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Daily Archives: April 19, 2021
Consumers Shifted Credit Payment Behaviors in the US and Other Global Markets as a Result of COVID-19 – StreetInsider.com
Posted: April 19, 2021 at 7:07 am
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CHICAGO, April 14, 2021 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- In times of crisis, repayment prioritization of credit products often provides a clearer view of how consumers are meeting the financial burdens they face. A new TransUnion (NYSE: TRU) Global Payment Hierarchy study found that the COVID-19 pandemic had a pronounced effect in a short period of time on how people paid their debts, particularly when faced with financial stress. In the United States, the changes were prominent across multiple credit products, with consumers clearly prioritizing their mortgage loan payments over auto loans and credit cards.
TransUnion has tracked payment hierarchy dynamics for more than a decade, including how these patterns changed in the U.S. following the Great Recession and in many other countries when they have encountered localized financial challenges, said Charlie Wise, head of global research and consulting at TransUnion. This study is unique in that it highlights how and why payment dynamics changed in different countries as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic a global crisis that has impacted consumers worldwide. These insights will better equip both financial institutions and consumers, fostering more trustworthy interactions between them as the world begins to normalize and recover from the pandemic.
Credit Cards v. Personal Loans What is the World Prioritizing?
TransUnion analyzed and compared trends for wallet profiles that are popular across the countries studied, including the United States, Canada, Colombia, India and South Africa. The study observed within each country those consumers with one or more credit cards and at least one personal loan, to identify if any changes took place in the payment hierarchy. To determine which credit product was prioritized over the other, TransUnion observed payment performance of the credit products over a 12-month time period, including whether or not one of the credit cards or personal loans went at least 30 days delinquent.
In the U.S., the study observed that personal loans were prioritized when consumers possessed multiple credit cards, though the gap between delinquency ratesindicating the degree of preferencenarrowed during the pandemic. Similar trends were seen in Canada and India, which suggests that credit cards took on increased importance during the pandemic and that consumers were more focused on keeping their cards in good standing by making timely payments.
A flip in the payment hierarchy happened during the pandemic in South Africa as credit cards were prioritized over personal loans, reversing the pre-pandemic hierarchy in favor of personal loans. Colombian credit usage showed no clear prioritization of either product until March 2020, when more value was placed on personal loans.
An interesting dynamic occurred in the U.S. and other countries wherein the payment hierarchy flipped for those consumers possessing only one credit card and at least one personal loan. In those cases, credit cards were prioritized during the pandemic, in contrast to the pre-pandemic preference for personal loans. In the U.S., this particular group comprised approximately 20% of the overall study population. This shift further demonstrates the increased importance of credit cards for consumers during the pandemic and the need to maintain access to this valuable source of credit. For those consumers with at least one credit card and at least one personal loan, on average, U.S. consumers possess three credit cards and one personal loan.
Personal Loans Mostly Prioritized Over Credit Cards
*30 or more day delinquency rate at 12 months for consumers who possess at least one credit card and personal loan.
But Dynamic Shifts if Consumers Only Possess One Credit Card
**30 or more day delinquency rate at 12 months for consumers who possess one credit card and personal loan.
Cash was clearly not king during the early parts of the pandemic. Millions of people opted to use their credit cards to make digital transactions from the safety of their home for groceries, clothes or other everyday items, said Matt Komos, TransUnions head of research and consulting in the U.S. If you only have one credit card and you were worried about visiting stores at the height of the pandemic, theres a strong likelihood you will preserve that card to continue spending and making digital transactions. If you possess three cards, though, its far more likely that you will go delinquent on one of them before you do so with a personal loan if you are facing financial hardship, as many consumers can continue to get by as long as they have access to at least one card.
These findings were corroborated by a global survey of 2,667 consumers who possessed credit products in Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Hong Kong, India, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States. Consumers across the globe recognized that there will be consequences if they miss at least one payment of any of their credit products. For instance, more than half (53%) of global respondents with a credit card said they expected to receive a call from their lender if they missed one payment.
The negative implication of a missed payment to a credit score was understood most by credit card and personal loan holders. Approximately 68% of credit card holders and 65% of consumers with personal loans said a consequence of a missed payment would result in a lower credit score. Comparatively, consumers with auto loans (55%) and mortgages (57%) were not as aware of this consequence.
Deeper Dive Into U.S. Payment Hierarchy Dynamics Shows Mortgage is Priority #1
In the U.S., TransUnion also conducted a payment hierarchy study focusing on the three most popular credit products in the country auto loans, credit cards and mortgages. Approximately 27.8 million consumers held all three loans as of Q3 2020, and mortgages were clearly prioritized over the other credit products. This dynamic has held true since Q4 2017.
The pandemic, though, has caused even greater prioritization of mortgages over the other credit products. For those consumers possessing auto loans, credit cards, and mortgages, the 30+ days past due delinquency rate at 12 months following observation was lowest for mortgages, at 0.75%, as of Q3 2020. Auto loans had the second lowest delinquency rate at 1.13%, followed by credit cards at 1.95%. This is very likely connected to the growth in home prices over the last several years as housing markets across the country have remained strong, and consumers desire to protect the equity in their homes. As well, as lockdowns and the shift to work/school from home permeated during the pandemic, keeping current on home loan payments took on increased importance in 2020.
Consumers Prioritizing Mortgages Above All Other Major Credit Products
**30+ days past due rate at 12 months for those borrowers possessing all three credit products.
Mortgage is once again the clear priority for U.S. borrowers, said Komos. The mantra, you cant drive your home to work doesnt have the same effect when millions of Americans are waking up, showering, eating breakfast and taking only a few steps to their home office.
In addition to more people working from home and rising home values, mortgage loan performance is likely benefitting from thousands of mortgage borrowers entering accommodation programs soon after the onset of the pandemic. The study points to both subprime and near prime credit risk mortgage borrowers benefitting the most from these programs as they were able to delay payments and maintain their accounts.
Similar to the global study comparing credit card and personal loan performance, prioritization of payments shifted if a consumer possessed only one card. Of the 27.8 million U.S. consumers in the study possessing an auto loan, credit card and mortgage, only 5.3 million people had one credit card in their wallet. For this subset of the population, mortgage remains the clear priority, but consumers with only one credit card valued it more than their auto loan beginning in Q2 2020. This shift suggests the heightened importance of maintaining access to at least one credit card as online commerce and digital transactions have become a daily necessity for many U.S. households.
Survey data highlight that U.S. consumers valued their mortgages over other loans because the credit product has the highest perceived value of all expenses. Furthermore, six in 10 U.S. consumers expected to receive a call from their lender if they missed one mortgage payment and more than half (52%) said their missed payment would have a negative impact to their credit score. Nearly one in five consumers (17%) said they would experience foreclosure or their home would be repossessed if they miss a mortgage payment.
The pandemic has changed so much in the world, but understanding why consumers are making important credit decisions only serves to better help the lending ecosystem in the future, concluded Komos.
To learn more about consumer payment prioritization shifts during the pandemic, register for TransUnions April 22 webinar here. For more information about TransUnions Global Payment Hierarchy Report, please click here.
About TransUnion (NYSE: TRU)TransUnion is a global information and insights company that makes trust possible in the modern economy. We do this by providing a comprehensive picture of each person so they can be reliably and safely represented in the marketplace. As a result, businesses and consumers can transact with confidence and achieve great things. We call this Information for Good.
A leading presence in more than 30 countries across five continents, TransUnion provides solutions that help create economic opportunity, great experiences and personal empowerment for hundreds of millions of people.
http://www.transunion.com/business
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Beth Simps is Empowering Women on Tik Tok with Business Blurb’s New Initiative – Influencive
Posted: at 7:07 am
According to Inc, over the past two decades, the number of female entrepreneurs has increased by 114%. Women in business is the latest trend as more and more small businesses are being opened by female entrepreneurs. The popular business and entrepreneurial media conglomerate, Business Blurb has set out to emphasize that entrepreneurship is thriving amongst females.
Bethany Simpson has teamed up with Business Blurb to help highlight female-run businesses amongst their hundreds of thousands of followers.
Bethany Simpson, better known as Beth Simps is a rising social media star, with over 600,000 Tik Tok followers on her personal account. Simpson creates acting POVs and videos about what its like to attend a performing arts school. She is currently in her final semester at Columbia College in Chicago, with big plans to move to Los Angeles post-grad.
The media company also recently launched a new podcast called Women Running Businesses which is available on YouTube, Spotify, and most major streaming platforms. Francisca Li, a Honors Information Technology and Systems & Finance student at The University of Texas at Dallas is kicking off Season I as the host. The podcast is described as a weekly podcast that dives deeper into the minds of successful female entrepreneurs.
Business Blurb Women is a new initiative designed to highlight, inspire and empower female entrepreneurs worldwide. Brendan Cox, founder of Business Blurb, recently told Disrupt Magazine that Entrepreneurship is becoming more and more prominent amongst women around the world and we wanted to create a special platform to highlight female visionaries in the business space.
Along with running her personal Tiktok account, Bethany also creates content for Business Blurb Women. This page centers around videos of motivational speakers, womens empowerment, and unique examples of female entrepreneurs in the business industry. She uses her already-established personal platform to do so, by encouraging her audience (which is made up of of mostly young girls) to follow Business Blurb Women.
When I asked Simpson why she decided to team up with Business Blurb Women, she emphasized that I aim to be a positive light for the young girls who watch me. I aim to inspire them to be the best versions of themselves, and Business Blurb Women was the perfect opportunity to do just that.
Published April 17th, 2021
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She Kills Monsters brings empowerment and fantasy to the stage – The Volante
Posted: at 7:07 am
The play will premiere via livestream at the Knutson Theatre April 22-25. Submitted | The Volante
The upcoming USD production of She Kills Monsters empowers women through adventure and growth. Premiering via livestream at the Knutson Theatre April 22-25, She Kills Monsters brings strong, complex LGBTQ+ characters to the stage.
Senior theatre studies major and acting, stage management and technical directing emphasis, LD Dowell plays Tilly in She Kills Monsters.
Dowell said her character builds strong relationships between the other characters in the play and builds a community on stage.
Director Ann-Houston Campbell uses different techniques to add depth the characters, Dowell said.
We have done a lot of journaling work and (Campbell) has encouraged us to think about a lot of different aspects of the show and our characters and this has helped us to develop unique relationships with each other that are true to the story, Dowell said.
She Kills Monsters was written by Qui Nguyen and centers around Agnes who has lost her family in a car accident. The plays combines reality and fantasy to empower the female and LGBTQ+ characters.
Freshman musical theatre major Skyla Sanders plays Kaliope/Kelly in the production.
Sanders said her character brought new challenges to the role.
One challenge that Ive faced in my role is portraying a character who isnt an everyday human being, but instead, a creature who exists because of a game, Sanders said, Its forced me to find a new approach to knowing my motives for the choices I make and the things I say.
Since the production faces heavy topics such as sexuality, Dowell said Campbells directing has helped her to separate herself from her character.
One thing (Campbell) has done that has helped us is the putting on of our characters at the beginning of rehearsal and the taking off of our charactersat the end of rehearsal, Dowell said, The exercise can help the actor differentiate the characters heavy topics versus the actors personal topics and emotions.
Sanders said she enjoys being part of She Kills Monsters because it is a new type of play at USD.
This is definitely a stand-out production at USD because it includes themes of female empowerment, mourning, and the LGBTQ+ community, Sanders said.
Sanders also said the play has been a learning experience about energy and performing as an actor .
Ive learned that theatre is really built on energy; the energy of one person can affect everyone around them and can affect the quality of the performance and the energy of an audience can have a tremendous amount of impact, Sanders said.
To learn more about the production or to attend the livestream performances, visit usd.edu/theatre.
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Kid Cudi’s Off-White SNL Appearance Is Another Sign That Dresses For Men Are Becoming the Norm – GQ
Posted: at 7:07 am
Cudi and I have history that goes back 10 years. He was on the set of a film shooting on an odd time zone and goes, I need a dress for SNL. I said, Say no more. Im on it.
The silhouette differs from Kurts dress, which is more grunge girlborrowed from Courtney (or one of her acolytes). This ones more borrowed from a hot woman at brunch, or the bridesmaid stealing the show at her best friends wedding. Can you say more about the silhouette?
100%, youre catching the nuance. For me, this moment exemplifies the power garments possess to tell a story. Thats the essence of Off-White since its inception. Derail the notion that fashion only tells stories that my culture consumes, but harness the potential and tell our own stories.
Garments travel. That dress and all Cudis looks have an homage to Kurt Cobain and Chris Farley. The heritage of the setting was important from the beginning. The dress fits the way it does precisely on purpose. It doesnt cop out at the very end and get loose at the top so it looks more safe. No, its a dress from a loved ones closet. Cudi and I are faux against the grain for fun, we really are independent thinkers.
For me, it represents personal empowerment despite any social norm. It vehemently represents confidence. Its Cudi knocking on your television screen saying, Hey! Be yourself. Day one fans of Cudi know that he isnt the norm. He has only ever been himself.
Tell me about the word PATTERN across the bodice of the dress? Pattern like a cut and sew dress? Pattern like Kurt wrote the rule book?
Off-White has a history with the word Pattern on all over prints. Its an entendre to mean all things. In my mind, thats how garments leap from reality to mean something more. So youre onto it all. It means it all.
The dress and the skirt seem to be taking over menswear. You had a lot of them in your LV show; weve got Harry in Chopova skirts and Gucci gowns... and the wearers always look so at ease, liberated. And of course they do: dresses are comfortable! (No wonder Greek philosophers wore them.) What Im getting at is where you think the dress fits into the landscape of menswear now? As Cudi demonstrated, it now seems less about provocation (as it did with, say, the NY Dolls, or even perhaps with Thugga) and more about comfort and freedom. But maybe you disagree! Is the dress displacing the mens suit as the norm from which other fashion deviates or derives? Or do you see it in another way?
The beauty about now, is our generation, piece by piece, can dismantle norms. 2020 was a year of reckoning about how the system in place that governs us as people is out of date. My work exists in the space of pop culture. Gender norms and racial freedoms are amongst the most important things in society that need to be updated. As a fashion designer, moments like this let me know that there is space for intellect and risk for the sake of expanding space. I could care less about the attention. I hope today theres some kid in middle America that feels empowered by what Cudi used our privilege and platform to do.
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From Here To Equality (FHTE) Reparationist Quick Guide Issue 3 – Moguldom
Posted: at 7:07 am
Steven C. Cannon
Friday Jones
Ellen Scully-Russ
Apr 15, 2021
The FHTE (From Here to Equality) Reparationist Quick Guide Response was initially established in October of 2020, as the ADOS Reparationist Quick Guide, and is designed to be a civic engagement resource for anyone. It allows supporters to take an ownership share in our online social justice advocacy. Authorship is being encouraged from every sector and community of citizens concerned with restorative justice for black AmericanDescendants of Slavery (i.e., ADOS) by the closing of the black-white racial wealth gap. The book From here to equality: Reparations for black Americans in the twentieth century (Darity & Mullen, 2020) will serve as our base source for the volumes invited authors. Each issue will contain reparations-related topics and five quick points from featured guest authors who offer their responses to commonly held questions raised and positions taken in opposition to reparations.
The multi-generational inherited disadvantages of slavery and the inability to transfer wealth to ADOS descendants have been significant contributors to the marginalized class status of this ethnic group. This series is published to encourage study and dialogue. It is an instrument for personal empowerment. The guide creates a space for the civic engagement and participation of Reparationists in national coalition-building, including petitioning for significant revision (or replacement) of the bill H.R. 40 (S.1083) currently under consideration in the U.S. Congress.
1. How did the Japanese Americans get reparations before black Americans?
Japanese Americans were successful in obtaining reparations from the United States government, in part, because their claim was specific to a defined group, and identified the particular harms committed within a date-defined time frame. Like the Japanese claim native black Americans have a date-defined time frame for our claim, 1776 to the present. Japanese Americans benefited from the presence of two elected officials in each house of Congress who were fully committed to a plan for restitution that incorporated direct payments to eligible recipients. And the primary organization that led the lobbying effort, the Japanese American Citizens League, had a similar commitmentunlike NAARC and NCOBRA who want thefunds to be funneled through a National Reparations Trust Authority.
Though certainly not an easy victory many of the victims were living when the demand and approval of U.S. reparations was granted to Japanese Americans. Nevertheless, there are other instances of reparations where the direct victims are no longer with us and their heirs and descendants have been compensated (e.g., federal government payments to the families who lost loved ones during the 9/11 attacks), including the heirs and descendants of victims of the Nazi Holocaust.
Moreover, in the context of black American descendants of US slavery, the effects of slavery carry over to the living descendants in part because no restitution was given at the end of the Civil War. But also, there are still many living victims of Jim Crow, and the case for ADOS reparations is not based on slavery alone. Chattel slavery was the initial atrocity inflicted upon black Americans; however, the injuries and demand for redress span subsequent generations.
Reflective juxtaposition to the Japanese American justice award is very much in order relative to the contemporary ADOS reparations project. The native black Americans hold a historical claim for justice outstanding for over 150 years. Groups who have identified as people of color or have voluntarily immigrated to America do not share the same specificity of grievances outlined for the formerly enslaved and their descendants. As mentioned in prior Issues 1 and 2 of the From Here to Equality Reparationist Quick Guide (FRQG), other racial or ethnic groups are within their prerogative to make a separate and distinct claim for repair from the U.S. government.
The black American claim is not a social equity project. It is a lineage-based project of equality with direct payments used to rectify the racial wealth chasm caused by the past and ongoing offenses. For example, The first indictment must be the failure to fulfill the promise of the Special field Order No. 15 grant of forty acres and a mule to families who had been enslaved. Had that promise been kept had ex-slaves been given a substantial endowment in southern real estateit is likely that there would be no need for reparations to be under consideration now. (FTHE, p. 207-208, paragraph 2).
2. What role does the U.S. Census have relative to a reparations project and national coalition-building?
The U.S. Census is a valuable tool in identifying, enumerating, and locating black American descendants of U.S. chattel slavery for whom reparations are merited. Law Professor Boris Bittker discussed a technique for estimating the reparations bill due based on black and white per capita income. However, even that metric is insufficient or appropriate as reparations should be based upon the wealth gap, not an income gap. Unfortunately, the Census does not offer wealth data for the necessary purposes of calculating the bill which is more appropriately found by extracting from the Federal Reserve Boards Survey of Consumer Finances.
A black American reparations outlay of the type proposed by Darity and Mullen (2020), would be centered on wealth disparities, not income. The U.S. Census could serve as one important instrument in the toolbox for group identification. For example, from an educational perspective, Census data can assist with targeted civic engagement messaging and strategies that can build popular support for and understanding about U.S reparations for Americans; particularly among tertiary non-white groups (i.e., POCs) where forms of bigotry and anti-blackdiscrimination toward ABAL ethnics are sometimes disregarded.
3. Why does the plan for reparation have to center black Americans when all people of color face discrimination and need repair?
Discrimination is an abhorrent human practice and must be discouraged. While some racial and ethnic groups have a shared experience of discrimination in common with black Americans, they do not share centuries of history in America that was not only baked into the Constitution of the emerging Republic but that also literally became institutionalized and perpetuated (by law and force of government) in the society. Also, no other group experienced the same processes that separated their level of wealth from white levels of wealth. The legacy of enslavement for blacks in America included a perpetual exclusion from full citizenship and civil rights.
4. How do people who are not from the Ancestral Black American Lineage (ABAL) ethnic group help them obtain reparations?
People who are not ABAL ethnics can assist the reparations movement by investing in self-education on the historic claim for reparations (e.g., reading From Here to Equality) to best understand the urgency of long-overdue restitution. Advocates (i.e., Reparationists) can incorporate support for black American reparations into their national advocacy platforms and insist candidates in pursuit of elected office have a clearly defined reparations plan consistent with those advanced by Darity and Mullen (2020). Reparationists should use their social, civic, and political organs for black American reparations political advocacy such as social media platforms and online groups. Examples of contemporary mass public advocacy movements that can serve as a guide include, Moral Mondays activism in North Carolina, the #ADOS movement, the Black Lives Matter Movement, as well as, on the opposite side of the political spectrum, the rise of the Tea Party and MAGA movements, all representing passionate citizen advocacy. Engaging young Americans to do informed social justice work can serve to energize the push for black reparations. (FTHE p. 270, paragraph 3).
5. If reparations are because of how black people suffer from racial discrimination, why would there be any resistance to include the global black family in this claim?
ABAL ethnics are United States citizens, and the demand for reparations is unique and specific to chattel slavery, and legal segregationand their ramifications are the primary causes of the demand for reparations. It is a specific lineage that is not shared by all those who may necessarily self-identify as black. The ABAL ethnic reparations project is not a restorative justice claim or movement for all people who identify as black. Its focus does not include those who may have a history of enslavement via the trans-Atlantic slave trade in other parts of the world or have been subjected to European colonization. All of those members of the African diaspora have legitimate claims for reparations, but not from the United States government. They have claims that should be directed at the countries that colonized and enslaved them.
The U.S. black American reparations movement dates to at least the 18th century, as an economic justice and repair solution for the formerly enslaved people and their descendants. For example, even Thomas Paine called for land reparations for those he hoped would be granted to the formerly enslaved. And certainly, the unfulfilled promise of 40 acres land grants predates Callie Houses efforts. Yet, Callie D. Guy House [] took up the cause of the ex-slaves after seeing a copy ofthe pamphlet Vaughans Freedmans Pension Bill: A Plea for American Freedmen, which began circulating in black communities in central Tennessee around 1890. (FTHE, p. 77, paragraph 1). House most certainly was a very important figure in the historical fight for black restitution, but the reparations project did not begin with her.
6. What is the authority and scope of State governments that would make it different fromwhat the Federal government would do about reparations?
Comparatively, the ability of the Federal Government to meet the bill of a national reparations project is a significantly larger budget than any single (or combination) of states and municipalities in America. All states and municipalities have a combined budget amounting to $3.1 trillion. Collectively, the various Federal department and bureaus, per the 2020 Congressional Budget Office data, showed a $5.8 trillion outlay. The Congressional funding response to the pandemic in the forms of the CARES Act and the American Rescue Plan demonstrate that additional large sums of monies can be mobilized rapidly without raising taxes.
This author holds that the closing of the black-white racial wealth gap must privilege direct cash payouts to eligible recipients (an estimated 40 million Americans). It is reasonable to spread the monetary outlays realized over a
designated period; for example, ten years to mitigate the inflation risk. Or perhaps, proposed restitution plans should mirror the close to 250 years of bondage and atrocities suffered by slaves and their descendants. Nevertheless, it is time to reframe the pure reparations conversation from a position of both knowledge and power. If France, for over 187 years, as an enslaver country can exact, ironically and unjustly, a reparations debt from the people of Haiti who they held in bondage, it seems only fitting that the United States be a model for justice by paying reparations to the enslaved people group and their descendants who it harmed and disenfranchised.
7. Under what circumstance could a State reparations plan override a Federaldirective?
Absent a federal reparations legislation and policy, state governments have free reign to undercut the need for a national program. Article VI, paragraph 2, of theU.S. Constitution, establishes that Federal law generally takes precedence over state law (i.e., preemption) and that includes a States Constitution. This was also deemed the case following the outcome of the Civil War. Since there is no current federal reparations policy in place on behalf of ABAL ethnics, it leaves the descendants of U.S. chattel slavery (i.e., ADOS) highly vulnerable.
In fact, in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, the anti-Freedmen laws that were adopted were known as the Black Codes. Although the minstrel character JimCrow was introduced as early as the 1830s, his representation came to serve as acultural meme to represent anti-black laws in the post-Civil War period. National neglect of jurisprudential protections exposed the Freedmen to harsh laws established at the discretion of the states.
Hence, it is important to remind readers that the self-advocacy and civic participation of citizens in their respective locales is crucial toward directing national or local reparations efforts. Darity and Mullen (2020) insist that Instead of seeking piecemeal reparations on a one-by-one basis, activists should push these institutions to join the lobbying effort for congressional approval of black Reparations. (FHTE, p. 269, paragraph 5).
8. How might state reparations inhibit a federal reparations project or a grassroots advocacy effort?
The Evanston Illinois local reparations effort is instructive in this regard. It has been presented by some in the media as a national model for black American reparations. However, Evanston is a municipal government, neither a state nor a federal government. Its housing voucher program is not an effective prelude to true reparations at the national level; in fact, it may function as a diversion.
For example, basic parameters Ancestor/Direct Descendant of Evanston that experienced housing discrimination between 1919 and 1969 can apply for a benefit up to $25,000 for a home down payment assistance and/or home improvements, for a property in Evanston. An applicant may also claim either Black or African American ancestry and show that they had experienced housing discrimination due to City ordinance, policy, or practice after 1969. Applicants must use an FDIC-insured institution for the mortgage. Currently, the fund comes from private sources and a three-percent Municipal Cannabis tax. The projected funding from a cannabis excise tax totals $10 million, but as of April 2021, only $400,000 is available to meet 16 claims.
In summary, despite whatever efforts local, municipal, or state actors may take to repair acts of discrimination endured by its citizens, they will not substitute (nor satisfy the bill) for the massive debt owed by the United States Government to black Americans who are the descendants of slaves.
9. How do prior Civil Rights legislation and successful lawsuits serve as a guide for a reparations project?
Legal segregation (i.e., legal apartheid) and Jim Crow laws in the United States were set to end fifty years ago via the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965. The big problem is that the courts are not a mechanism for producing a comprehensive,national program for reparations (FHTE, pp. 24, paragraph6). Federal affirmative action (AA) policy has been used to desegregate elites, chiefly in employment, university admissions and government procurement. (FHTE, p. 248, paragraph 4), yet it has been white women who have been its largest beneficiaries.
Affirmative action in terms of policy has not been a guarantee or protection from anti-black racism, nor did it ever provide restitution for past harm. Many today lament the fact that Civil Rights providing racial preferences for black Americans have been eroded. However, affirmative action focuses largely on employment and access to universities, so it does not have a direct impact on wealthand the expected indirect effect may be weaker than some economists believe.
In 1997, the class action suit of Pigford vs Glickman served as a landmark discrimination case which asserted that the USDA officials in counties across the country violated the Equal Opportunity Credit Act. The case was successfully argued by Alexander J. Pires Jr., and in 1999 a $1.25 billion settlement was reached. The Washington Post writes that the suits settlement was designed to erase the farmers debts to government creditors, put $50,000 in each of their pockets, and give black applicants priority for new loans. However, this was not a model for national black American reparations. We now know this settlement has not resulted in wide benefits for the black farmers harmed.
The recent American Rescue Plan sets aside $5 billion for farmers who have experienced distress (not necessarily all of whom are black). Darity (2021) andother scholars contend that this was a pittance relative to the magnitude of what black American farmers are owed. Moreover, the settlement put a burden of proof on the black farmers for evidence of past discrimination while not demanding that farmers be granted access to USDA records to assert their claims. Farmers were not granted access to bank records to support their claims while neighboring white farmers had easily obtained loans. The case is instructive for those advancing the H.R.40 bill, without essential edits. The proposed legislation, as currently written, is misdirected and can be detrimental toward achieving a viable black American reparations project.
Similarly, in 1997, the Oklahoma legislature authorized funding for a Commission to study the Tulsa Riot of 1921. Three years later, it recommended the 125survivors be paid reparations. The commissions restorative justice plans alsospecified solutions such as scholarships, and economic development zone, thereburial of any human remains that might be found. (FHTE, pp. 18;19, paragraphs 6;1). Unfortunately, the Oklahoma legislature enacted no mandate to act and made no payments. If the eligible group (ABAL ethnics) is not vigilant in the construction of our reparations project, we have the potential to be in the same poor position as those families who survived the Tulsa massacre, yet received no reparations.
10. How might States go about administering a decentralized Federal reparations program?
This author holds that States should not be directed to allocate a Federal reparations program. Decentralization of authority over federal programs with potential benefits for black Americans has a horrendous history (see the GI Bill in FHTE, pp. 247-248). Historically, the constitutionality of states rights has been harmful in delivering programs initiated to provide targeted relief and equality for black Americans (as previously indicated via AA programs).
In their book From Here to Equality, Darity and Mullen (2020) recommend the formation of a National Reparations Bureau. This author contends that the Freedmans Bureau should be reestablished and maintained as is the case for Native Americans who benefit from the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). The native black American-focused bureau should have access to every US government department and be able to introduce policy and protections on behalf of ABAL ethnics who are the descendant of the formerly enslaved group. The Bureau should remain as a standing government agency for the duration of the process of acknowledgment, redress, and closure (ARC) to fulfill the reparations project.
11. How can a focus on reparations enhance anti-racism initiatives underway in adulteducation and workforce development institutions?
Anti-racism initiatives are conscious efforts to dismantle racist structures in education and workforce organizations and programs. Reparations for black Americans who are the descendants of the formerly enslaved would include a program ofacknowledgment, redress, and closure (FHTE, p 2-4), hence providing a robust framework to guide this challenging, anti-racism work.
Acknowledgment: The case for reparations is the story of the intergenerational history of white supremacy in American and the harmful effects on black lives today. One cannot understand structural racism, its impact on our education and workforce policies and programs, nor how to undertake redress without first understanding how this history has given rise to the racialized education structures and programs we operate today. Once exposed, we must then acknowledge how the American education and workforce systems intentionally privilege whites and disadvantage blacks. White educators, in particular, are being called upon to recognize their advantages and commit to a reparations program of redress for ABAL ethnics.
Redress is required to eliminate racial disparities in adult education and workforce development programs (and other political-economic institutions) to ensure black people have full access and equal opportunity in education and the workforce.Redress would require systemic change in educational policies, programs, curriculum, and new labor market regulations to close the inequality gap in educational outcomes between whites and blacks in the workplace.
Closure: Mutual conciliation between blacks and all beneficiaries of white supremacy would provide closure and give rise to a transformed, anti-racism nation. The nation needs to have an accurate narrative of slavery, the Civil War, and Reconstruction and reject the Lost Cause narrative that has dominated our national story since the end of the Great War (FHTE, pp. 173, paragraphs 4). Though our anti-racism journey has just begun in America, education and workforce development must help move us towards this end. Indeed, the comprehensive program of reparations (FHTE, pp. 258-270, paragraphs, 2) calls on educators to foster a transformative national process of reinterpretation of history and learning. This initiative must include education on reparations and the impact on black Americans and the entire nation.
12. How can reparations contribute to the new adult education and workforcedevelopment policies required to respond to the social and economic crisis created by theCOVID-19 pandemic?
Perhaps the most critical contribution reparations can make to the development of education and workforce policies that respond to the social and economic crisis created by the COVID-19 pandemic is a historic analysis of the racist education system that leads to poor outcomes for black people in America. Adult education and workforce development in America emanated in part from policies intended to provide a second chance for adults who may have fallen short at their first attempt at education. In reality, however, this author contends that the system has failed ADOS. Examining more deeply the concept of failure among particular groups of adults would go a long way toward reframing the system of adult learning and reposition those black Americans underserved by traditional venues of formal and nonformal adult education.
Specifically, reparations can help practitioners and policymakers understand the legacy of the dual system that tolerated the systemic underinvestment in the education of blacks pre- and post- a formal lifelong learning endeavor. The racial wealth gap highlights how far too many black families and communities lack the resources to provide for quality post-secondary or higher education. Moreover, the lifelong leisure opportunities that non-formal adult education has afforded more economically resourced adults in America are reduced for ADOS men and women. In short, black workers who are from an ancestral heritage shaped by slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and anti-black terrorism and economic discrimination continue to face educational disparities in comparison to whites. The inability to transfer resources and wealth to your children as a direct consequence of the adverse actions taken against black citizens by our government must not be met with erasure or the simplistic lens of equity initiatives.
These disparities notwithstanding, recent trends show that enrollment in adult basic education and workforce development programs has increased during the pandemic. Adults who lost their job are seeking an educational pathway to a more secure career. The time is right to move away from short-term training in second chance skills to support motivated learners in a significant course of study, leading to a valuable credential or training that helps secure a family-supporting job. New program models that will allow learners to earn while learning will encourage adults to complete longer-term programs and foster deep, applied understanding. Tapping other educational funding sources to support adult learners, such as restorative access to Pell grants for certificate-based training, would bolster the quality and quantity of educational opportunities available to black adult learners.
13. Why should adult education and workforce development practitioners and policymakers focus on reparations when it seems training and technical skills are what many black adults need?
We see that education does not have an equalizing effect for blacks in the American labor market. As noted in FHTE, blacks with a college degree can expect to make up to $10,000 per year less than whites who have not completed high school. Further, theblack poverty rate has not changed much since the 1950s, even though black educational attainment has risen over the same period. So, while training may provide black adults with access to new career pathways, it does little to address the racial inequalities that prevent blacks from achieving social and economic equity in America. A focus on reparations and rejection of anti-black discrimination would help practitioners and policymakers address the opportunity gap facing ADOS in education and the labor market. Anti-discrimination policies must be maintained and enforced as reparations alone will not sustain or replace a system of white supremacy with a preferable system of justice.
14. Many adult and workplace education programs include diversity, equity, and inclusion training; why should black American reparations exist as a distinct learning module?
A module on reparations would enhance diversity, equity, and inclusion training in adult and workplace education programs. Adult education focused on reparations can provide essential knowledge of the intergenerational effects of white supremacy on black Americans and the legacy of structural racism in American workplaces and institutions today. This information could lead to awareness among learners about the inequities in their workplace and how their professional attitudes and practices are structured to privilege whites and exclude blacks. The inclusion of a reparations roadmap to equality in the training will provide learners with concrete steps they can take in their organization and lives to address and redress discrimination and create a more open and inclusive workplace culture.
15. As a white person in the field of adult learning where might I begin to educate myself since the field is all but quiet on this topic?
As a white, educated, American woman in my early 60s, I was truly astonished to learn just how little I knew about black slavery, Jim Crow, and the legacy of these atrocities in ongoing systems of racial inequality and racism in America today. Reading Darity and Mullens (2020) From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century was enlightening but also transformative for me as an educator. Additional recommended works include Karolyn Tysons Integration Interrupted, WEB DuBois Black Reconstruction, and Isabel Wilkersons Caste.
In plain language, before reading FHTE, I was ignorant of the inter-generational effects of white supremacy in America on black life and well-being today. The book led me to reflect on my practice and ask myself critically, how can I be an effective adult educator in American without acknowledging the history of white supremacy and its impact on educational opportunity and outcomes for black Americans today? It is imperative that white people in adult learning educate themselves on our racist history and how we can mitigate its effects through a systematic program of black reparations. Darity and Mullens (2020) From Here to Equality is a great resource for white educators and others who choose to embark on a journey of anti-racist self-education.
FRQG Editor, Lisa R. Brown, BS, MPA, University of Akron; Ph.D. Adult Education, University of Georgia @Ambidextrous_X
Special thank you to William Sandy Darity Jr. and A. Kirsten Mullen for their editorial review and contributions to this issue.
From Here to Equality (FHTE) Reparationist Quick Guide Issue 3 sharable hyperlink to the PDF:https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-qtvmjugDq-rdi3OK2tWzjgYCtyJUV6t/view?usp=sharing
Read more:ADOS Reparationist Quick Guide October 2020, Volume 1 Issue 1 Read more: ADOS Reparationist Quick Guide October 2020, Volume 1 Issue 2
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From Here To Equality (FHTE) Reparationist Quick Guide Issue 3 - Moguldom
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The Ms. Q&A With Ani DiFranco: You Have License To Be All the Aspects of Yourself and To Be Unashamed of Them – Ms. Magazine
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Feminists are so often stereotyped as humorless beings by a world that doesnt seem to understand what an uphill battle this life can be for a woman, certainly for a feminist, said musician Ani DiFranco. (Daymon Gardner)
When feminist icon Ani DiFranco first stepped onto the global music scene with a defiant voice and black combat boots, she was just 19 years old.
She had an urgency about her: a mission to publicly dismantle the patriarchy with a charge for her fans to do the same. She was creating her own music, writing song after song in a catalogue that would eventually span to a 20+ album career. She was creating her own record label tooRighteous Babe Recordswhich would not only elevate her voice but also catapult other women into the recording business. She was also educating herself. By age 20, the songwriter was taking classes at The New School in New York, including Feminism 101. She was attempting the complicated tightrope between feminist theory and practice.
Today, when Ani DiFranco speaks, its easy to hear all of that work and care in her voice. She is deeplythoughtful when reaching for language, in a manner that makes evident all the years she has spent having difficult conversations about progress. When she speaks, you can almost see her underlining Audre Lorde and Adrienne Rich in Feminism 101. You can imagine her chatting with Pete Seeger. Learning tactics. Making mistakes. Expanding her ideas of inclusion. Deepening the kind of spirit required to create real and lasting change.
Ms. spoke with DiFranco in the lead up to her April 18 livestream concert, celebrating the release of her new album Revolutionary Love. She spoke with us about poetry, feminism, domestic abuse, shame, allyship and places where vulnerability and strength can co-exist. She was calling in from New Orleans, with her children and dog moving through the background and her head newly shaved. At age 50, she could still feel traces of her younger self and the epic journey that led her there.
Emily Sernaker: How has this time been for you, creativity-wise?
Ani DiFranco: Creatively getting off the touring train has allowed me space and time. I have two kids who are in virtual school. So, in a sense, I have no space or time because were constantly together. But thats also a blessing for somebody like me who was aching for more time with my kids because my job is travel.
Its allowed me to explore some other ideas that Ive had for a long time and never had a chance to, like Righteous Babe Radio. We launched this free 24/7 streaming internet radio, which is a lot of live music from me and my cannon, my musical community, a lot of poetry and spoken word, a lot of unique shows that were generating now. I host Woodys Voice, a biweekly conversation curated by the Woody Guthrie Center in Oklahoma. We also have a Putumayo world music show that were airing. Thats been an amazing new ride. A lot of time, a lot of energyno money. So, it doesnt solve the absence of touring.
Im working on a childrens book. Im working on a musical. All of these sort of long-term creative projects that I probably wouldnt have been able to shoehorn into my packing and unpacking lifestyle. Thats kind of cool, getting an opportunity to change it up creatively.
Sernaker: Its powerful that youre able to help so many artists through Righteous Babe Records. The folksinger Anas Mitchell of Hadestown actually spoke with Ms. about what your generosity meant to her.
DiFranco: Yes, Anas! There have been so many wonderful artists that have come through our house, stayed in it, and we got behind them for a while, and then they move on. And theres a lot of great artists currently working with Righteous Babe Records. 2020 was probably our busiest year for the label itself. We released so many records. The day that my record came out this February, we had two releases. Jocelyn Mackenzie also released a record on Righteous Babe.
Sernaker: For readers who arent familiar with the history of Righteous Babe, could you share what was like to create your own record label?
DiFranco: When I started Righteous Babe label, there was no there there. There was no office and telephone and staff. It was an idea. I made a cassette of my first album and I just wrote Righteous Babe Records on there in my little chicken scratch. It was my way of thumbing my nose at the corporate establishment. Its very anti-capitalism, or thats maybe not the right way to say it. I felt that this sort of hyper-capitalist society was to the detriment of culture, of art, of people, of just the human interests. I had this idea that I wanted to be an artist in the world without getting in that bed with those business bottom line minded people.
So, when I was 19, I started writing Righteous Babe Records on my tapes. After a year or two, I was driving around playing showswere talking one guitar and a 69 Beetle that I was traversing the country in. I had one or two tapes to my name. But the income started to be such that I could hire literally my best friend. Then my other good friend. Thats how the label itself really became a reality. From there, we just slowly grew over the course of a decade or two.
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Sernaker: I love the story about adding babe into the title. You sarcastically used it to push back at what guys would say, right?
DiFranco: Right. I sort of simplified the story just then because youre right. In the beginning, I wrote Righteous Records because I felt that was just my way of expressing my dedication to my humanity. My idealism was: Im trying not just to make art, but make change. Then we found out there is a Righteous Records in Oklahoma. A gospel label, and we got in touch with them and they were like, Yeah, no, I think well keep that name exclusively. Thanks. So yes, putting the babe in there then was not just my earnest dedication to the cause, but my humor came into it at that point, which I think was really good in the end.
Im sure maybe you knowfeminists are so often stereotyped as humorless beings by a world that doesnt seem to understand what an uphill battle this life can be for a woman, certainly for a feminist. I think that the babe in the name definitely cuts that off at the pass.
Sernaker: You just mentioned that you seek to be a changemaker in addition to an artist, which also comes up in your new music video Do or Die. Youre modeling protest as an individual and are endorsing the Breathe Act at the end of the video.
DiFranco: This summer I was out there on the street as often as I could and joining the protest for racial justice. It was uplifting to be with thousands and thousands of people every day and to look around and say we are the majority. That was a very visceral, real, experiential [feeling] this is America. It is diverse and rejoicing in diversity, showing that we understand our diversity is our strength, and we understand that no one can be free until were all free.
The challenge then becomes to translate that energy and groundswell of protest from the streets, to the halls of power. How do we translate this into systematic change? Because, of course, we understand that racism is sewn into our systems, our laws. When I discovered those incredible Congresswomen doing the work in the Breathe Act, I thought: here it is. Theyre engaging with every modern civil rights organizing entity. Its a huge coalition. They are attending to every aspect of what racial equality and systematic means.
Sernaker: You definitely emphasize the word we in the lyrics to Do or Die. Theres a feeling of you addressing the listener, including them in the conversation, right at the top of the record.
DiFranco: I feel like that line right there in the song Do or Die speaks to the whole album. Each of the songs exists in that place of damaged relationships and some of the songs are very personal. Im talking about my personal relationships and trying to recover from traumas that we inflict on each other. From the damage that has been done without abandoning my family and that, of course, that metaphor applies exponentially outward.
The human family cant divorce each other. Cancel culture is not the answer. When somebody, anybody, makes a mistake or treads on their fellow humans, we have to find a way of dealing with that because we cant kick each other off the planet. The quest becomes: how to be the end of a cycle of violence. The violence tends to just go back and forth, back and forth between people. We need to figure out how to say it stops here and I am going to meet even my opponents with revolutionary love.
Sernaker: I actually heard you speak about this. It was a really gripping moment at your book release at The New School auditorium here in New York. I dont know if you remember. The Q&A ended with a fan of yours, who was put off by a phrasing of the moderator that they felt was disrespectful or politically incorrect in some way. You jumped in and de-escalated the situation.
DiFranco: Yeah, I totally remember the moment youre talking about. The moderator said Ladies and gentlemen once or twice to address the room. The person who came up to the mic was a trans person who very much took offense to that. They came up to the mic in attack mode, that was the energy of their message. I feel like I have this experience so often in my life now, where I see what is playing out around me. Then in my minds eye, I see an alternative reality, where that person comes up to the mic and says: You know, this has been lovely and I really appreciate it a lot of what has been said, but I am a trans man, and I felt discluded by the opening welcome. To approach it with, again, that spirit of revolutionary love with compassion for the other, and to approach it as a teaching moment instead of a battle. It does take an extreme amount of patience, and humility on the part of the oppressed, the marginalized
Sernaker: [That they have] to be the teachers is problematic.
DiFranco: Yes, it is a weight. Many feminists in particular have spoken to that or people of color. They say, We have to spend our life being so patient, so humble, and every moment is a fricking teaching moment. All of my energy is supposed to go to this? And I would say no. It is not up to the people who are marginalized, who are discounted, who are disempowered, to give their whole life to this work of teaching and shouldering the burdens by themselves. I think the sort of the math Ive learned to do in my head is that those that can afford to be that teacher in that moment, that is the work you are called to do.
Each of us has a role to play and that role changes over time. I feel like with that lens in mind, I have been writing myself into existence for thirty years. I came from a place in this world where I felt very small, very disempowered, very discounted, very pushed down, very afraid. I listen to my early songs and I hear songs of survival. I hear songs from the perspective of prey to a world of predators. Thats what it was like, being twenty and on my own and in New York and walking down the street at night. Now, after thirty years of writing myself strong, writing myself safe, writing myself into a fully realized human being, despite the odds, despite a society that does not always recognize the full humanity of females, I am in a position now where I can be that teacher. Where I can, in that moment of that book talk, try to de-escalate, where I am ready now to step into that place. Of course, I dont do it perfectly and Im still learning. Im still growing, and Im still trying my hardest and failing all the time.
Sernaker: In your memoir, you talk about taking classes at The New School like Feminism 101 and reading Zora Neale Hurston, Audre Lorde, Bell Hooks, Alice Walker, Adrienne Rich, Ntozake Shange and Carol Gilligan. What does being part of a feminist continuum mean to you?
DiFranco: It means everything to me to jump into that river. I came into being because of all those women. All those second wave, feminists, writers, poets, philosophers, revolutionaries made me understand who I am. They helped me tune in and be able to hear the sound of my own voice. Through the din of the patriarchal culture, they taught me to trust in myself and my instincts and my perspective to understand Im not crazy. Im not alone.
Sernaker: In that Feminism 101 section, you wrote: It cemented my will to become part of a process of breaking silences and challenging the code of resignation sounding patriarchy.
DiFranco: Its simply that you cant start with imbalance of one of these fundamental binaries that I see as masculine and feminine. I dont see women are feminine and men are masculine. I think masculine and feminine are in each of us. Whether we identify as female, male or in between or neither or both and, the swirl is within us, among us and between us.
Even in our very selves, even in me as a woman, if the masculine in my nature is upheld and recognized, and affirmed, celebrated, and the feminine in me is always doubted, and suspect and undercover, I myself cannot be fully realized and let alone a society that elevates the masculine and devalues the feminine. I think thats a fundamental imbalance of human societies if you go around the globe. You cant start there, you just cant start from patriarchy and get to peace because from one imbalance begets another and another and another.
Sernaker: Youve also spoken eloquently that womens reproductive rights are civil rights.
DiFranco: Amen.
Sernaker: I know thats an issue close to your heart.
DiFranco: Yes, and I really do think language is so important. We need to drive the language around this issue. Because putting it in patriarchal, religious language in moral language is not right. I think that womens ability to control their own reproduction, to decide when to reproduce, is fundamental to being free in a society.
In modern society, [if you cant] choose when you want to reproduce as a female, you are a reproductive slave. You will never be free as long as you are under the control of an external force telling you that you must have a baby now. You will never be free or emancipated in that circumstance. You have to understand reproductive freedom as an element of civil rights, only applies to people with reproductive systems. Then, if you feel you are morally against something, be it having an abortion, homosexuality, whatever the patriarchal religion says, if that is your religious belief, then for yourself you may absolutely choose not to do these things that you agree are immoral. But to tell other people with other beliefs, and other lives, that they have to abide by your religious beliefs, I think thats where [its problematic].
Sernaker: How can language and activism work together? Im thinking again of the song Do or Die, theres a great moment where you mention using a pen to pick the locks.
DiFranco: Ive always been quite skeptical of laws because they have not served everyone equally. The laws that are supposed to make us all equal in America have not succeeded. Then along comes the last administration, and I found an incredibly renewed sense of respect for the law. I thought: Wow, these rules, this democracy, and as imperfectly as it has served so many of us, is a whole lot better than fascism. Its a whole lot better than dictators.
This is contained in that song Do or Die in that line that you brought up: They use their pen to pick the locks. Our founders created this democracy with a pen and paper. It allowed for a peaceful transfer of power, which it wasnt until were were the brink of losing itthe profound gift that is. As imperfect as the system has been and unequal for people, this is a system we can work with. This is a system we can grow.
Sernaker: Lets talk about your love of poetry. Its unique that in your shows and albums, youve really made a choice to have spoken word present throughout.
DiFranco: I have a love affair with song and my guitar but sometimes only a poem will do. The silence around the words and the rhythmic freedom of a poem. The lack of necessity to rhyme when you take the music away. All of that when its just you and your words and the air and anybody whos there to receive it.
Poetry has been the vehicle especially for feminists in our culture. Im sure its not disconnected from the fact that women are caregivers, are so busy feeding and loving others that, to have a room of ones own to write the novel to create the epic work, long, skinny columns of very distilled thoughts has been a traditional medium of feminist movements. Its like: I have five minutes, and Im going to try and communicate the world through this poem.
Sernaker: Many people in the United States didnt realize how much they needed a poem until they heard Youth Poet Laureate Amanda Gorman.
DiFranco: Oh, my gosh, Amanda Gorman! I know. Were going to be okay. Remember the Parkland shootings and the young women from that? Emma Gonzalez. Now, Amanda Gorman and the climate activist Greta Thunberg. These young women thank Goddess.
Their nimbleness of mind and freshness of perspective, and genius, that is very much of a female nature. The fact that they are finding their way to the world stage now and that humanity is opening up enough to listen to those young female voices is so hopeful for the 21st century. It is making it different from the last. But yes, isnt that something? It says it all right there that every time a President, the leader of the free world, the most powerful man, so far, is being installed in office, who do you call? A poet.
Sernaker: Id like to ask about Shrinking Violet if you feel comfortable. There are so many women stuck in quarantine in domestic situations that they cannot get out of, either verbally or physically abusive. And we know that number has gone up. Why was it important for you to share this song?
DiFranco: Part of me didnt want to include that song on the new record. Part of me never wants to sing it again. I had to write it because thats how I get through life. But sharing it, and broadcasting it is very uncomfortable.
I did it because of exactly what youre saying. I know that Im not alone in feeling scared in your own home. I know that there are many, probably more women than men, but all kinds of human beings right now that are stuck at home, like you say, in fear. So, Ive written about it.
As songs Ive written go out in the world, I hear whispered messages back and Shrinking Violet is often paired with Bad Dream. I already feel glad that I included them. Its just, youre not alone in these things. Even the most brilliant, active, powerful women out there in this world might be struggling mightily. When they go home, they might be feeling disempowered in their private sphere. I think its so important for us to know that we are not alone in our struggles, in what we consider our failures and weaknesses. So yeah, getting back to your original question, [its] the bravery of just being honest. Showing yourself succeeding, failing, being strong, being weak. All of that helps to allow for others to do that for themselves. My only message is you have just as much license as I do to be all the aspects of yourself and to be unashamed of them.
Sernaker: How has this impacted your experience of understanding what art can do? I mean, you already knew that art helps people not feel isolated, as your fans have testified.
DiFranco: The mighty second step that happens after youve created something to go share it in real time. That is a heavy duty connection point I sure miss. But even like you said, just the act of writing it out of your body, even if you only have that, that is really important.
I had this experience [years ago] where I came home to my house in Buffalo and there was a man upstairs. He was in my house, in the dark, in my bedroom waiting for me. I managed to talk him out of my house without any physical violence I wasnt even going to tell anyone because I knew people would worry about me. But every cell of my body got affected. I started having panic attacks all the time, thinking: Im having a heart attack, gripping pain in my chest and cant breathe.
I told myself mentally, thats cool, Im good moving on. But physically, its like: no, that was very traumatic. Now you have to process it. You have to deal with it in some other way than pushing it down and moving on. I grappled with what the aftershocks physically of having panic attacks for months. Then finally, I sat down and wrote a poem called Parameters. I put on a record at that time. It took several hours, I wrote it in one go. Afterwards, Im not going to tell you the panic attacks completely disappeared, but
Sernaker: It created space for it.
DiFranco: Yes, it was a marked difference with healing from the act. Thats before I shared it with anybody. You can write your heart and soul into a letter and never send it. The fact that youve articulated it for yourself, youve released it from your body, onto the page or into whatever medium you express through that is a healing process in and of itself. The sharing then becomes another different opportunity for healing and connecting and evolving with community. But even just the act of self-expression is medicine in and of itself for those of us that are sick from isolation and sick from feeling erased. To write it down and be your own witness is something.
Sernaker: I also wanted to ask you about physical appearance. Throughout your careerespecially in Im Not a Pretty Girl and Imperfectlythis is something youve explored in depth. I remember hearing your lyrics in college: Im okay, if you get me at a good angle. Youre okay, in the right sort of light. We dont look like pages in a magazine, but thats alright. The permission of that felt unique. Its something young women dont really hear.
DiFranco: Being fixated on trying to be pretty is an incredible energy suck. Of all the things you could dedicate your skill and attention and talents towards trying to win at the game of competition for the male gaze, its just like ew. What a inspiration suck from women. That winning, that seeing other women as competitors, its all very subliminal shit.
Seeing the show, getting the thumbs up from the patriarchal beauty standard is the route to power, to self-empowerment. Its all such a huge diversion. Actually, sabotage is, I think, so much of our potential as women. So yeah, its come up a lot. I imagine I have a lot of songs ahead of me about getting old. Its like Im not your boy toy when Im young and cute. Now its like, okay, young and cute is kind of in the rear view. I look more like my mother every day to me. I am 50 now. I suppose from here, I keep counting up not back down again, so I think the new horizon of being not a pretty girl is not being a girl at all. Im moving towards being an old lady. Im going to search for the power in that. Against once again, that sort of patriarchal point system. Warding the male gaze and turning my own gaze on myself. One of the elements that Ive offered in my songs over the years and the albums and the songs is: youre also there. Your gaze [matters] why dont you look how you want for yourself?
The physical, the body image stuff, and the trying to win the game of who has the prettiest face and the biggest tits: thats a trap. I recognized it as disempowering very early on and dividing. How do they divide workers of the world against each other to go fight for fascism. Whoa, what, how does that mind meld work? And the same thing with women. How have they so successfully divided us, pitted us against each other? As competitors vying for the treats from the master.
Sernaker: Physical appearance also feels worth exploring because you shaved your head again in your new music video. Do you want to speak about hair in particular?
DiFranco: Yes, I shaved my head again recently at age 50 and I hadnt since I was 20. Which makes me look at the fact that its a different world around me now. I hope that I had played a part in that. These days, theres a lot of theres a lot of women with shaved heads. I think even in the context of being sexy, of being pretty, of being gorgeous, of being desirable, theres that tiny opening showing theres actually a lot of ways to be feminine. There are a lot of ways to be beautiful.
My shaving my head in the video was just me checking in with myself again. I do it as an intuitive thing. I felt, well, my hair was getting shorter every day of the pandemic (I was cutting it myself) incrementally. Every time I would Zoom with somebody they would be like Wow, you have less hair again. Then I got to the point where I just thought, I think I just need to shave it again. Then we were going to make this video and I thought, well, maybe well make it part of the action. When it came down to the moment of reckoning, my two friends are in the bathroom with me. Im like, you know, maybe just short is good. And theyre looking at me like Were doing it. I thought here we go: bumps and nooks and crannies and 15 year old sags and wrinkles. Age 50. Okay, bring it on. Bring it all on.
It really worked, I have to say. From my own personal point of view and wanting to check in with the sort of revolutionary that I stomped into the world to be. For weeks on end after I shaved, I would get up in the morning of course not remembering. Id look in the mirror and be like, Ah! I saw me at 20. Every day, it was like, oh, and then my life flashes before my eyes and the epic journey since that moment when I was 20 and did it the first time. The immense change in me and the immense change in my society and everything. It really did serve to really put me in touch with that span. With that evolution with what epic change has taken place within and without myself. Also the work yet to do.
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Kadhimi paves the way for own political project in Iraq by attack on sectarianism | | AW – The Arab Weekly
Posted: at 7:07 am
BAGHDAD - Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi paved the way for his own political project at a meeting with Shia and Sunni clerics over an iftar dinner, where he hinted that the era of sectarian quotas has ended.
Kadhimi surprised members of the clergy representing sectarian factions who were in attendance by likening sectarianism to Zionism, calling on the clerics to adopt a moderate discourse.
He said, Sectarianism is just like Zionism. It makes no difference. They all build their values on racism and the sowing of discord.
Kadhimis escalation of his political narrative about the importance of the civil state, in what seems to reflect likely support received from Arab countries, puts him on a collision course with the religious party forces that have ruled Iraq since 2003.
Among such parties in particular is the Dawa Party, which now seeks new alliances, especially with the Sadrist movement. The Dawa party seems to be acting on the principle, established by its current leader and former Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, according to which there is no relinquishing of Shia rule in Iraq.
Maliki had indicated on a previous occasion in Iraqi dialect, We shall not give it, meaning we will not give up Shia rule.
An Iraqi analyst said, Kadhimi is responding to the Hashed (Population Mobilisation Forces) and to Iran in their own language. They accuse him of being a lackey of the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel, and he responds by describing them as Zionists.
Kadhimi draws support from moderate forces in Iraq, and has clear support from Iraqi President Barham Salih, but observers say that time is running out for the Iraqi prime minister before Iraqi elections scheduled for next fall.
Kadhimi is trying to restore the prestige of the state and its control over the countrys resources, but he is at odds with the concept of empowerment, which means in practical terms apportioning state institutions, official positions and resources along sectarian and partisan quotas.
An Iraqi parliamentarian who preferred to remain anonymous said, Kadhimi has not adopted the discourse of opposition to sectarianism in a vacuum. He knows very well that this rhetoric finds deep resonance among the popular trends that were behind the protests that erupted in 2019. These could at any moment regain their street momentum considering the deteriorating economic conditions for which no far-reaching solutions have been found and may in fact continue in light of the obstacles that have hindered the governments plans to reexamine the budget cycle, fight corruption and curtail the influence of parties within the joints of the Iraqi state.
Although the quota system is clearly at play in the distribution of ministries among political forces, the main threat to any political project fostered by Kadhimi could reside in two camps. The first is the Popular Mobilisation Forces that dominate the political and security landscape and challenge the authority of the state.
The other camp is the second line of civil service officials behind ministers, where party representatives control government departments in Baghdad and local administrations in the provinces.
It is not clear which formula Kadhimi is considering as part of his plan to enter the partisan political arena in the upcoming elections. But it is certain that he is not about to repeat the experience of former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, who won the war against the Islamic State (ISIS) extremist group but lost his political influence after hinting that he would not be a front for Iranian influence in Iraq.
Iraqi writer and activist Dhikra Muhammad Nader ruled out any intent by Kadhimi to depart from the political system that is based on sectarian quotas.
Nader told The Arab Weekly that Kadhimi is aware, based on his previous experience as head of intelligence, of all the inner workings of sectarian quotas and is a partner in this system. So he should not be expected to do anything that contradicts the system or undermines its existence.
She stressed that Kadhimi, both as the holder of the highest government position or the initiator of a political project, is essentially incapable of fulfilling his promises, because political change in Iraq is beyond his ability to implement it.
She added, The legislative, executive, and judicial establishments exist because of sectarian quotas and the sharing of spoils, and there is no national imperative among its political or moral considerations.
Kadhimi realises that the challenge is greater now that the people have been instilled with religious political discourse; and those who are politically and financially empowered benefit from the current situation to reap more personal benefits, while the simple people are swayed by the religious discourse promoted by tens of thousands of Shia clerics representing the highest Shia authority (Marjaiya), religious parties and the Sadrist movement.
Analysts point out that Kadhimi does not forget that his ascent to power was the result of the protests that spread for months in the main squares of Iraqi cities as crowds rejected the ruling political class and sectarian parties. This strengthens his conviction that the vocal support for his anti- sectarian narrative is his asset in any future electoral race .
Kadhimi said in his speech that religion is the main pillar in the identity of Iraqi society, and Islam is an identity, and the constitution respects Islam, and stipulates that its principles should not be violated and that the feelings of the majority of the people should be respected and there should be no prejudice to its symbols and rituals.
He added, We are most in need today of spreading the hope and advocating for it through places of worship and clerics. We need hope that creates societies and helps us build our country.
But Kadhimis political ambiguities are reflected in his call for clerics to participate in a national dialogue between the various trends of the people, to build and support the countrys future.
Religious minorities have complained of persecution in the country over the past two decades, while Sunnis have seen their political role marginalised by upheaval and violent sectarian conflicts.
The sectarian quota system seems in some ways to have seized control of the present and future of Iraq, backed by militias.
Millions of deprived, unemployed and enlightened youth have expressed their rejection of the sectarian system, which they consider as contrary to the history of the modern state in Iraq and an obstacle to building a citizen state based on the principle of social justice.
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OnlyFans mom enlists 13-year-old daughter to take raunchy pics of her – TheBlaze
Posted: at 7:07 am
U.K. pop star Kerry Katona who now makes money by operating an OnlyFans account recently revealed that she enlists her teenage daughter to snap racy photos of her to post online.
The former "Atomic Kitten" singer and 40-year-old mother of five reportedly told Closer Magazine on Sunday that her children don't mind her "showing off" her body online for money. Her 13-year-old daughter, Heidi, even takes some of the pictures for her.
"Mums have as much right to show off their bodies as anyone else. I can do what I like with my body, as it belongs to me," she told the tabloid. "My children know I do it and Heidi even takes some of the pictures of me for the site."
Despite admitting she does worry her kids may get some "grief" for her decision to showcase explicit images of herself online, she justifies the move by arguing they would face the same pressure no matter what she decided to do with her life.
"I do worry about my children getting grief, but they'd also get it if I gave it all up and became a lollipop lady I'm Kerry Katona at the end of the day," she said.
Later in the interview, Katona acknowledged that the money and personal empowerment the decision brings her help, too.
"I say to them, 'What's the difference between me getting papped topless on a beach or going topless on a site I'm in control of?'" she explained, adding, "It's changed my life financially and it's made me feel empowered."
Speaking for them, Katona insisted, "My kids are fine with it they're loving the money!"
"They're resilient and open-minded and I've taught them that other people's opinions don't matter," she explained.
Katona, according to the Mirror, has five children: "Molly, 19, and Lilly-Sue, 18, with her ex-husband Brian McFadden, Heidi, 13, and Max, 12, with second husband Mark Croft and Dylan-Jorge, six, with late ex George Kay."
OnlyFans is an online subscription service in which users sell personal and explicit photos of themselves to paying voyeurs.
The service can be incredibly lucrative, which says quite a bit about the society in which we live. Earlier this year, TheBlaze reported about a Christian OnlyFans model, raking in $200,000 a month on the service, who argued her faith would not stop her from stripping down.
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OnlyFans mom enlists 13-year-old daughter to take raunchy pics of her - TheBlaze
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Women entrepreneurs in India likely to see business growth up to 90% in the next 5 years: Report – India Today
Posted: at 7:07 am
EdelGive Foundation, one of Indias leading grant-making organizations released its Landscape Study on Women Entrepreneurship which showed that women entrepreneurs in India were likely to grow up to 90% in the next five years as they receive big boosts in several areas of their lives.
The national study focuses on the challenges, impact on health, socio-economic security and family wellbeing outcomes of women entrepreneurs, providing a complete overview of women entrepreneurs and the ecosystem within which they thrive.
The study conducted across 13 states has revealed that around 80% of women, from semi urban and rural India, feel a significant improvement in their socio-economic and cultural status after starting an enterprise. Women surveyed also reported a greater sense of independence and confidence.
The study is a part of EdelGives UdyamStree Campaign which aims to boost the entrepreneurial spirit in women and plot women entrepreneurship as one of the key pathways to boosting Womens Economic Empowerment in India.
It was released by Ram Mohan Mishra, Secretary, Ministry of Women and Child Development in an online event which was chaired by Amitabh Kant, CEO, NITI Aayog.
The multi-faceted study has focused on a cross-section of factors ranging from societal, financial, personal to familial factors in order to understand the overall journey of women entrepreneurs and has also looked at the role of government, NGOs and corporates in the ecosystem.
While the study has reported an improvement in socio-cultural aspects for women due to entrepreneurship, it has also revealed that there are still significant gaps in terms of financial knowledge and resources available to women entrepreneurs along with marketing, production, technological and socio-cultural challenges faced by them.
Despite several government schemes and policies supporting women entrepreneurship, the uptake of such schemes by women entrepreneurs is quite low.
Lack of awareness about financial aids and schemes, non-availability of required documents, perception of the process to use these schemes as complex and having no assets to put on mortgage, were some of the inhibiting factors behind this.
The study projects that businesses owned by women entrepreneurs are likely to grow up to 90% in 5 years in India, in comparison to similar businesses in the US and UK where expected growth trends range from 50% and 24% respectively, during the same period.
Speaking at the panel discussion which was part of the launch event moderated by Journalist, Faye DSouza, the Executive Chairperson of EdelGive Foundation, Vidya Shah said, Women in India are leading a cultural revolution building their businesses, paving the way for future aspiring women entrepreneurs. Their role is pivotal in enhancing the economic growth of the country, employment generation, and industrialization.
Naghma Mulla, CEO of EdelGive Foundation during the panel discussion added that Empowering women economically has a bearing on their overall growth - Right from developing their self-esteem and confidence, to increasing the quality of life that women lead, entrepreneurship facilitates their empowerment.
It also, albeit gradually, gives them autonomy and decision-making powers to make informed choices over higher education and better health for themselves and their children. We believe that an UdyamStree can be catalytic to societal progress and well-being, she added.
Based on the key findings, the study recommends that states conduct a meta-analysis to identify their specific needs and design and implement relevant programmes, promote products from women entrepreneurs under a common brand with tax incentives, impart soft-skills training which is inclusive of accounting, HR management and communication, implement awareness generation and community mobilization initiatives for moral support and establish mentorship programmes at the local level to enable budding entrepreneurs to formalize their enterprise and expand.
Read: Hiring activity recovering steadily across sectors: Monster Employment Index
Read: 85% of women in India missed out on raise, promotion because of their gender: LinkedIn study
Read: Report finds accelerated demand for graduate business degrees in 2021 amid declining Covid-19 concerns
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Progressives Are Overreacting to a Startling Crime Study – National Review
Posted: at 7:06 am
(aijohn784/iStock/Getty Images)New research suggests it might be wise to cut back on prosecuting petty crimes. But we shouldnt overinterpret the findings.
Every year, something like 13 million misdemeanor charges are filed in the United States. These charges, ranging from traffic violations to serious assaults, may be less flashy than felonies, but they are the main way Americans experience the criminal-justice system.
We prosecute misdemeanors because, among other things, we want there to be fewer of them, and we believe prosecution deters reoffending. But a recent blockbuster paper makes a startling claim to the contrary: Prosecuting misdemeanants actually increases the likelihood that they will offend again.
The paper has been heralded by supporters of progressive district attorneys who have used their position to unilaterally impose reforms on the criminal-justice system, including refusing to prosecute many misdemeanants. Boston D.A. Rachael Rollins, who provided the data for the study, has claimed it confirms the wisdom of her approach. So have other reformers such as Chicago-area states attorney Kim Foxx and San Francisco district attorney Chesa Boudin.
Policy-makers, however, should exercise caution before reaching such expansive conclusions. The paper can just as easily be read to endorse more modest reforms especially keeping in mind long-established principles of criminal justice on which it is silent.
The paper is the work of three researchers: Rutgerss Amanda Agan, Texas A&Ms Jennifer Doleac, and NYUs Anna Harvey. Both Doleac and Agan have previously published research that challenges progressives policy preferences, so their new findings were probably not driven by a desire to achieve a politically convenient result.
To conduct their study, the three obtained data on every criminal case arraigned in Suffolk County (home to Boston) between 2004 and September 2018. They analyzed the relationship between whether a misdemeanant was prosecuted and whether he was subsequently rearraigned, indicating he reoffended.
The effects are startling: not being prosecuted for a misdemeanor reduces the probability of a future misdemeanor complaint by 60 percent, and of a future felony complaint by 47 percent. It also significantly reduces the probability of future violent, motor-vehicle, and disorder/theft offenses, although not of drug misdemeanors.
In other words, prosecution not only does not deter subsequent crimes, it increases the chance of reoffense. This, the papers authors suggest, is because any deterrent effect is outweighed by the effects on misdemeanants labor-market prospects. Unemployment can lead to crime, and being prosecuted can increase ones chances of becoming unemployed. It also creates a criminal record, making the offender less employable and therefore more crime-prone.
How did the researchers reach these conclusions? To understand how prosecution affects reoffending risk, we cant just compare prosecuted and unprosecuted offenders to see which commit more crimes. A person might not be prosecuted precisely because she is judged not a risk there are confounding variables determining both that we must control for.
To get around this problem, the paper uses an instrumental variable uncorrelated with those confounders. All misdemeanants charged in Suffolk County are arraigned by an assistant district attorney (ADA). Using each ADAs other cases, the authors construct a measure of their leniency, i.e., their propensity to prosecute a given offender. Mostly, the ADAs appear to agree about prosecutions they would typically prosecute about 70 percent of cases, and typically drop about 20 percent. But about 10 percent of the time, they vary in their inferred leniency. The assignment of these 10 percent of offenders to ADAs of varying leniency becomes the source of randomness.
What this means is that most of the papers results apply to those marginal offenders. Not prosecuting all misdemeanants wont cut everyones risk of offending in half, but declining to prosecute the marginal misdemeanant the one on the line between prosecution and non-prosecution reduces his chance of reoffending by a lot.
Toward the end of the paper, the authors generalize from these marginal offenders. They find non-prosecution has a large effect on all offenders, about a 15 percent reduction in reoffense risk on average. The effect is most concentrated among those who were typically prosecuted: Being prosecuted, the authors write, made them much more likely to reoffend. Strangely, the effect on those who are typically not prosecuted is indistinguishable from zero. If ADAs had prosecuted those they typically would not, there would have been no average effect on their future propensity to offend.
When I asked Doleac about this finding, she suggested that it may reflect ADA judgment about culpability: The people most likely to reoffend may also be those whom ADAs are most lenient toward the young, the mentally ill, etc. Those least likely to reoffend well-adjusted adults who made a mistake are those for whom ADAs have the least sympathy, but for whom prosecution could have a big, negative impact. This suggests, in Doleacs view, that there is a fundamental difference between culpability and risk. To me, it also indicates that ADAs are not great judges of the effects of their prosecution choices.
Theres a second key detail that the authors attend to, but that has been missed in some commentary on the paper: Most of the non-prosecution effect they measure is the result of first-time offenders, who become much more likely to commit crime if prosecuted. By contrast, prosecuting repeat offenders of any sort has little discernible effect on the likelihood they will offend again in the future.
This is not surprising, given that most offenses are committed by a handful of offenders criminological research consistently finds that a small, offense-prone population drives most crime. For those outside of that population including many first-time offenders prosecution is unlikely to deter them from doing something they wouldnt do anyway, but could have adverse effects that push them toward crime.
So should we prosecute misdemeanants less? We cant draw too dramatic a conclusion from one study of one county, no matter how well-designed. And while this one relies on the latest in statistical techniques, we should always be wary of findings that can only be arrived at through extensive statistical interrogation. The sheer complexity of the instrument the paper uses, combined with the very large effects it finds, should temper enthusiasm there are simply too many researcher degrees of freedom not to.
That said, we can cautiously conclude that the best evidence says the marginal misdemeanant should be prosecuted less often. But if ADAs are bad at judging the effects of their prosecution, then we shouldnt assume theyre good at telling the marginal misdemeanant from the future serial offender. So whether the studys results are wrong or ADAs are poor judges of how prosecution will relate to future offending, we should be wary of giving them too much leeway in deciding who is and isnt a marginal case.
We can instead offer a rule of thumb: When in doubt, err on the side of not prosecuting first-time misdemeanants. Diverting these offenders, with the threat of more serious punishment if they reoffend, could help clear dockets while minimizing crime. It would also free ADAs to focus on repeat misdemeanants.
Targeting repeat offenders would mitigate the risk of abuse of first-time diversion, by making clear that a second chance wont be followed by a third, a fourth, a fifth, and so on. Research on Californias three-strikes law, for example, indicates that increasing punishment for repeat offenders can have a powerful deterrent effect.
The above approach is different from the idea that we should in general prosecute misdemeanants a lot less a valid interpretation of the papers findings, but not necessarily the right one, for two reasons.
First, deterrence is not the only reason to prosecute an offender. Advocates of not prosecuting misdemeanors tend to invoke victimless crimes such as drug possession and prostitution. But misdemeanors can also include offenses such as simple assault and auto theft crimes that harm others. Such crimes reasonably elicit a demand for retributive justice. It offends our moral sensibilities to think that a person who commits a serious but not felonious assault could get off scot-free.
Second, systematic reductions in leniency may affect all criminals decision-making, increasing their propensity to offend in the long-run. The paper shows that Rollinss move toward non-prosecution of misdemeanors did not in the aggregate increase misdemeanor offenses, but the data it uses account only for the period between her election in January 2019 and March 2020, when the coronavirus crisis began. Its entirely possible that criminals will adapt, and misdemeanor offending will increase, in the long run.
Blanket policy changes can induce increases in offending. Californias 2014 increase to the threshold for felony theft, for example, predictably led to an increase in theft at the city level, indicating that offenders change their behavior in response to such shifts.
Coming face to face with the justice system can be time-consuming and exhausting, and may, at the margins, increase rather than reduce a persons propensity to offend. Even those of us highly concerned with public safety should be interested in creative solutions that minimize crime and disorder.
At the same time, policy-makers should not get ahead of themselves as some have in the rush to defund police departments and decrease the use of more serious charges. Good research is the basis of good policy, and this research makes a valuable contribution to public-safety policy. But we should be cautious in how far we go with it careful changes around the edges are always safer than blanket transformations.
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Progressives Are Overreacting to a Startling Crime Study - National Review
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