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Daily Archives: May 20, 2021
A grave injustice in Elizabeth City | The Progressive Pulse – The Progressive Pulse
Posted: May 20, 2021 at 5:17 am
Brown family attorney Chance Lynch Image: Lynchs Facebook page
There are a lot of reasons for caring and thinking people to be deeply troubled by the events surrounding the killing of Andrew Brown, Jr. by Pasquotank County sheriffs deputies. At least five big ones stand out.
First, before one even gets to the matter of the shooting itself, is the matter of why a huge cadre of heavily armed officers was dispatched to arrest a man on a drug charge. In a nation that is finally coming to grips with the counter-productiveness and futility of its disastrous, decades-long war on drugs, the question needs to be posed: what was Brown accused of that was so horrific that it became a matter of life and death to arrest him? And, indeed, should it have even been considered a serious crime? Had Brown been accused of a violent crime murder, assault with a deadly weapon, armed robbery perhaps such massive armed brigade would have made more sense. But a drug offense? One has to wonder.
Second are the obvious and closely related issues of race and class. Simply put, it strains credulity to imagine that law enforcement officials would have approached the arrest of a wealthy, white suburbanite accused of a drug offense in the same way. And while Brown was clearly in the wrong in trying to flee from the arrest, its hard to imagine that the obvious fear and panic he experienced were not at least in part related to the unjust treatment he knew Americas justice system has so regularly meted out to Black people. The path that our hypothetical well-off suburbanite would have likely chosen texting or calling his lawyer to meet him at the sheriffs office where a quick release would have been arranged was almost certainly not a viable option for Brown.
Third is the shabby treatment local officials have afforded to Browns family. As Yanqi Xu reported for Policy Watch yesterday:
Fourth, of course, is the decision of Pasquotank County District Attorney Andrew Womble not to bring any charges at all against the officers who killed Brown. As Raleighs News & Observer rightfully explained in a fine editorial this morning:
Shooting at a suspect in a fleeing car generally violates police practices, but Womble leaned on statutes that allow police to shoot when they feel threatened. The district attorney said Browns car brushed an officer and could have hit an officer in an unmarked car nearby. He was not troubled by the threat the officers created by firing at a fleeing car in a residential neighborhood at 8:30 in the morning. One bullet was found in a nearby house. In all, 14 shots were fired.
Womble acknowledged that Brown was fleeing, not targeting the officers. I think Mr. Browns intention was to get away, he said, but when he did that, he put those deputies in danger.
Asked why deputies did not let Brown flee and seek to arrest him later, Womble said their duty was to take him into custody. He said, They simply couldnt let him go.
But apparently in Pasquotank County a district attorney with close ties to local police can simply let the officers go.
Kristie Puckett-Williams of the ACLU of North Carolina put it even more eloquently when, in a statement, she said:
Communities deserve justice and accountability, but history shows justice for people of color is rare in a system that was built upon slavery and has been modified over time to control and limit the lives of those who are not white.
And fifth is the obvious gaping loophole in North Carolina law that gives carte blanche to a local politician (the district attorney) in such matters. Because of the way state law is written, it appears that neither the state Attorney General nor the Governor can provide any real oversight or move to install a special prosecutor. Instead, Gov. Cooper has been reduced to issuing a public plea for the the FBI to investigate and for Republican legislators to strengthen state statutes to increase transparency, confidence and accountability in the justice system.
The bottom line: The whole situation surrounding the killing of Brown stinks and should not be swept further under the rug. While it may not be possible now to bring state criminal charges against the officers who killed him, all state and federal officials in a position to continue the investigation in order to bring about some measure of justice either as a criminal or civil matter should continue their work.
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Judge rejects plan to ban people with drug arrests from the Tenderloin | 48 hills – 48 Hills
Posted: at 5:17 am
The ACLU and the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights won a significant victory last week when a Superior Court judge rejected the citys efforts to ban four people from the Tenderloin.
The ruling came in a case by City Attorney Dennis Herrera, who asked for an injunction blocking the four, who have been convicted of past drug crimes, of ever appearing in the neighborhood.
Herrera argued that the city should have the right to assert that if these individuals just showed up in whats called the Tenderloin Drug Abatement Area, they could be arrested on sight.
Its part of an ongoing effort by Herreras office to find ways to target people who have a criminal history or are alleged gang members but might be difficult to arrest if the cops cant catch them committing a crime.
Judge Ethan P. Schulman acknowledged in his May 14 ruling that the four individuals have a criminal history and have created what Herrera calls a public nuisance.
He noted that the area is rife with illegal drug dealing. He also agreed that each of the defendants has previously engaged in illegal sales and/or possession for sale of controlled substances.
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John Cote, a spokesperson for the City Attorneys Office, said that the court recognized that the individuals we sued were creating a public nuisance and had engaged in unlawful conduct in the Tenderloin.
But thats not the real issue, the court said.
The Constitution doesnt allow a stay-away order which would entirely exclude a person from a particular neighborhood.
The law allows an injunction against illegal conduct, the judge ruled but individuals are not by definition illegal.
If there are people violating the law, Schulman said, the police can arrest them. But if they are just occupying public space, they cant be criminalized.
The court discussed a case from 1979 where a person who pled guilty to soliciting prostitution in Fresno was banned from a large part of the city.
This condition relates to conduct which is not criminal, the ruling said.
In other words: You cant tell someone not to be in a particular place.
The court said that these are Constitutional violations, Anne Decker, a lawyer with the ACLU Foundation, told me. We are hoping at this point that the city decides to dismiss its lawsuit.
The court ruling, and the entire discussion here, points to a much larger issue. Gang injunctions have been used to identify individuals who are supposed to be kept out of an area where they allegedly were involved in crimes (and might be involved in the future). The ACLU has documented how these are ineffective policing tools that primarily serve to criminalize young Black and Latino men.
Injunctions to keep people with a record of drug dealing out of the Tenderloin are part of the ongoing policy which many say is a complete failure of treating drugs as a criminal issue, not a public-health issue.
Cote told me:
We respectfully and strongly disagree with the view that our injunctions are beyond the courts power to grant. Our injunctions would keep known drug dealers out of a single neighborhood that has suffered enough at their hands. Courts have granted much broader injunctions preventing criminal defendants from entering entire cities, including San Francisco.
What the court seems to have ruled is that the only remedy San Francisco has against these individuals is criminal prosecution. While we agree that is one tool that should be used to protect the Tenderloin from the terrible consequences of these individuals behavior, we strongly disagree that it is the only tool available under the law.
This office does not have the option of bringing criminal prosecutions, but we are trying to do everything in our power to address the problems in the Tenderloin. Parents should not have to walk their children through an open-air drug market on the way to school. That is never acceptable. We are considering all of our legal options going forward.
Its 2021. The War on Drugs has failed. And yet we are still in this battleground.
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Judge rejects plan to ban people with drug arrests from the Tenderloin | 48 hills - 48 Hills
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Lets face it, the NDC had a hand in Ghanas economic collapse – Modern Ghana
Posted: at 5:14 am
We can neither deny nor ignore the fact that under the erstwhile NDC administration, Ghana experienced massive economic meltdown which regrettably brought to pass harsh socio-economic standards of living.
Thus, it will be extremely difficult for any economist or government to reverse such mess within a shortest possible time.
Given the circumstances, the critics are far from right for asserting somewhat passionately that President Akufo-Addo has wilfully worsened the plight of Ghanaians since assuming power on 7th January 2017.
If for nothing at all, Akufo-Addo received massive commendations and endorsements from a host of international organisations and other prominent individuals leading to the 2020 general elections.
Take, for example, sometime in 2019, a video clip went vile showing a Nigerian scholar, who happened to be a guest speaker at a forum organised by the leadership of the opposition NDC, candidly commending the Akufo-Addo government on Ghanas auspicious economic growth, apparently, to the utter chagrin of his hosts (the NDC Executives), many of whom were extremely befuddled on the guest speakers unbelievable intellectual honesty.
The overarching question however is: Did the NDC loyalists really trust the judgement of the said knowledgeable and largely credible Nigerian academic?
Well, I am pretty sure they did; else they would not have invited him to speak on Ghanas economy at their special gathering.
Interestingly, preceding the honest and erudite Nigerians endorsement of Ghanas well-publicised propitious economic growth, were praises from some credible international organisations and influential people, both home and abroad. Indeed, but for the unspeakable coronavirus, Ghanas economy would have been transformed tremendously.
Prior to the 2020 general elections, the reputable Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) reported that the governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) was going to retain power in the 2020 general elections (see: 2020 election is yours to lose-EIU predicts NPP victory; myjoyonline.com/ghanaweb.com, 15/09/2019).
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) report concluded that former President John Dramani Mahama was going to find it extremely difficult to convince discerning Ghanaians into accepting that he is the preferable manager of Ghanas economy, given his abysmal performance while in office and the countrys fairly strong economic growth under President Akufo-Addo.
The Economist Intelligence Unit could not have put it any better: Ghana is indeed heading towards a favourable economic growth under the NPP government.
In fact, before the deadly coronavirus, Akufo-Addos administration moved Ghanas economic growth from a disappointing 3.4% in December 2016 to a favourable 8.6%.
And the previously double digit inflation (15.8 in December 2016) was reduced drastically to around 7.5%.
Truly, the EIU was extremely charitable to former President Mahama for failing to make it clear that NDC would have stood a better chance in 2020 if the party Delegates had elected a different flagbearer.
Since assuming power on 7th January 2017, the Akufo-Addos government has rolled out numerous social intervention programmes and policies such as the One District One Factory, One Constituency One Million, Planting for Food and Jobs, Planting for Expert and Rural Development, Free SHS, One Village One Dam in the Northern Regions, National Builders Corp (NABCO), amongst others.
The vast majority of Ghanaians, in fact, have benefited immensely from the implementation of the aforesaid programmes and policies. So it is somewhat fallacious for the sceptics to assert that the thriving economy is not reflecting in the pockets of Ghanaians.
Let us remind ourselves that since the inception of the Fourth Republican Constitution, the successive NPP governments have introduced numerous interventions such as the Free Maternal Care, the NHIS, the Metro Mass Transport, the School Feeding Programme, the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP), and the Free SHS, amongst others.
Take, for example, upon taking office, the Akufo-Addo government took pragmatic steps and restored the Nurses and Teachers Allowances which were regrettably cancelled by the erstwhile Mahama administration.
So do the economic experts want to tell us that such interventions arent reflecting in the pockets of the Nurses and Teachers?
In addition, the Akufo-Addos government has judiciously distributed the national resources in the form of Free SHS, which has paved way for more than 400,000 children a year, including the over 190,000 children who otherwise would not have the opportunity to enter senior high school.
There is no gainsaying the fact that parents are reaping tremendous benefits from the Free SHS policy.
It is, anticipated that the government will spend not less than GH5532.83 over a period of three years on each student.
In effect, parents with three children in SHS will be pocketing not less than GH16598.49 over three years.
So how can any economist convince some of us, who are mere plebes when it comes to economics that the Free SHS scheme is not reflecting in the lives of Ghanaian parents?
Given the fact that the erstwhile Mahamas administration wilfully left behind massive debt amidst economic meltdown, it was, indeed, commendable for Akufo-Addos government to afford to implement the seemingly admirable, albeit costly social intervention such as Free SHS.
It was, also quite estimable for the incumbent NPP administration to relieve Ghanaians of over eighteen nuisance taxes which had hitherto crippled businesses.
The sensitive Akufo-Addo government commendably slashed the import taxes (30% on cars and 50% on goods) to the utter delight of importers, and Ghanaians as a whole.
Suffice it to emphasise that since the announcement of the reductions of benchmark values, some beneficiaries have attested to considerable discounts.
Take, for example, we have been informed by some credible sources that following the announcement, the duty on a Toyota Corolla saloon car has been reduced from GH22, 000 to GH15, 000.
Obviously, there is a considerable discount of GH7000. Isnt this money going into a Ghanaian pocket?
We also heard another importer narrating how he previously paid GH14000 duty on a certain saloon car and only paid GH9500 after the announcement.
Dearest reader, is this individual not pocketing GH4500 because of good governance?
Obviously, the lives of Ghanaians are being transformed steadily through many pragmatic interventions, such as tax reductions (including import taxes), favourable economic growth, low inflation, and gargantuan savings on free SHS, amongst others.
It is based on such commendable achievements that some of us cannot buy the isolated thinkers view that the Akufo-Addos administration is not doing enough, as the fairly stable economy is not reflecting in the lives of Ghanaians.
In any case, it beggars belief that despite the wanton corruption, the arrogance of power and the crass incompetence exhibited by the erstwhile Mahama administration which resulted in massive economic collapse, the NDC faithful could still muster the courage to chastise Akufo-Addo and clamour inexorably for the return of former President Mahama.
Considering the conspicuous rot in the Mahamas administration, some of us cannot help but to giggle over the NDC loyalists renewed zeal to return to power so soon.
It is, indeed, baffling to see the brassbound supporters of NDC moving heaven and earth to reclaim power after being voted out of office by discerning Ghanaians for the dreadful errors in judgement which brought about massive economic mess.
We, however, hope and pray that Ghanaians will miraculously overcome their perceived beguiling, albeit harmful memory loss so as to hold NDC accountable for the errors of judgement which unfortunately brought the country to its knees.
Believe it or not, discerning Ghanaians cannot forgive and forget Ibrahim Mahamas GH12 million alleged import tax evasion.
Indeed, but for the Honourable Agyapongs whistling blowing prowess, Ghana would have been GH12 million worse off.
Ghanaians should not relent in their efforts to take Mahama and NDC to task for woefully dragging the 14% economic growth in 2011 to a disappointing 3.4% in December 2016.
Shouldnt Ghanaians hold NDC to account for wilfully raising Ghanas debt from GH9.5 billion in 2009 to an incredible GH122.4 billion by December 2016 with a little to show for?
Let us be honest, the National Democratic Congress cannot exonerate itself from the blame for collapsing Ghanas currency beyond redemption. In December 2011, the exchange rate was GH1.65 to $1.
Regrettably, however, due to dreadful economic decision-making, within five years the exchange rate took an unbelievable flight and stood at GH4.20 to $1 by December 2016.
The good people of Ghana cannot so soon forget and forgive former President Mahama and NDC for the business crippling dumsor in the last five years of the erstwhile NDC administration.
Ghanaians cannot so soon forget that Mahama and his NDC government shrunk the GDP from $47 billion in 2011 to $40 billion by December 2016.
Trust me, not every Ghanaian has forgotten and forgiven Mahama and NDC for carelessly giving out large portions of Ghanas scarce resources to parasitic creatures like Madam Akua Donkor.
Ghanaians cannot forgive Mahama for unjustifiably wasting Ghanas scarce resources on apologists like Madam Akua Donkor of Ghana Freedom Party (GFP) of two four wheel drive cars and a luxury bungalow (estimated to cost a staggering $470,000) for no work done.
Truly, no one can fault Ghanaians for holding Mahama and NDC responsible for egregiously giving away 58% of Ghanas bauxite to Ibrahim Mahama on 29th December 2016, just a little over one week before exiting power.
Discerning Ghanaians cannot so soon forget the over GH800 million dubious judgment debt payments, including the GH51.2 million to Woyome, $30 million to the Waterville and $325,000 to Isofoton which resulted in the drastic reduction of capital expenditure, and as a consequence, most contractors were not paid by the erstwhile NDC administration.
Besides, the $175 million loan facility secured in 2012 meant to provide seven district hospitals which the NDC hierarchy misapplied is still fresh in the memories of Ghanaians.
Ghanaians should continue to hold Mahama and NDC accountable for clandestinely diverting $6 million of a government loan facility of $175 million meant to provide seven district hospitals into researching the then governing NDCs chances of winning the 2016 general elections.
If we do the arithmetic of the $175 million loan facility which was supposed to provide seven district hospitals, each hospital should have cost us $25 million.
The all-important question then is: where is the rest of the $175 million loan facility?
How can we advance as a nation when some shameless individuals keep hiding behind party coloration, devoid of patriotism and disgustingly squandering our scarce resources to the detriment of the poor and disadvantage Ghanaians?
Dearest reader, tell me, if the wanton bribery and corruption, the stashing of national funds by some greedy opportunists , the misappropriation of resources and the crude embezzlement of funds meant for developmental projects by some public officials do not warrant criminal charges, then where are we heading as a nation?
In fact, Ghanaians shouldnt let go the sadness over the GH200 million SADA funds wasted on trees and the guinea fowls which shockingly flew to the neighbouring Burkina Faso without a trace. How bizarre?
Who says discerning Ghanaians will so soon forget the scandalous Bus Branding, the Brazil World Cup, SUBA, GYEEDA, SSNIT, NCA, the NDC MPs double salary, amongst others?
Since the birth of Ghanas Fourth Republic (from 1993 to present), the nation has regrettably lost billions of dollars meant for developmental projects through unbridled bribery and corruption.
In ending, Ghanaians will definitely shrug off the chronic amnesia and ventilate their arousing disgust over NDCs dreadful errors in decision-making which culminated in harsh socio-economic standards of living.
K. Badu, UK.
[emailprotected]
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Managing the Oversupply of Ships in Ushuaia – Cruise Industry News
Posted: at 5:12 am
As more and more expedition ships flock to Antarctica, the port of Ushuaia, which is traditionally used for Antarctica departures, is getting busier and busier. With only one pier, the challenge to manage the supply is real.
The solution was created to extend the 500-meter-long pier, according to 2021 Expedition Market Report by Cruise Industry News.
The state of Tierra del Fuego has launched a public offer application to extend the pier by over 85 meters long. The works are expected to start in April 2021, said in March Veronica Baldasso Palacios, the owner and manager of Sealand Ship Agents & Suppliers, the company tasked with managing the oversupply.
Ushuaia-based Sealand Ship Agents & Suppliers is a registered entity with the Port of Ushuaia that works for expedition tour operators. It has regular meetings with the port authorities and the government, as well as the city of Ushuaia.
(The local government) was pushing for these projects as well, Baldasso Palacios said.
The Port of Ushuaia is a public entity run by the state of Tierra del Fuego, a province of Ushuaia with the capital in Ushuaia. According to Baldasso Palacios, the pier lengthening works at the port will take 18 to 24 months to complete.
This is something that the city has put a lot of interest in because they do want to support the expedition cruise tourism and welcome it back to the city. It's one of the main sources of income for the state government And it generates a lot of income for the provincial government, she explained the importance of the project.
The public spirit of this is that they do need a system, and they're trying to make an effort to make things work. They've been investing in the extension of the port, Baldasso Palacios added.
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Part of 2.5m repairs grant set to be diverted to address recent flood damage at two Flintshire primary schools – Deeside.com
Posted: at 5:12 am
Deeside.com > News
Posted: Tue 18th May 2021
Updated: Tue 18th May
Part of a 2.5m repairs grant is set to be diverted to address recent flood damage at two Flintshire schools.
Queensferry Primary School has been closed since Monday (May 17, 2021) after torrential rain caused flooding in several areas of the building.
In a letter to parents, headteacher Cathryn Lloyd said she was confident the school would be able to re-open on Thursday after health and safety checks are carried out.
It was revealed at a meeting of Flintshire Councils cabinet this morning that money to fix the damage will be allocated from a seven-figure sum given by the Welsh Government for school maintenance earlier this year .
It will also be used to replace the roof at Canolfan Enfys, a school in Mold for young children with additional learning needs, which suffered damage last week and resulted in pupils having to be relocated.
Claire Homard, the local authoritys chief officer for education and youth, said: Unfortunately, over the last couple of weeks when weve had really inclement weather, weve had a couple of significant issues.
Last week we had a roof failure at Canolfan Enfys, which is our early years assessment unit, that has caused significant damage and the roof will need to be replaced.
The ingress of water has had an impact in the building as well, to the extent that we are having to temporarily relocate the pupils from Canolfan Enfys and weve been able to bring one of our youth club buildings in Sealand into use.
Then there was the sheer amount of surface water that has egressed into parts of Queensferry Primary School, Troi Rownd, the pupil referral unit thats on the campus and Hwb Cyfle.
Queensferry Primary School is temporarily closed, but my understanding is theyre hoping to reopen tomorrow so we could do with some sunshine now and a little bit less rain.
A discussion on how the maintenance grant was to be allocated was already tabled for the meeting of senior councillors before the bad weather occurred.
It will result in two lots of work being carried out at Castell Alun High School in Hope at a cost of 475,000, including the replacement of an all-weather sports pitch which is currently out of use.
The schools music area will also be refurbished after planned indoor renovations were delayed by the need for roof repairs.
The councils chief executive, Colin Everett, said most of the original proposed schemes would still be delivered, despite the requirement to address flood damage elsewhere.
He said: Weve been through this in really good detail and with the exception of Castell Alun, all school works are based on health and safety and wind and weather proofing needed.
The Castell Alun recommendation makes absolute sense and just to confirm that all of the works are required for the curriculum.
We will have to divert some funds from this programme to deal with the storm damage as that becomes an essential piece of work.
But that shouldnt detract us from delivering all or most of this programme as intended.
Cabinet members approved the schedule of works outlined in a report by Ms Homard.
The government funding provided to support it is in addition to the councils own annual repair budget, which is worth approximately 1.8m.
Liam Randall Local Democracy Reporter (more here).
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In unanimous Fourth Amendment ruling, a reminder that there is, in fact, no place like home – SCOTUSblog
Posted: at 5:10 am
Opinion analysis ByLenese Herbert on May 17, 2021 at 4:20 pm
Update (May 18, 8:15 p.m.): This article has been expanded with additional analysis.
On Monday, the Supreme Court released its opinion in Caniglia v. Strom, which unanimously held that a lower courts extension of Cady v. Dombrowskis community caretaking exception into the home defied the logic and holding of Cady, as well as violated the Fourth Amendments warrant requirement. With the courts unanimity in Caniglia, the home remains the most sacred space under the Fourth Amendment; its sanctity literally houses its privilege. Sans warrant, exigency or consent, governmental search and seizure within it is unconstitutional.
During an August 2015 argument with his wife, Edward Caniglia offered her one of his unloaded guns and requested that she put him out of his misery. Instead, she threatened to call 911. After the couples argument continued, she left the marital home to overnight at a hotel. When she returned the next day, she enlisted Cranston, Rhode Islands police department to perform a wellness check on her husband. They did. They also arranged transportation for Edward to obtain a psychiatric evaluation at a local hospital. He agreed to go, but only after officers purportedly agreed not to confiscate his weapons. However, as soon as he left, officers apparently by deceiving his wife entered the Caniglia home and seized Caniglias handguns and ammunition. Caniglia sued, alleging that the officers violated his Fourth Amendment rights. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit sided with the officers by relying on Cady, a 1973 decision that upheld the warrantless caretaking search of a car that had been in an accident.
The courts opinion, written by Justice Clarence Thomas, was devoid of the fearsome, compelling specter raised in the briefing and during argument regarding the potential for troubling eventualities for instance, that Caniglia may have harmed himself or his wife (or, perhaps, other innocent/intervening victims). A pithy four pages long, the opinion was unanimous and unambiguous: If police do not have the homeowners consent, an exigent circumstance, or a judicial warrant authorizing a search, then no version of Cadys car exception applies to police entry into the home under the Fourth Amendment. What is reasonable for vehicles is different from what is reasonable for homes, Thomas wrote.
As always with realty and, per Caniglia, the courts Fourth Amendment jurisprudence location matters. Specifically, the location of Cadys warrantless search and seizure a post-accident, routine search of an intoxicated, off-duty officers damaged and impounded car simply cannot compare to a search of and seizure within a home. Governmental searches of vehicles regularly occur via exceptions to the Fourth Amendments warrant requirement; a myriad of decisions have constitutionalized warrantless searches of vehicles, their compartments, their containers and even their occupants. Not one of these warrantless exceptions is available for the home.
Accordingly, caretaking under Cady is not carte blanche for police to search or seize within the home, nor do their caretaking duties create a standalone doctrine that justifies warrantless searches and seizures in the home, Thomas wrote. Cady, itself, he noted, drew an unmistakable distinction between vehicles and homes, constitutionally embedding the exception outside the home.
That police may engage in a myriad of civic community caretaking functions did not move the court off its jurisprudential bright line. Certainly, such functions give texture to the modern, sometimes complex, role of policing. They do not, however, supplant the constitutional sanctity of the home. Accordingly, the Caniglia court declined the opportunity to expand Cadys community caretaking exception and permit warrantless entry into the home.
The court vacated the 1st Circuits judgment and sent the case back to the lower court for further proceedings consistent with the opinion.
Notwithstanding the courts unanimous decision, there were three concurring opinions. Though ranging in length (from one paragraph to longer than the courts opinion), they, too, evidenced unanimity, given that each identified the jurisprudential play in what defines an emergency or exigent circumstances.
In a single concurring paragraph, Chief Justice John Roberts, joined by Justice Stephen Breyer, noted that the Fourth Amendment does not prohibit warrantless entries when there is a need to assist persons who are seriously injured or threatened with such injury. Warrantless entries into the home are justified where there is an objectively reasonable basis for believing that medical assistance was needed, or persons were in danger.
Similarly, Justice Samuel Alitos concurrence seemed to redefine determinative concepts. First, it minimized community caretaking as a Fourth Amendment category, stating that there is no overarching community caretaking doctrine nor a special Fourth Amendment rule for a broad category of cases involving community caretaking. Hmmm.
Perhaps given the Caniglia courts unambiguous limitation of the community caretaking exception to cars, Alito saw the fruitlessness of further beating a dead horse (or rescuing a treed cat?). Whatever the reason, his concurrence warned the court that it should not assume that the Fourth Amendments command of reasonableness applies in the same way to everything that might be viewed as falling into this broad category of cases (which, apparently and per his concurrence, does not even exist). What does seem to exist are searches and seizures conducted for non-law-enforcement purposes. Alito cites as examples states suicide prevention and red flag laws, which allow police to enter a home and seize weapons to be used for the purpose of suicide or inflicting harm on innocent persons. Strangely, Alito criticized Caniglia for not taking on these laws before the court, yet praised the court for not engaging or deciding the constitutionality of these laws pursuant to the restrictions of the Fourth Amendment, which may or may not be appropriate for use. But, if Caniglia failed to properly raise these and a unanimous Court failed to mention them at all, why did Alitos concurrence see fit to address them at length?
But it is Justice Brett Kavanaughs concurrence now that Caniglia expressly limits the community caretaking exception to cars that plainly portends what the other concurrences make cryptic (Roberts, joined by Breyer) or confusing (Alito):
[T]he Courts exigency precedents, as I read them, permit warrantless entries when police officers have an objectively reasonable basis to believe that there is a current, ongoing crisis for which it is reasonable to act now If someone is at risk of serious harm and it is reasonable for officers to intervene now, that is enough for the officers to enter.
Again: this is not what Caniglia, or any other court decision, has ever held. Yet, per Kavanaughs concurrence, the court, going forward, is now perfectly poised to redefine the exigent circumstances doctrine as applied to emergency aid situations anew, expanding the exceptions imprimatur in ways that would allow warrantless, in-home police searches and seizures. Relying upon the pitched examples heard at argument regarding the parade of horribles that included suicide threats, as well as absent or fallen senior citizens, Kavanaugh queried: If officers knock on the homes door but do not receive a response, [m]ay the officers enter the home? His answer: Of course.
Some may ignore Kavanaughs concurrence, allowing it to represent yet another example of why the late Justice Antonin Scalia waxed poetic about the utter freedom when one writes lone dissents. But this is not a dissent; it is a concurrence. Its analysis is no mere dicta; rather, it may better be characterized as dicta dentata, i.e., dicta with teeth, given what Caniglias unanimity and the drumbeat of the concurrences augur.
Wait: Did it suddenly get chilly in here? Someone must have just opened an Overton Window.
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In unanimous Fourth Amendment ruling, a reminder that there is, in fact, no place like home - SCOTUSblog
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What is The 4th Amendment?… – The Sun
Posted: at 5:10 am
BEFORE the 20th century there were few cases involving the 4th Amendment as the Bill of Rights did not initially apply to state or local governments.
That changed in 1961 after the Mapp v. Ohiodecision allowing more cases to be brought forward.
3
The 4th Amendment reads, "The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized."
In layman's terms, it prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures and sets requirements for issuingwarrants.
If there is no probable cause and you are illegally searched, any evidence collected from the search will be excluded from evidence at trial.
It ultimately acts to protect people's right to privacy and freedom from unreasonable intrusions by the government.
3
4th Amendment case law revolves around three main issues:
The amendment was established in response to the abuse of thewrit of assistance - a type of generalsearch warrantissued by theBritish government - which a major point of contention between Americans and the British.
It was introduced in Congress in 1789 by James Madison and was ratified on December 15, 1791.
3
There are 27 amendments in the United States constitution.
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On May 17, 2021, the Supreme Court sided with a Rhode Island man who said police illegally seized firearms from his home without a warrant.
The Supreme Court decision reversed a lower court decision that law enforcement was allowed to enter the man's home and seize his firearms without a warrant after his wife expressed fear that he might harm himself.
Justice Clarence Thomas wrote the unanimous decision citing the 4th Amendment, "The very core of the Fourth Amendment" is the "right of a man to retreat into his own home and there be free from unreasonable search and seizure."
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What is The 4th Amendment?... - The Sun
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To Oversee or to Overrule: What is the Role of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court Under FISA Section 702? – Lawfare
Posted: at 5:10 am
Last month, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) released a redacted version of a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) opinion and order following a declassification review. The opinion, which was originally entered in November 2020, reflects the findings and conclusions reached by the FISC after reviewing the 2020 certifications presented by the attorney general and the director of national intelligence (DNI) seeking authority to conduct electronic surveillance under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). The courts decision was widely chided in the media for, once again, approving a Section 702 certification in the face of widespread violations."
The Nov. 18, 2020, decision entered by FISC Presiding Judge James Boasberg followed earlier orders from Boasberg, entered in December 2019 and in October 2018, that also addressed government certifications seeking approval to conduct surveillance under the authority of FISA Section 702 (50 U.S.C. 1881a). In each instance, redacted versions of Boasbergs opinions were released publicly after classification reviews by the ODNI. Boasbergs redacted October 2018 opinion was released nearly a year later, in October 2019; his redacted December 2019 opinion was released by the ODNI in September 2020; and his redacted November 2020 opinion was released in April 2021.
Coincidentally, the ODNI released this most recent redacted FISC decision addressing Section 702 during the same week that the American Civil Liberties Union and others filed a petition asking that the Supreme Court find a qualified First Amendment right of access requiring that all FISC decisions be released and redacted only as necessary to prevent genuine harm to national security. In pursuing relief from the Supreme Court, those petitioners seek to overturn a carefully calibrated process regarding the workings of the FISC designed to provide reasonable transparency into that courts decisions while protecting classified information relating to intelligence sources and methods. In the case of FISA Section 702, those processes are meant to protect the unique sources and methods associated with what has been described as the most potent power Congress has granted U.S. spy agencies to gather intelligence on everything from terrorism to nuclear proliferation to foreign adversaries plans and intentions.
Each of the redacted Boasberg opinions from 2018 through 2020 addresses the corresponding years government certification seeking reauthorization of the collection authority provided by FISA Section 702. The certifications are presented annually to the FISC along with the statutorily required targeting, minimization and querying procedures used by the U.S. intelligence community in connection with its employment of the surveillance authorized by the courts approval of each certification. Substantively, in terms of the categories of foreign intelligence information sought by the government, the certifications have not changed materially since Section 702 was first enacted as part of the FISA Amendments Act of 2008.
The redacted Boasberg opinions are lengthy, and the discussions in each opinion recount multiple incidents of noncompliance in connection with the execution of the Section 702 program. These incidents are notable with respect to the application of the minimization and querying procedures employed in executing the program (explained below and here), and most particularly with the actions of the FBI in querying the Section 702 database of unminimized communications. Ultimately, however, the FISC approved each of the Section 702 certifications submitted by the government in 2018, 2019 and 2020, although the 2018 certification and procedures were approved only after Boasberg concluded that the FBIs minimization and querying procedures, as first submitted and employed by the FBI, did not comply with the Fourth Amendment. The government appealed Boasbergs initial ruling but, after the FISA Court of Review upheld the FISCs decision, the FBI modified its procedures as needed to secure the FISCs approval.
Media discussion of these FISC opinions has focused on those compliance issues with headlines declaring, FBI and NSA violated surveillance law or privacy rules, a federal judge found and Federal court approved FBIs continued use of warrantless surveillance power despite repeated violations of privacy rules.
Critics were incensed at the FISCs approval of the 2018 certification, pointing to the record of noncompliance reflected in the FISCs opinions to argue that at no point in Section 702s existence has the government operated the program in full compliance with constitutional requirements. When a December 2019 opinion by Boasberg was released in redacted form in September 2020 reflecting the FISCs approval of the governments requested 2019 reauthorization of Section 702 surveillance even as it revealed further incidents of noncompliance, exasperated opponents wondered aloud, [W]hat would it take for the FISA court to say no? Others described the FISCs actions as compliance whack-a-mole while insisting that the frequency of the transgressions depicts systemic noncompliance that makes the entire program untenable.
Is the FISC failing its responsibilities with respect to the function it performs in the Section 702 program? Given the role the FISC is intended to play with respect to its oversight of the Section 702 program, the answer is no.
A Brief Primer on How Section 702 Works
Prior to the enactment of Section 702 as part of the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, the type of surveillance now authorized by Section 702 required that the government show on an individualized basis, with respect to all non-U.S. person targets located overseas, the existence of probable cause to believe that the target was a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power. In effect, the intelligence community treated non-U.S. persons located overseas like U.S. persons, even though foreigners outside the United States are not entitled to the protections of the Fourth Amendment. Coupled with the seismic change in the technological environment occurring since FISAs 1978 passage, the application of the traditional FISA framework to targeting non-U.S. persons located outside the United States posed significant challenges to the timely collection of intelligence critical to the nations security.
The attorney general and the DNI authorize targeting under Section 702 in a manner substantially different from traditional electronic surveillance under FISA. Under Section 702, instead of issuing individual court orders, the FISC approves an annual certification submitted by the attorney general and the DNI that identifies categories of foreign intelligence targets. Targeting, however, is constrained by specific limitations included by Congress that prohibit targeting anyone known to be in the United States; prohibit targeting any U.S. person located outside the United States; prohibit targeting someone outside the United States for the purpose of targeting a particular, known person in this country; prohibit the intentional acquisition of any communication where all participants are located in the United States at the time of the acquisition; prohibit the acquisition of communications that refer to, but are neither to nor from an authorized target; and require that all Section 702 acquisitions be consistent with the Fourth Amendment.
To implement these statutory restrictions and protections, Section 702 requires the use of targeting procedures, minimization procedures, querying procedures and acquisition guidelines. The targeting procedures are designed to ensure that an acquisition targets only foreigners outside the United States and that it complies with the prohibition on acquiring wholly domestic communications. The minimization procedures protect the identities of U.S. persons and limit the dissemination of any nonpublic information concerning them that may be incidentally acquired. The acquisition guidelines seek to ensure compliance with all the statutory limitations described above. Finally, the querying procedures, added by Congress in reauthorizing Section 702 in 2018, regulate the manner by which the unminimized data collected under Section 702 may be searched to retrieve information.
Surveillance conducted under the authority of Section 702 is programmatic collection on a vast scale. A redacted FISC opinion from 2011 revealed that the National Security Agency (NSA) was collecting more than 250 million internet communications each year pursuant to Section 702. Two years later, the ODNI began reporting the number of Section 702 targetsand registered 89,138 for calendar year 2013. While no publicly available information has charted the expansion of collection under Section 702, the growth in the number of targetsto 204,968 in 2019might reasonably be expected to correspond to a proportional growth in collection. The intelligence community transparency report for 2020, released just last month, showed a small decline in the number of Section 702 targetsdisclosing 202,723 targets in 2020. It is the first decline in the number of Section 702 targets since the ODNI began disclosing Section 702 target numbers in 2013.
All of the required procedures used with Section 702 acquisitions have been mandated by Congress to address an inescapable feature of this type of collection: While Section 702 targets foreigners located outside the United States to acquire foreign intelligence information, it is understood that the communications of U.S. persons communicating with any targeted foreigner may be incidentally collected as part of the surveillance directed against that foreign target.
The existence of this incidental collection has been acknowledged from Section 702s inception and is the bte noire of its critics. Following the Edward Snowden disclosures in 2013, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) conducted an extensive review of the Section 702 program, and its description of Section 702 acknowledged that communications of U.S. persons may be acquired in a variety of ways. The PCLOB report described Section 702 as a technologically complex collection program where incidents of noncompliance have been identified but no intentional attempts to circumvent or violate the procedures or statutory requirements. Commenting further, the PCLOB observed that many of these incidents have involved technical issues resulting from the complexity of the program, and the Board has not seen any evidence of bad faith or misconduct. Since the issuance of that PCLOB report in July 2014, none of the FISCs annual reviews of the governments 702 certifications has identified any intentional effort to circumvent or violate the statutorily mandated procedures regulating its operation.
While there is no documented evidence of any intentional evasion of the procedures or statutory requirements governing the collection or use of information obtained by Section 702 surveillance, every available FISC opinion addressing the courts review of the Section 702 program has documented incidents of noncompliance. In some instances, the noncompliance incidents have been numerically significant and, at times, represented recurring violations. However, it is also true, as the PCLOB noted, that calculating the compliance incident rate for the Section 702 program, as the government did, by dividing the number of identified compliance incidents by the average number of selectors on task produced an incident rate substantially below 1 percent at the time the PCLOB report was issued in 2014. Whether the compliance rate using those metrics remains in that range today is not publicly available information.
Notably, the FISC obtains its information regarding incidents of noncompliance from the agencies that operate the Section 702 program. Self-disclosure of noncompliance is mandatory: Section 702(m) requires the attorney general and the DNI to assess compliance with the targeting, minimization and querying procedures approved by the FISC every six months, and to provide the FISC with this assessment. Self-reporting is also required, for example, by the NSAs minimization procedures, and the FISCs own rules of procedure mandate disclosure whenever any authority or approval by the court is implemented in a manner that does not comply with the courts authorization or with applicable law. According to the ODNI, every identified incident of non-compliance, regardless of the U.S. person status of individuals affected by the incident, is reported to the FISC (through notices or in reports) and to Congress in semiannual reports.
The Role of the FISC With Section 702
Given this standard of mandatory self-reporting, what is the role of the FISC as it considers the governments annual certification and accompanying procedures seeking reauthorization of Section 702 authority even as the FISC is aware of existing noncompliance in the program? The disclosure and oversight regimen described above reflects the coordinated approach the FISC takes in addressing FISA submissions received from the government. Generally, the FISCs rules require that the government begin with a proposed submission, which the court will review and, where necessary, raise any potential issues directly with the government. Only after this dialogue has occurred will the government submit, and the court consider, a final submission.
While this coordinated approach is established via the FISCs own rules of procedure for FISA Title I surveillance, Congress has directly mandated a similar process with respect to the governments requests for surveillance authority under Section 702. Congress established a specific Schedule in Section 702 requiring: (1) that the government submit any requested reauthorization of Section 702 surveillance authority at least 30 days prior to the expiration date of the existing authorization, and (2) that the FISC review a certification and its accompanying targeting, minimization, and querying procedures within 30 days of submission, and then issue an order under paragraph (3)[,] that is, Section 702(j)(3)).
The FISC review contemplated by Section 702 includes consideration of both the certification, for compliance with FISAs statutory requirements, and the accompanying targeting, minimization and querying procedures for consistency with the Fourth Amendment. This latter mandate is not found in FISAs Title I because of the materially different nature of the surveillance authority presented for the FISCs review. Title I applications seek orders based on individualized determinations of probable cause. Even with Title I applications, however, FISAs language suggests an approach that is arguably designed to provide the government with the requested surveillance authority whenever the court can satisfy itself that statutory and constitutional standards have been met. Thus, Section 105 in FISA Title I reads that, upon receipt of a FISA application, the FISC shall enter an ex parte order as requested or as modified approving the electronic surveillance. Certainly, no order would, or should, be entered, for example, if the government cannot establish probable cause, but the language chosen by Congress clearly expresses that, with respect to the nations critical foreign intelligence electronic surveillance capabilities, the FISC should give broad consideration to granting the governments applications for surveillance authority when it can do so consistently with its statutory and constitutional responsibilities.
The accommodation of the governments surveillance requests suggested by FISAs Title I statutory text is more pronounced with respect to the role Congress delineated for the FISCs consideration of certifications submitted under Section 702. Congress deliberately eschewed a thumbs up or thumbs down review process, directing instead that the FISCs review culminate in the issuance of an order. Significantly, the only statutory alternatives available to the FISC with respect to entering orders related to its review of Section 702 certifications are Approval or Correction of Deficiencies. FISA does not contemplate an outright denial of a government certification seeking Section 702 surveillance authority; instead, the statute requires that the FISC offer the government the election to correct any deficiency identified by the FISC, or cease or not begin, the implementation of the authorization for which such certification was submitted.
The Boasberg Opinions Approving Section 702 Certifications (2018-2020)
When viewed in the context of the statutory construct of FISA, the redacted and recently released version of Boasbergs November 2020 opinion addressing the governments 2020 Section 702 certification and procedures takes precisely the form FISA contemplates. Even as it offers pointed criticism in addressing the seemingly perpetual compliance failures of the FBI with respect to its querying practices, the FISC concludes that the reporting requirements and other corrective measures it has required as part of its approval of previous Section 702 submissions are adequate to conclude that the proposed procedures, as reasonably expected to be implemented, comply with the applicable statutory and Fourth Amendment requirements.
Opponents of Section 702 are aghast at the FISCs repeated willingness to accept corrective measures proposed by the government that seem to continually fall short of fully remedying the repeated compliance violations discussed in Boasbergs opinions of October 2018, December 2019 and November 2020. They openly speculate as to the level of noncompliance the FISC would need to see to deny a certification package and bring Section 702 collection to a halt. In fact, the statutory regimen created by Congress in Section 702 does not provide the FISC with the authority to unilaterally terminate critical government surveillance efforts.
This makes perfect sense judged in the context of the Fourth Amendment analysis used to assess the governments Section 702 surveillance requests. The test the FISC properly applies is one of reasonablenessthe touchstone of the Fourth Amendmentwhich is evaluated using a totality of the circumstances standard in which the court balances the competing interests at stake.
That balancing necessarily begins with recognizing that government noncompliance with the myriad rules and procedures governing the operation of the Section 702 program does not, in and of itself, render the program unreasonable and, it logically follows, does not render it constitutionally suspect. Simply put, noncompliance does not equate to unconstitutional. The government interest at stake in this balancing is the nations security. Numerous courts have confirmed repeatedly that national security is at the apex of governmental interests, and the higher the government interest, the greater the intrusion that may be constitutionally tolerated. The countervailing interest is the desire of a U.S. person to communicate freely with foreigners located outside the United States without any prospect of those communications being collected by government surveillance despite that foreigner being a target of foreign intelligence interest to the government. Where the Fourth Amendment reasonableness balance should be struck in this setting produces the entirely supportable conclusion that the incidental collection of U.S. person communications acquired while targeting foreigners located outside the U.S. pursuant to an approved Section 702 certification does not violate the Fourth Amendment.
Perhaps it is the futility of this Fourth Amendment argument, which essentially challenges the constitutionality of Section 702 on its face and has been repeatedly rejected by the courts, that more recently has led opponents, and amici counsel arguing in the FISC, to pursue a different approach. This alternative argument contends that even if the initial incidental acquisition of U.S. person communications using Section 702 authority is constitutional, the subsequent querying of the database containing those unminimized Section 702 communications using a U.S. person query term constitutes a new backdoor search that must be separately supported by probable cause. This contention receives its broadest analysis in the 2018 Boasberg opinion where, admittedly, the record before the FISC tempted such an argument because the FBI seems incapable of executing, in practice, querying procedures that Boasberg concluded were constitutionally sufficient as written.
The amici curiae appointed by the court focused on Congresss requirement in the 2018 FISA Reauthorization Act that the government adopt querying procedures governing access to the Section 702 database and that the FBI, in certain circumstances, acquire a FISC order before querying that database. These changes, they argued, reflected a congressional recognition that FBI queries of the Section 702 database represented new searches requiring separate Fourth Amendment analysis. They also insisted that the Supreme Courts 2018 decision in Carpenter v. U.S. represented a recognition that modern technologies, like the cell site location information at issue in Carpenter, warranted a redefining of Fourth Amendment protections and that querying a database collected using the governments Section 702 surveillance authority should receive such protection.
Boasberg declined to find that querying the unminimized Section 702 database represents an additional search. In his view, Congress created statutory, not constitutionally mandated, protections with its addition of the querying requirements included in the 2018 FISA Reauthorization Act. He also resisted the invitation to extend the Carpenter ruling to the querying of unminimized Section 702 data, perhaps recalling the Supreme Courts own insistence that its Carpenter decision was intended as a narrow one that specifically did not consider other collection techniques involving foreign affairs or national security. Indeed, examined logically, the later querying of data that has been lawfully collected by targeting a foreigner located outside the U.S. pursuant to a FISC-approved Section 702 certification seems to more closely resemble the querying of the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) database using a lawfully obtained DNA sample, a practice approved by the Supreme Court in Maryland v. King. As in King, a subsequent query of the unminimized Section 702 database searches a repository of information already lawfully in the governments possession by virtue of having been collected pursuant to a FISC-approved Section 702 certification that complies with the Fourth Amendment.
Conclusion
The public debate over the Section 702 collection program and, specifically, the question of the governments right to access the communications of U.S. persons incidentally acquired while communicating with foreign Section 702 targets will unquestionably continue if for no reason other than the FBI will almost certainly generate new issues of compliance related to its querying practices. That debate will sharpen each time a new FISC opinion related to its oversight of Section 702 is released in redacted form, and there will be many who will excoriate the FISC for refusing to say no to a history of government noncompliance.
No, however, is not among the statutory options that FISA provides to the FISC. Congress recognizes the critical role that authorities like the Section 702 surveillance program play in protecting the nations security: producing intelligence product that the House Intelligence Committee has described as unique, unavailable from any other source, and regularly provid[ing] critically important insights and operationally actionable intelligence on terrorists and foreign intelligence targets around the world. FISA includes the congressional mandate that the Section 702 program be conducted consistently with the Fourth Amendment. In carefully balancing the nations security with its cherished constitutional principles, Congress has fashioned a role for the FISC that calls for oversight, review and correctionrather than terminationwhen surveillance practices encroach on those constitutional precepts. Viewed from this perspective, the Boasberg opinions of 2018, 2019 and 2020 addressed, and resolved, the compliance issues presented with each of the governments annual Section 702 submissions precisely as FISA requires.
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To Oversee or to Overrule: What is the Role of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court Under FISA Section 702? - Lawfare
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Let’s talk about stare decisis on the Warren Court – Reason
Posted: at 5:10 am
Edward v. Vannoy is a fascinating case. It reveals raw fractures on the Court between Justice Kagan and Justice Kavanaugh, and I would add Chief Justice Roberts. However, perhaps the most tiring aspect of the case is the caterwauling about stare decisis. At this point, Justice Kagan needs to prepare a macro. Her copy-and-paste dissents about precedent are repetitive. She has made her point, and can only repeat it over and over again.
Still, I thought Justice Gorsuch had a poignant response. Last year, I joked that stare decisis is an old Latin phrase that means "Let the decisions of the Warren Court stand." Gorsuch seems to agree. He wrote:
The dissent criticizes today's decision as a departure from modern habeas precedent. Post, at 2; post, at 3, n. 2; post, at 1213. But the dissent's history is selective. The dissent champions decisions from the 1950s, '60s, and '70s. But it disregards how those decisions departed from a century of this Court's precedents and the common law before that. Supra, at 58. At the same time, the dissent's account overlooks this Court's precedents refusing to afford retroactive application in every case since the 1980s. Post, at 1011; post, at 12, n. 7. The dissent may prefer decisions within a particular 30-year window. But it is too much to say this preference is required to "[r]espect[] stare decisis." Post, at 1, n. 1.
Justice Kagan and her colleagues are keen to extoll the precedents established by the Warren Court. But left unsaid is how those decisions had zero respect for precedent.
Randy and I have added a chapter on Criminal Procedure for the 4th Edition of our casebook. In the process, I re-read many of the leading Warren Court CrimPro decisions. And I approached these cases from the perspective of constitutional law, rather than the nuances of law enforcement. I was struck, over and over again, at how willy-nilly the Warren Court nullified precedents. There were no discussions of reliance interests. In some cases, cases were overruled in footnotes, almost as an afterthought. Consider a few examples.
Mapp v. OhiooverruledWolf v. Colorado. In that case, the defendant did not ask the Court to overrule the case, but an amici did! Today, amici are invited to defend precedents. But in the 1960s, amici were invited to attack precedents. The Court explained the posture in a footnote.
Other issues have been raised on this appeal but, in the view we have taken of the case, they need not be decided. Although appellant chose to urge what may have appeared to be the surer ground for favorable disposition and did not insist that Wolf be overruled, the amicus curiae, who was also permitted to participate in the oral argument, did urge the Court to overrule Wolf.
Justice Harlan's dissent lamented this lack of "judicial restraint"
In overruling the Wolf case the Court, in my opinion, has forgotten the sense of judicial restraint which, with due regard for stare decisis, is one element that should enter into deciding whether a past decision of this Court should be overruled
The legend of Gideon v. Wainright is well known. The Court appointed Abe Fortas to represent the famous prisoner. And the Court "requested both sides to discuss in their briefs and oral arguments the following: 'Should this Court's holding in Betts v. Brady be reconsidered?'" Again, the Court was chomping at the bit to overrule a longstanding precedent.
Miranda v. Arizona overruled two precedents in Footnote 48. There was no discussion of stare decisis:
In accordance with our holdings today and in Escobedo v. Illinois, Crooker v. California (1958) and Cicenia v. Lagay (1958), are not to be followed.
Katz v. United Statesfamously overruledOlmestead v. United States. Katz found that the "underpinnings" of Olmstead "have been so eroded by our subsequent decisions that the 'trespass' doctrine there enunciated can no longer be regarded as controlling." The word stare decisis does not appear in the decision.
Justice Black regretted this decision in dissent:
It is the Court's opinions in this case andBergerwhich, for the first time since 1791, when the Fourth Amendment was adopted, have declared that eavesdropping is subject to Fourth Amendment restrictions and that conversations can be "seized."* I must align myself with all those judges who up to this year have never been able to impute such a meaning to the words of the Amendment.
And so on.
Why should the decisions of the Warren Court get stare decisis value, when the Warren Court gave so little deference to earlier, long-standing cases? Justice Kagan's preference to stare decisis should extend to cases that Justice Brennan did not join.
One final note onVannoy. Justice Kagan uses the word pre-butting:
On the last page or so of its merits discussion (before it turns to pre-butting this dissent), the majority eliminates the watershed exception, declaring it "long past time" to do so.
I checked. First time the word appears in any federal case. I love it.
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Let's talk about stare decisis on the Warren Court - Reason
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Daily Bulletin: No Charges for Officers Who Killed Andrew Brown Jr. – The Trace
Posted: at 5:10 am
What to Know Today
North Carolina prosecutor says shooting of Andrew Brown Jr. was justified.Theverdictfrom Pasquotank County District Attorney Andrew Womble offered a starkly different picture of the April 21 incident than Browns family, whose lawyers have called the shooting an execution. Brown was killed while in his car after officers served him a search warrant. Womble released a portion of bodycam footage on Tuesday while saying officers were justified in using fatal force because Browns vehicle posed a deadly threat. The footage shows a chaotic scene in which Browns car is backing up as armed officers swarm him, and then driving away as they fire upon him. The family and the North Carolina attorney generalcalledon a state court to release all bodycam footage, not just the portion of relatively low-quality video released Tuesday, which did not necessarily line up with eyewitness reports. During his press conference, Wombleaddedthat deputies on the scene knew that Brown was not known to carry weapons and was unarmed during the fatal encounter. To say this shooting was justified, despite the known facts, is both an insult and a slap in the face to Andrews family, the Elizabeth City community and to rational people everywhere,reada statement from Browns family counsel.
With gun violence testing his agenda, Larry Krasner easily wins primary fight.The progressive prosecutor, who worked to dismantle the tough-on-crime policies of his predecessors, faced fierce blowback among police unions and their allies. Opposing forces seized on the citys elevated rates of gun violence homicides were up40 percentlast year and threw their weight behind former city prosecutor Carlos Vega. But Krasnereasilyheld off by Vega by more than 40,000 votes. Related:Though Krasner won, his reform agenda is facing a number of headwinds as my colleague J. Brian Charlesreportedlast week.
Dissident NRA board member is fundraising to appeal the bankruptcy ruling.Phillip Journey, a Kansas judge who previously spearheaded an effort to get an independent examiner appointed during the groups bankruptcy proceedings, is trying to raise $100,000 to launch an appeal to a Texass judges decision last week to dismiss the bankruptcy push as lacking good faith. While Journey testified against NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre during the hearings, he is also wary of the New York attorney generals ongoing attempt to dissolve the organization entirely. So, asThe Reload reports, Journey is hoping to keep the bankruptcy alive, have a trustee take over NRA operations, and have a committee of NRA members chart the organizations reorganization. Board members Owen Buz Mills and Rocky Marshall are supporting Journey.ICYMI:In ourmost recent weekly newsletter, Will Van Sant previewed the road ahead for the NRA after its court loss. Among other things, experts told him a bankruptcy appeal was a long shot. (You can sign up for The Weeklyhere.)
Supreme Court unanimously rules against warrantless gun seizure for man being evaluated for suicide.The high courtruledthat police violated the Fourth Amendments prohibition on unreasonable search and seizure when taking a Rhode Island mans guns from his home after he agreed to go to the hospital following a dispute with his wife. The court said exceptions to the Fourth Amendment that previously allowed a warrantless search of vehicles or other public settings do not apply to the home.
Man charged over Capitol insurrection under house arrest for firearms violations.Patrick Montgomery, a Colorado resident, was indicted in federal court on several counts, including assaulting a police officer on January 6. But after learning of a March incident in which Montgomery shot and killed a mountain lion with a handgun, prosecutorssayhe violated theterms of his pretrial release, which included a restriction on possessing guns.
$25 million the funding earmarked for an Office of Violence Prevention in Austin, Texas, last summer that is supposed to go toward community violence intervention programs. With the city facing still-elevated gun violence this year, a city council member is attempting to expedite the launch. [Austin American-Statesman]
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Daily Bulletin: No Charges for Officers Who Killed Andrew Brown Jr. - The Trace
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