place to start tackling such a huge issue. Most people are looking for clear instructions on how to get there. Our answer is always to start small.
If you feel like you need education, search for webinars, join our discussion or reach out to your organizations to better understand their diversity plans. Reach out to organizations like the Events Industry Council that has put together their Equity Task Force and make sure to stay tuned for their offerings.
Make sure to speak up if you see something in your organization or at events you attend. For example, if a group that you follow is always posting events with non-diverse speakers, reach out to management and challenge them to diversify their line-ups. Sign up for Anti-Racism Daily, a wonderful newsletter with daily resources, websites and action items that you can contribute to immediately.
Be Measurable and Intentional
In a recent episode of our podcast, we had a bit of a breakthrough. Event planners have a ton of power to be intentional and choose partners that align with diverse missions. It can start as simply with your RFP process. Add your diversity statement to your RFP and more importantly, ask vendors/partners for their statements. Ask them actively what they are doing in their space to diversify events. Choose partners that want to affect change and will work to diversify the workforce and your community.
Join the Conversation and Own Your Power!
What event planners often forget in our daily work is that we truly have the power to change the world. Events reach just about everyone on the planet. From weddings to concerts to trade shows, people love to attend events. We now even have an even bigger reach with virtual platforms. We are able to source more diverse audiences, speakers, vendors, members and partners than ever before! We can show representation on our stages, in our boards and planning committees and, ultimately, in the communities that we reach during live events. The possibilities are endless and we truly have the power to change the world, one meeting planner and one event at a time.
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Beyond empty promises: Why I signed onto the class action lawsuit against UM for students affected by Robert Anderson – The Michigan Daily
Posted: at 10:05 am
Content Warning: This article discusses gender-based violence. Gender-based violence refers to harmful acts directed at an individual based on their gender. It is rooted in gender inequality, the abuse of power and harmful norms.
I write this article in honor of the survivors of gender-based violence filing the class-action lawsuit against the University of Michigan for allowing former U-M athletic doctor Robert E. Andersons decades of abuse to continue unabated, and for all other survivors of gender-based violence. This story belongs to them and to all of the survivors who go unheard and continue to be failed by oppressive systems, which perpetuate violence and inequity against marginalized groups on this campus, in this country and across the globe.
I am no expert; I do not hold all the answers to solve this complex, nuanced issue. I write this, first and foremost, to call for justice for survivors, a form of justice defined solely by them and what they need to heal, varying on a case-to-case basis. They deserve better.
To all survivors, thank you for protecting all of us in filing this suit. The University knew of this abuse and failed all of you and the rest of our community by enabling it. If the University cares about its students, it would take responsibility for this unimaginable injury and validate these survivors.
Second, I write this as a call to myself and all of us to continue to reckon with the reality of gender-based violence, a reality we construct and maintain, and to start to think of and pursue solutions to deconstruct it. I hope this op-ed encourages further debate, reflection and action when it comes to addressing and dismantling the oppressive systems that create gender-based violence.
***
Zoom In.
Case I: Former U-M provost Martin Philbert sexually harassed multiple people over two decades throughout his entire career at the University while rising in ranks from professor to dean to provost, the head of the office that oversees cases of gender-based violence. University officials, including President Mark Schlissel, knew of the rumors, now proven true, circulating about Philberts misconduct and failed to launch investigations until the 2018-2019 school year.
Case II: More than 150 survivors have come forward, filing individual lawsuits and a class-action lawsuit, against the University in response to the Universitys handling of sexual abuse of students by former athletic doctor Robert E. Anderson dating back to the 1960s. The University has received over 460 complaints against Anderson. Worst of all, former football coach Bo Schembechler and former athletic director Don Canham allegedly knew about Andersons actions and failed to do anything in response at the time. Anderson worked until his retirement in 2003, despite being demoted for his behavior in 1979.
Case III: The Michigan Daily uncovered 40 years of harassment and sexual misconduct allegations against Stephen Shipps, School of Music, Theatre & Dance faculty member.
Case IV: Employees at Clinc, an artificial intelligence start-up, made allegations of sexual misconduct against Jason Mars, Clincs CEO and professor of electrical engineering and computer science at the University; some faculty wrote a statement calling for Mars to take a leave of absence. He taught an undergraduate course during the Winter 2021 semester.
Case V: In 2019, the University conducted a survey on sexual misconduct. Critical results include: 12.4% of women and 1.7% of men experience rape on campus; 20.4% of women and 4.2% of men experience nonconsensual sexual touching on campus; 34.3% of undergraduate women remain most at risk for experiencing nonconsensual touching and penetration on campus; 17% of undergraduates, and 26.4% of women, experience unwanted kissing and sexual touching prior to coming to the University; 6.7% of undergraduates, and 10.6% of women, experience unwanted penetration or oral sex prior to coming to the University. Marginalized groups, including women, transgender students, genderqueer or nonbinary students and students with disabilities, are the most at risk for experiencing unwanted sexual behaviors (stalking, sexual harassment, intimate partner violence and rape).
Case VI: English professor Douglas Trevor cannot conduct undergraduate office hours with his door closed nor hold U-M leadership positions for two years in light of allegations of harassment.
Case VII: The University placed EECS professor Peter Chen on administrative leave following criminal charges for sexual misconduct with a minor.
***
When I contemplated joining a class-action lawsuit against the University of Michigan in support of survivors of gender-based violence perpetrated by a University official, I knew I needed to sign my name on the line. No matter how long I thought about it, no matter the amount of anxiety throbbing deep in my gut, I understood my privilege in that I, fortunately, never experienced gender-based violence myself. By signing, I would not endanger myself nor be forced to recall a traumatic experience.
Because, fortunately, it did not happen to me.
I write this with a hot face and shaking hands. Not because I fear response to this piece, but it is my fear of the meaning of fortunately meaning it could happen to me that terrifies me. This fortuity acts as a coping mechanism because gender-based violence does not come down to fortune nor random happenstance.
Fortuity ignores intentionality. It ignores the intentional construction of systems of oppression institutions, structures, behaviors and norms perpetuating sexism, racism, classism and other forms of oppression that root themselves deeply in society. It ignores how these oppressive, patriarchal systems socialize us and pervade our culture. It ignores the way these systems enable privileged individuals and allow them to commit heinous acts while facing no consequences but condemns those with less privilege and silences survivors. It ignores our broken legal and mass incarceration systems that fail survivors while propagating further violence inside and outside prison walls.
***
Zoom Out.
Thirteen percent of all undergraduate and graduate students experience rape or sexual assault on higher education campuses across the country. For undergraduate students, 26.4% of women and 6.8% of men experience rape or sexual assault on higher education campuses; among graduate students, these numbers are 9.7% of women and 2.5% of men. College-aged students are at higher risk for gender-based violence, and gender-based violence is more prevalent than other crimes on higher education campuses. On average, 463,634 individuals age 12 or older are victims of rape and sexual assault each year in the United States; every 68 seconds, someone is sexually assaulted in America. Individuals ages 12 to 34 are more at risk of experiencing gender-based violence. One in six American women has been raped or experienced a rape attempt. 82% of juvenile people who experienced gender-based violence are women and 90% of people who are raped are women. About 3% of men have been raped or experienced a rape attempt. Twenty-one percent of transgender students have been sexually assaulted.
The criminal legal and mass incarceration systems meant to uphold justice for survivors often fail: Out of 1000 sexual assaults, 975 perpetrators walk free. However, a majority of sexual assaults go unreported; only 310 out of every 1000 sexual assaults are reported to the police. According to Danielle Sered in her 2019 book Until We Reckon, people who face incarceration experience high rates of violence inside and outside prisons. A 2007 survey conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics estimated that 60,500 people incarcerated in state and federal prisons were sexually abused in the twelve months prior to the survey. Authors Susan Burton and Cari Lynn share in the 2017 book Becoming Ms. Burton that approximately 94% of women who are incarcerated experienced physical or sexual abuse. BIPOC and LGBTQ+ folks bear a heightened risk of experiencing gender-based violence.
***
I could list more statistics and facts, but numbers and objective statements can be easily ignored. The person who commits harm could be anyone: a friend, a family member, a stranger on the street, a teacher, a counselor, a prison guard or, in this case, a doctor. People you should trust commit these harmful acts.
We continue to blame individuals, their injurious and painful behavior and moral ineptitude, but fail to also blame the systems that raised these people. Yes, we must hold individuals accountable for harm. But we must also hold our society accountable for not preventing harm in the first place, reproducing harm (such as in the sexual assault reporting process, in the prison system, etc.) and failing to rectify harm.
Gender-based violence appears in our streets, in our homes, in our schools, in our hospitals and places of care, in our work environments and in the legal and mass incarceration systems. It affects all groups, some those with marginalized identities more than others, reinforcing existing disparities. And it is only when we step back and view these not as individual, isolated incidents, but collective, systemic consequences of reproduced oppressive systems of power, that we can fully eradicate gender violence at all levels of society.
Collectively, those with privileged identities and experiences must particularly speak out against gender violence. We must destigmatize coming forward. We must empower and support survivors. We must break down the poisonous culture of toxic masculinity that proliferates aggression, violence, lack of respect, suppression of emotions and the silencing of survivors. We must support individuals with substance abuse addictions or those who engage in high amounts of drinking and drug use, as drug and alcohol use plays an important role in the perpetuation of gender violence and in coping with victimisation among women. Again, I do not hold all the answers. We face a beast of intertwined systems. But we can start with ourselves internal change, growth of consciousness and transformation and our communities. At the University of Michigan, this class-action lawsuit can be a start, necessitating justice for the survivors and systemic, institutional change. We do not want band-aid fixes; we demand that the University honor the survivors wishes, re-evaluating and transforming itself from the inside out.
As a society, we must ask ourselves, what does justice look like and what are alternatives to the current ways we address this issue, among many other issues of violence? In other words, what are alternatives, like restorative justice, to the justice of our current, ineffective criminal-legal system that destroys relationships, instead of mediating them, and reproduces harm? And how can we adopt cultural and structural changes to prevent gender-based violence in the first place?
To end, two powerful quotes from a powerful activist, Dr. Angela Davis:
Rape bears a direct relationship to all of the existing power structures in a given society. This relationship is not a simple, mechanical one, but rather involves complex structures reflecting the interconnectedness of the race, gender, and class oppression that characterize the society. If we do not comprehend the nature of gender-based violence as it is mediated by racial, class, and governmental violence and power, we cannot hope to develop strategies that will allow us eventually to purge our society of oppressive misogynist violence.
We will never get past the first step in eliminating the horrendous violence done to women in our society if we do not recognize that rape is only one element in the complex structure of womens oppression. And the systematic oppression of women in our society cannot be accurately evaluated except as it is connected to racism and class exploitation at home and imperialist aggression and the potential nuclear holocaust that menace the entire globe.
Josie Graham is a junior in the College of Literature, Science, and the Arts and can be reached at josiekg@umich.edu.
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Censorship, surveillance and profits: A hard bargain for Apple in China – Business Standard
Posted: at 10:03 am
On the outskirts of this city in a poor, mountainous province in southwestern China, men in hard hats recently put the finishing touches on a white building a quarter-mile long with few windows and a tall surrounding wall. There was little sign of its purpose, apart from the flags of Apple and China flying out front, side by side. Inside, Apple was preparing to store the personal data of its Chinese customers on computer servers run by a state-owned Chinese firm.
Tim Cook, Apples chief executive, has said the data is safe. But at the data center in Guiyang, which Apple hoped would be completed by next month, and another in the Inner Mongolia region, Apple has largely ceded control to the Chinese government. Chinese state employees physically manage the computers. Apple abandoned the encryption technology it used elsewhere after China would not allow it. And the digital keys that unlock information on those computers are stored in the data centers theyre meant to secure. Internal Apple documents reviewed by The New York Times, interviews with 17 current and former Apple employees and four security experts, and new filings made in a court case in the US last week provide rare insight into the compromises Cook has made to do business in China. Apple now assembles nearly all of its products and earns a fifth of its revenue in the China region. But just as Cook figured out how to make China work for Apple, China is making Apple work for the Chinese government.
Cook often talks about Apples commitment to civil liberties and privacy. But to stay on the right side of Chinese regulators, his company has put the data of its Chinese customers at risk and has aided government censorship in the Chinese version of its App Store.
Chinas leader, Xi Jinping, is increasing his demands on Western companies, and Cook has resisted those demands on a number of occasions. But he ultimately approved the plans to store customer data on Chinese servers and to aggressively censor apps, according to interviews with current and former Apple employees. Apple has become a cog in the censorship machine that presents a government-controlled version of the internet, said Nicholas Bequelin, Asia director for Amnesty International, the human rights group. A Times analysis found that tens of thousands of apps have disappeared from Apples Chinese App Store over the past several years, more than previously known, including foreign news outlets, gay dating services and encrypted messaging apps. It also blocked tools for organising pro-democracy protests and skirting internet restrictions, and apps about the Dalai Lama.
And in its data centers, Apples compromises have made it nearly impossible for the company to stop the Chinese government from gaining access to the emails, photos, documents, contacts and locations of millions of Chinese residents, according to the security experts and Apple engineers.
The firm said that it followed the laws in China and did everything it could to keep the data of customers safe. An Apple spokesman said that the company still controlled the keys that protect the data of its Chinese customers and that Apple used its most advanced encryption technology in China . Apple added that it removed apps only to comply with Chinese laws. These decisions are not always easy, and we may not agree with the laws that shape them, the company said.
No Plan B
In 2014, Apple hired Doug Guthrie, the departing dean of the George Washington University business school, to help the firm navigate China, a country he had spent decades studying.
One of his first research projects was Apples Chinese supply chain. Guthrie concluded that no other country could offer the scale, skills, infrastructure and government assistance that Apple required. Chinese workers assemble nearly every iPhone, iPad and Mac. Apple brings in $55 billion a year from the region, far more than any other American company makes in China. This business model only really fits and works in China, Guthrie said. But then youre married to China. China was starting to pass laws that gave the country greater leverage over Apple, and Guthrie said he believed Xi would soon start seeking concessions. Apple, he realised, had no Plan B.
Golden Gate
In November 2016, China approved a law requiring that all personal information and important data that is collected in China be kept in China. It was bad news for Apple, which had staked its reputation on keeping customers data safe. While Apple regularly responded to court orders for access to customer data, Cook had rebuffed the FBI after it demanded Apples help breaking into an iPhone belonging to a terrorist involved in the killing of 14 people in San Bernardino, Calif. Apple encrypts customers private data in its iCloud. But for most of that information, Apple also has the digital keys to unlock that encryption. The location of the keys to the data of Chinese customers was a sticking point in talks between Apple and Chinese officials, two people close to the deliberations said. Apple wanted to keep them in the US; the Chinese officials wanted them in China. The cybersecurity law went into effect in June 2017. In an initial agreement between Apple and Chinese officials, the location of the keys was left intentionally vague, one person said.
But eight months later, the encryption keys were headed to China. It is unclear what led to the change.
Documents reviewed by The Times do not show that the Chinese government has gained access to the data. They only indicate that Apple has made compromises that make it easier for the government to do so.
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Palestinians digital rights violated by censorship on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, new report claims – The Independent
Posted: at 10:03 am
There has been a dramatic increase in the censorship of Palestinian political speech on social media over the past two weeks, during the period of intense fighting between Israel and militants in Gaza.
Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram have all been used by Palestinians to share information from, among a variety of areas, the East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah where families face eviction.
However the report from 7amleh, The Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media, shared exclusively with The Independent, argues that social media companies moderation attempts and codes of conduct have resulted in numerous citizens accounts being taken down.
It comes in the context of huge criticism surrounding the Israeli governments military decisions, which include displacing 52,000 Palestinians via air strikes, causing the deaths of numerous children, bombing the Associated Press and Al Jazeera building, and, on social media, the bizarrely flippant tone of its Twitter account.
Overnight, Israel and Hamas have since entered a mutual and simultaneous truce, after Israels security cabinet agreed to put an end to heavy bombardment which has killed more than 230 Palestinians.
Twelve people have been killed In Israel, including two children and a soldier. The Israeli military said 4,340 rockets were fired at Israel by militants over the course of the 11 days of fighting.
It is unlikely, however, that this will be the last time the conflict rears its ugly head, or that social media companies moderation decisions will not exacerbate future battles in the region as seen by their long-ranging and concerning approaches to Palestinian content in the past.
7amleh documented 500 cases of what it calls the digital rights violations of Palestinians between 6 May and 18 May this year through a form shared via its social media channels with the support of partners including MPower Change, Adalah Justice, Jewish Voice for Peace, and Eyewitness Palestine. These violations include content being taken down and accounts being removed or their visibility restricted.
Half of the 500 instances were on Instagram, the report states, with 179 cases on its parent companys platform Facebook; Facebook also apparently increased geo-blocking, where social media companies target the geographical location of content to help their moderation efforts, with a number of these cases [documented] for activists from the occupied Palestinian territory.
The organisation states that 45 per cent of all reported violations on Instagram were due to deleted Stories, with users receiving no prior warning or notice. While Instagram did not respond to 7amleh about 143 of the cases submitted, it confirmed that only one case violated the community standards. Instagram admitted the removal issues on 7 May, but 7amleh says the majority of reports (68 per cent) occurred after the problem was seemingly addressed.
As well as these holistic problems with content moderation, there have been specific, dramatic cases of harmful flaws in the companys content moderation, such as Instagram removing or blocking posts with hashtags for the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third-holiest site in the Islamic faith, as its moderation system mistakenly deemed the religious building a terrorist organisation.
We know there have been several issues that have impacted peoples ability to share on our apps, including a technical bug that affected Stories around the world, and an error that temporarily restricted content from being viewed on the Al Aqsa hashtag page. While these have been fixed, they should never have happened in the first place, Facebook told The Independent in a statement.
Our policies are designed to give everyone a voice while keeping them safe, and we apply these policies equally, regardless of who is posting or their personal beliefs, the company added. Our dedicated team, which includes Arabic and Hebrew speakers, is closely monitoring the situation on the ground. It added that it was continuing to review 7amlehs reports.
There have also been instances of Facebook blocking the accounts of Palestinian journalists, a critique which has been also levied at Twitter on which there were 55 cases of violations of Palestinian content, 91 per cent of which were suspension of accounts, according to 7amleh.
Our automated systems took enforcement action on a number of accounts in error by an automated spam filter. We are expeditiously reversing this action to reinstate access to the affected accounts, many of which have already been reinstated, Twitter said in a statement, adding that it had an appeals process for such accounts.
Twitter also temporarily restricted the account of Palestinian-American writer Mariam Barghouti, who was reporting on Palestinians being evicted from Sheikh Jarrah. "We took enforcement action on the account you referenced in error. That has since been reversed," Twitter said in a statement, changing Barghoutis account to say that it was temporarily unavailable because it violates the Twitter Media Policy.
Twitter said that if an accounts profile or media content is not compliant with our policies, we may make it temporarily unavailable and require that the violator edit the media or information in their profile to comply with our rules. We also explain which policy their profile or media content has violated. Twitter did not explain to The Independent which policy was violated.
The issues around social media moderating content, specifically about Israels war against Palestine, are long-running. In 2016, the Israeli government announced a formal collaboration with Facebooks Tel Aviv office, that were meant to force social networks to rein in content that Israel says incites violence.
Internally, Facebook listed globally protected vulnerable groups including homeless people, foreigners, and Zionists a person who supports the re-establishment of and support for a Jewish state in the Holy Land, currently located in Palestine - in documents revealed by The Guardian in 2017.
In January 2021, Facebook apparently proposed a revision of the term Zionist that would make it a proxy for Jew or Jewish, although the company said that no decision had been made. An anonymous Facebook moderator who spoke to The Intercept said the policy, in practise, leaves very little wiggle room for criticism ofZionism.
That decision was criticised by Rabbi Alissa Wise, Deputy Director at Jewish Voice for Peace, who said that restricting the word prevent[s] its users from holding the Israeli government accountable for harming Palestinian people.
Facebook said it understand[s] that the word Zionist is frequently used in important political debate. ... thats why we allow critical discussion of Zionists, but remove attacks against them in specific instances when context suggests the word is being used as a proxy for Jews or Israelis, both of which are protected characteristics under our hate speech policies.
It added: We always work to apply our Community Standards as accurately and consistently as possible, and dont remove content that doesnt break our rules. We have a clear process for handling requests from governments and regulators, which is the same around the world. Were public about how many pieces of content we restrict locally for breaking local law, and publish these numbers in our Transparency report twice a year.
However, much like how western news media headlines have slanted towards pro-Israeli language, reflecting the foreign policies of their national governments, many of the policies put forth by American companies are informed by US culture and norms, Jillian York, Director for International Freedom of Expression at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, told The Independent.
She added that the US has historically been a strong supporter of Israel and has long dehumanized Palestinians, so it isnt surprising that corporate policies would align with that worldview.
For Facebook its more important to censor terrorism than it is to ensure that Palestinians can speak freely, York continued. Amidst the pandemic, this has only gotten worse, as content moderators in some countries are still stuck at home. As such, were seeing more bugs, more keyword filtering, more shadowbanning and other subtle enforcement tactics that arent simply takedowns.
It is for this reason that social media is so important in reframing the conversation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, allowing messages that may not come through traditional media to reach the general public.
Snapchats Snap Maps feature, for example, has been used to demonstrate in real-time the difference in the effects of the conflict between Tel Aviv and Gaza, as have TikTok memes.
Snapchat Maps video compares situation in Gaza and Israel
Both companies present a challenge to Facebook and Twitter but, York says, the network effect of these companies is still hard to disrupt and when it comes to bold decisions, such as banning President Trump, many follow one another.
Facebook's rules related to Israel-Palestinian have always been opaque and one-sided. Marwa Fatafta, a policy manager at Access Now, told The Independent.
It's no secret that Facebook often bows to government pressure and converts such demands into rules governing online speech. But thats only half of the story [as] social media platforms rely on algorithms to moderate speech at scale and being blind to context as they are, lots of legitimate content get flagged and taken down. Such issues stress the need for algorithmic transparency, which Fatafta says is clearly biased.
At some big technology companies, employees are very conscious of this power. This week both Jewish Google workers and Apple staff have called on their respective executives to recognise that millions of Palestinian people currently suffer under an illegal occupation,.
In affecting change, 7amleh recommends a number of practises to improve social media companies moderation in the end of its report.
These include hiring fact checkers specifically for Israeli and Palestinian content, allowing people access to geo-spatial information needed to respond to the humanitarian crises, providing transparency on voluntary takedown requests, and conducting human rights assessments that includes the impact of Israel on Palestinians in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory.
Censorship and bias have been issues for years, however, and the escalation of violence over the past two weeks only scaled it up and made it more pronounced, Fatafta says.
Social media has been a life-linefor Palestinian activists deprived of access to mainstream media, and the despite of the ceasefire, the reality of occupation and oppression continues. So Palestinians will continue to use social media to organise and dissent. The main question here is: would social media companies learn their lessons this time?
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Palestinians digital rights violated by censorship on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, new report claims - The Independent
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Conservative Jewish Journalists Use False Claims of Censorship to Try to Silence Critics – Common Dreams
Posted: at 10:03 am
The late Village Voice journalist and civil libertarian Nat Hentoff loved telling the story about how three rabbis, gathered in a Massachusetts motel in 1982, officially excommunicated him from the Jewish people for the crime of signing a New York Times advertisement protesting Israel's invasion of Lebanon. That their clerical authority to extinguish Hentoff's Judaism was recognized by no one but themselves is a source of both comedy and anger. In matters political, even the smallest of factions can pretend that their extremism matters, but at the heart of that absurdity is the dark human desire to censor and to silence anyone deviating from the party line.
And so joining the three rabbis in this tragic comedy are the 900+ signers of what's now called the "Jewish Harper's Letter," published by the Jewish Institute for Liberal Values, alleging that an undefined "social justice ideology" holds that there is "only one way to look at the problems we face, and those who disagree must be silenced." They assert that this "suppression of dissent violates the core Jewish value of open discourse" (Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 5/5/21). It's called the "Jewish Harper's Letter" because it echoes and extends a letter signed by journalists and academics about censoriousness, published in Harper's (7/7/20; FAIR.org, 8/1/20).
So far the letter has received some mainstream attention (Newsweek, 5/5/21), given the prominence of some of the rabbis, academics and journalists who signed it, like New York Times columnist Bret Stephens and his former colleague Bari Weiss. The letter never says how their views have been silenced, or names a group, individual or specific school of thought that is implementing such a chilling effect. Nor do the signers, many of whom are prominent journalists associated with the Jewish right, disclose their own unease with free discourse, their own desire to suppress speech and their own extremism.
For example, Weiss (who now maintains her own newsletter at Substack) famously tried to silence critics of Israel at Columbia University (Intercept, 3/8/18). Stephens alerted an academic's boss because he called the columnist a "bedbug" on Twitter (NBC, 8/27/19). Liel Leibowitz, a signer and Tablet writer, said Jews shouldn't go to college because of the ideas they might be exposed to (Tablet, 10/28/18)or, as he put it, because college is a place where "tenured professors train like-minded fanatics, and students are punished or rewarded for their willingness to pledge allegiance to their loony dogma."
The lack of specificity in the letter isn't an accident. Defining an ideological enemy so vaguely will allow these individuals, many of whom are on the right of the political spectrum, to employ the accusation of overly censorious "social justice" talk when they deem it necessary.
Given that so much of the letter aims at racial discordthe letter says that on "racial justice," Jewish organizations do not "encourage discussions that include differing perspectives," because "in some cases, Jewish leaders have even denounced Jews for expressing unpopular opinions"one can assume this is responding to Jewish Americans who have in the last several years aligned with Black Lives Matter, Abolish ICE and Antifa, which have responded to both the rise of far-right extremist groups and the state violence of border enforcement and overly militarized policing. The letter evokes the Republican hype about "cancel culture," the idea that the price of offending "social justice" activists means losing your job or media platform.
"This is not a new phenomenon," said Joshua Shanes, an associate professor of Jewish studies at the College of Charleston. "The idea that [the left] is betraying liberalism is an old trope to stop progress, going back to the '30s, and then to 'neocons' in the '70s and '80s."
The fact is that while the Jewish right claims they are being silenced or vilified in the media by the left, the Jewish right and its allies have levied harsh criticism toward liberal Jews and have in some cases attempted to deplatform them. The right-wing Zionist Organization of America blasted the Jewish immigration group HIAS for opposing the Trump administration (Jerusalem Post, 8/24/20), and the ZOA has also attempted to punish campus Jewish groups for voicing criticism of Israel (American Prospect, 1/4/07). DePaul University rejected tenure to anti-Israel scholar Norman Finkelstein, a result of his famous feud with pro-Israel legal scholar and Trump advocate Alan Dershowitz (Inside Higher Ed, 6/11/07). When New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced an executive order against the pro-Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, he didn't do so in a vacuum, but in "a speech at the Harvard Club in Manhattan to an audience including local Jewish leaders and lawmakers" (New York Times, 6/5/16).
The former US ambassador to Israel likened liberal Jewsthat is, the bulk of US Jewsto Nazi collaborators (New York, 12/16/16). Chicago-based Palestine Legal published a report on the heavily coordinated activity to silence critics of Israel across the countrya report that, unlike the JILV letter, cited specific examples, like how Florida politicians attacked the president of the Florida State student senate because of "social media posts he had made against the Israeli occupation."
The JILV "is a project of an opaque foundation connected to Republican megadonor Adam Beren," the Forward (5/6/21) reported. Lila Corwin Berman, a professor of history and Jewish studies at Temple University, told FAIR, "It is concerning when an initiative claiming to 'stand up for democratic liberal values' is far from transparent about its funding source." She added: "It seems that a basic requirement of supporting free and open debate would be to eschew cloaked or unaccountable modes of influence."
Leo Ferguson, director of strategic projects at Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, told FAIR:
The letter demonstrates a cynical, willful misunderstanding of the liberal political tradition, the meaning of free speech and dissent, and the mechanisms at work in a free marketplace of ideas. Let's be clearthe almost exclusively white signatories to this letter aren't motivated by an ironclad commitment to free political expression. On the contrary, many of these folks have led the charge to pass anti-BDS bills like the Israel Anti-Boycott Act, which is about as illiberal and censorious as you can get in a country with a First Amendment. At the end of the day, the not-so-sub-text of this letter is that conservative white Jews really don't like being called racist. But just because they don't like it doesn't mean it's not true.
It's easy to laugh off academic and journalistic elites who believe that they're being censored, but the true tragedy of the letter is that the signers hold up robust Jewish debate as their guiding tradition, when what they really want is for their ideas to go unchallenged in the marketplace of ideas. These signers have every right, both in the name of free discourse and the US constitution, to say whatever they want, no matter how controversial. But that also means Jewish leftists and "social justice" activists have a right to respond in kind. The anti-woke, antisocial justice right, to quote Hentoff again, wants "free speech for me, but not for thee."
Weiss said in her resignation letter that her conservatism was under attack while at the Times because colleagues ridiculed her, and that she faced viciousness on Twitter (New York Times, 7/14/20). But the gritty world of New York City journalism is home to lots of biting editors, and sources who love to complain to reporters about their coverage.
As for online harassment, that is unfortunately the world that any journalist has to deal with in the social media age. Julie Ioffe received considerable antisemitic harassment after she wrote a critical profile of Melania Trump (GQ, 4/27/16), attacks that Trump, whose husband would later become president, blamed on Ioffe (Washington Post, 5/17/16). I was put on an alt-right hit list (Forward, 10/19/16), and was harassed by Nazis on Twitter when I defended Antifa (Ha'aretz, 6/7/20). Welcome to the club, Bari. If you don't like it here, perhaps the writing profession isn't for you.
This failed attempt to paint "social justice" as some sort of anti-free speech mob is funny only until you put it into the context of a conservative movement that is taking legal moves to ban or threaten certain ideas (such as proposed laws against boycotts against Israel), and to protect violence against protestors. I have previously written for FAIR.org (10/23/20, 2/16/21) that right-wing anger about "cancel culture" and "wokeness" are often merely projections of the right's desire to censor the left. The "Jewish Harper's Letter" is simply another chapter in this disinformation tactic by the right.
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Conservative Jewish Journalists Use False Claims of Censorship to Try to Silence Critics - Common Dreams
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Censor Trailer: Video Nasties and Real-Life Horror Meld Together in Disturbing Sundance Chiller – IndieWire
Posted: at 10:03 am
In the early 80s, a loophole in film classification laws allowed a series of so-called video nasties think low-budget horror and exploitation offerings like Blood Feast and The Burning to hit the market without any sort of regulation. The response to these films was swift and expected: public panic, supposed moral outrage, and eventually heightened censorship and regulation. Such is the world of Censor, a gory and clever horror feature about, well, horror films. Sort of.
Per the films official synopsis: Film censor Enid takes pride in her meticulous work, guarding unsuspecting audiences from the deleterious effects of watching the gore-filled decapitations and eye gougings she pores over. Her sense of duty to protect is amplified by guilt over her inability to recall details of the long-ago disappearance of her sister, recently declared dead in absentia. When Enid is assigned to review a disturbing film from the archive that echoes her hazy childhood memories, she begins to unravel how this eerie work might be tied to her past.
Censor stars Niamh Algar as the censor of the title, Enid, and was directed by Prano Bailey-Bond in her feature debut (she also wrote the film alongside Anthony Fletcher). The film debuted at this years Sundance Film Festival, where IndieWires Eric Kohn called it a disturbing debut steeped in 80s horror.
In his review, Kohn wrote:The movie unfolds with elegant atmospheric dread, as Enid contends with a brutal, male-dominated work environment in which her opinions rarely hold weight. When a lunatic murders his family in a manner based off one of the movies she was forced with cutting down, the world turns against her. Thats when she sees a particularly unnerving exploitation movie called Dont Go in the Church, with an opening slasher bit featuring an actress that bears an unmistakable resemblance to Enids missing sibling. At least, thats what Enid thinks, as she journeys down a rabbit hole of theories and detective work that may or may not hold together.
Magnet Releasing will release Censor in theaters on June 11, with a VOD rollout to follow on June 18. Check out the first U.S. trailer and poster for the film, available exclusively on IndieWire, below.
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Censor Trailer: Video Nasties and Real-Life Horror Meld Together in Disturbing Sundance Chiller - IndieWire
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girl in red on writers block, self-censorship, and going cinematic – The FADER
Posted: at 10:03 am
For a lot of the songs across this album, it explores love from many different angles. Did making the album teach you anything about love, how you love, how you approach love?
I think it definitely made me sort of Im a lot more aware of my own role in a relationship now. And that might just be a result of growing up and kind of not thinking that everything bad that happens to you is, its someone else and putting the blame on others which is not something I do and not something I want to do. But sometimes people have the tendency to not look within before they start judging others. Im really looking at myself on a few of these songs and kind of thats also what Ive just been doing so much this past year. Is just looking in at myself and just being, Wait, what? What did I do here? And what could I have said differently here and how can I make it up to this person? Or how can I let this person know what I feel? And kind of just being like Thinking a lot more about communication which is so key in all of our relationships, really. So I feel like thats something Ive sort of been thinking about this past year when it comes to love and just
Are you a person who communicates better through their art than in conversation?
I would say so, because I dont know. Its definitely easier writing a song. Writing a song is like talking to yourself really. As long as youre okay with saying it to yourself, its not that hard to put it out on paper either or into your notes. Its definitely easier for me to write songs instead of communicating in real life. Im aware of that and thats something I want to get better at. I want to be like, Hey, you know what? What you said there that actually made me feel really shitty, instead of going home and being left with a weird feeling and then writing about it three months later.
And sort of on that tip, has keeping a diary helped you as a musician?
Yes. I would say so. It wasnt necessarily about a feeling, but I read a diary entry from 2014 the other day and I kind of go back to it sometimes where Im like, I want to be I was 15, 16, whatever. I want to make music. I havent been making any music recently. I feel like Ive lost my ability. And I was like, Oh my God. This is 15 year old, 16 year old Marie saying the shit Im feeling right now. And I was like So even though it wasnt anything related to a love entry or anything that, but it was just really great to see that I was struggling with feeling like Im never going to write a good song again at that age. And then Ive written several albums worth of music after that and that its going to be okay and that I just got to keep making stuff. So in a way I would say a diary entry has actually helped me as a musician.
When you look back at the music that youve released under your birth name, what is some of the key differences that you hear in it, between that work and your work as girl in red?
I would say the key difference is that this music really sounds like what I want it to sound like. And this music is straight out from my head and not someone elses. The music that was under my real name, I didnt know what producing was at that point. Even when I was in the studio with the studio guy, I didnt know that his role was a producer. And I didnt know that word. And I was just like, You glued the song together. I was so beyond a rabbit hole of not knowing anything. I would just say that the biggest difference is that this is truly how I want my music to sound and its coming from me because Im a producer now and I have abilities that I didnt have. I feel like thats the biggest difference other than the fact that its Norwegian and really bad.
So have you listened to some of your older girl in red songs recently? And if so, how do you feel about them now that youre going to release your first album?
I have. I actually checked out a few ones very briefly. But I still love them, but Im also like, Whoa, this sounds different. Ive gotten so much better. And that really so Im actually I get this really cool boost when I listen to them because Im like, Ive just been working so hard to get better and Im getting better and thats really inspiring. Even though sometimes I kind of lose track of that, Im actually progressing. Im actually getting better. And I listen to my old stuff and I was like, This sounds like mud. This sounds like I love this, but it also sounds like the mix is so off. The bass tone is literally Its the wrong key. Its dissonance. But its so raw and its so straight from my heart. So you can still feel how much I met everything and I just think thats really cool.
I also read that you really like film scores and of course the final track on your album is this beautiful instrumental piece. I was wondering if you had any favorite film scores and what kinds of movies you would like to score.
Thank you by the way. I also kind of look at that as a film score. And I think it sounds really peaceful. I dont Trying to I dont really have a favorite film score that comes to mind, but I always know when I really I always really appreciate it, but Im not a film score geek. But I want to score a movie maybe at some point in my life. Maybe not all by myself, but with someone. I feel like that would be great. To be in a studio with someone and kind of compose something together for a movie would be so cool. I dont even know what movie, but probably some indie movie thats shot on film, that just feels really A movie that would be really important to me as a teenager, I want to score one of those movies so that I can have something to say in a young persons adolescence and make the soundtrack to a movie that changed their life. That would be really cool.
So have you started thinking at all about how you want your next record to sound?
Yes, actually I have. And Im kind of in the middle of making that right now and figuring that out. Yes. I got to be productive. I have the weird opportunity now to not go on tour, but then to make more music. I kind of want to make the most out of that opportunity. I want to get cracking. Im going to the studio very soon. In three weeks, Im going back to the studio and Im going to be working on an idea that Ive been producing and writing on. So Im definitely trying to figure out what I want my second album to sound like.
Was writing an album something that you always wanted to do from when you started playing music? Because for a while, at least as girl in red it seemed like you were content to just put out singles and EPs.
That is something Ive always wanted. I saw this TikTok the other day that showed you how you could read your old Instagram bios. So I went to one of my first Instagrams. And I was in my bio, it was 16 and then music emoji. And then, Im making an album, music emoji. So when I was 16 years old, thats six years ago. So that was 16. And I was already, then, I was like, Im making an album. Obviously I wasnt because I did not know what it took at that point. I was just like, Im making many songs that is equals making album, which is not the same. But I think in some ways that is something Ive always wanted to do. I just think that the reason I was putting out so many songs was because I was kind of I had figured out that I could make songs and produce songs.
And that was such a big wow moment for me. So I wanted to sort of explore that a little bit before I wanted And sort of learn what it meant for me as a musician and kind of who am I as a musician and what role do I have? So I wanted to really take that time to figure it out. And I feel like if I wouldve made an album earlier, it wouldnt be If I Can Make It Go Quiet, it would, it would be something completely different and it would be rushed. And I also dont want to rush music.
I think thats a good point to talk a little about the album title, If I Could Make It Go Quiet. What does that album title mean to you in the context of the record?
In the context of the record, it means that theres so much shit going on in my head and I want to make it all go away, kind of. Its all about the mental noise thats so loud and it takes up all your mind space and it sort of sits in your chest and its everywhere. And its that loud feeling of wanting to make it all sort of go away and wanting to make it go quiet and wanting to just be happy and in a quiet place, kind of. Its a metaphor. So the quiet, the noise is everything thats not okay, kind of. And the world is a lot. So I just wanted to lower that shit.
And does making music help you do that?
Ironically, yes. Making music makes me really happy and it allows me to have a lot of other noise in my head instead of my thoughts that are incredibly annoying sometimes. So I would definitely say that making music makes other stuff go quiet.
Ive also read in a couple of interviews from you that world domination is the end goal. So in your mind, how is the world changed after girl in red has dominated it?
Thats a good question. Oh my God. I honestly dont even know. I should know this. I would just say that a lot of people are happy. People are being filled with great music. That is world domination. People are listening to music and they are connecting through music. I feel like that would be awesome.
Okay, great. I think well leave it there. Thanks for joining us, girl in red.
Thank you for talking to me. I hope you have a good day.
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girl in red on writers block, self-censorship, and going cinematic - The FADER
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