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Daily Archives: March 29, 2021
Ashoka University, a despotic democracy and servitude of the quiet kind – National Herald
Posted: March 29, 2021 at 1:46 am
CORPORATE TOTALITARIANISM
I have almost come to believe in the myth of corporate liberalism. And then comes Prof. Mehtas resignation to remind us of the lurking reality of corporate totalitarianism. It seems it never went anywhere. It just dons liberal attire occasionally to brand its products. When it comes to the university, once the educational market is secured, it resumes its predatory habits and a high-cost model of learning is confidently installed in a poor country.
It is possible that my contract may not be renewed at some point in the future. Regardless, my pedagogy is inert to such unannounced threats. Long have I known the nature of institutional cowardice. This is what I expect in the normal course of things, for organised avarice and structural cowardice are ancient cousins.
What has happened does not surprise me in the least. In my Ecosophy classes, we learn that the globalised corporate market, with the devastating technologies at its disposal, is the most acute threat to the health and survival of humanity on earth.
The economic anthropologist Karl Polanyi wrote three generations ago that markets traditionally embedded in human cultures are healthy. But disembedded markets cause pathological mayhem and will ultimately demolish the very substance of human society and nature. Markets in our world today are not merely disembedded; they are controlled almost entirely by insatiable corporations, padlocked in a global system of compulsive structural avarice.
The greatest lie of our time is the myth of consumer sovereignty that is taught to innocent economics undergraduates from the first day at college. The thinly disguised reality of the world is what I like to call investor sovereignty. Ignore the economists. Think Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos. Not the small thela-wallahs wife managing a shoestring family budget.
In such a global environment, the university, like much else, is today under siege from corporations the world over. The viral spread of the internet - especially booming in the pandemic-afflicted age of zoom - may actually put an end to it altogether in some not-so-distant future. Or transform its character to such a degree that only the servile arts of technical training (in engineering or medicine, for instance) will be taught, not the pretentious liberal arts. It would be in the fitness of things for the death of the humanities to presage the end of humanity itself.
With the Bengal elections looming, it is perhaps appropriate to remember Tagore, especially since he is being invoked by all the political parties in the fray. We also study him closely in Ecosophy, especially his interpretation of the ancient Upanishads. While setting up Vishwabharati University a century ago in the hope of reviving Indian and Asian cultures, he said:
Before Asia is in a position to co-operate with the culture of Europe, she must base her own structure on a synthesis of all the different cultures which she has. When, taking her stand on such a culture, she turns toward the West, she will take, with a confident sense of mental freedom, her own view of truth, from her own vantage-ground, and open a new vista of thought to the world. Otherwise, she will allow her priceless inheritance to crumble into dust, and, trying to replace it clumsily with feeble imitations of the West, make herself superfluous, cheap and ludicrous. If she thus loses her individuality and her specific power to exist, will it in the least help the rest of the world? Will not her terrible bankruptcy involve also the Western mind? If the whole world grows at last into an exaggerated West, then such an illimitable parody of the modern age will die, crushed beneath its own absurdity.
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VOICE OF THE PEOPLE March 27, 2021 – TheChronicleHerald.ca
Posted: at 1:46 am
Environmental collapse
Weve been wondering if Iain Rankin is serious about the environment. Is he really going to drag Nova Scotia into the contemporary world? Will he help us break our provinces embarrassing addictions to 20th-century anachronisms, like filthy coal, clearcuts and forest monoculture? Will he start making the things of the future, or will we continue to throw bad money and good public land at billionaires, who will continue to build elite golf courses and ant-farm housing developments for the dying society that loves them?
It didnt take long and it didnt take much to find out. Just some ignorant words about environmental legislation, bad old Halifax, and the evil of protecting nature all published in the form of an ad in this newspaper on March 20.
Rankins Astroturf environmentalism, a faux-green substitute for the real thing, was too puny to withstand a single rhetorical challenge, and so he gutted his own Biodiversity Act.
So here we are again, pre-modernitys last holdouts, pathetically pretending that we belong within the Western democratic community, when actually we deserve our laggard reputation as North American sub-hillbillies, in the recent words of columnist Ralph Surette.
Joe Tucker, Musquodoboit Harbour
First, it was the announcement of the Biodiversity Act which caught my attention. It seemed like a long-awaited and reasonable bill to introduce when there is so much concern about the health of our forests and the wildlife and plant species that inhabit them. A good starting point for discussion, especially as Iain Rankin based his Liberal leadership campaign on protecting the environment.
I delved into the act a little more and found that it did allow for public discussion before it was to be made law, especially for affected stakeholders i.e., landowners and the general public.
On March 20, I read on back-to-back pages of The Chronicle two paid ads, one promoting the wisdom and benefits of the act, the other forecasting a catastrophe for private landowners if the government got its way. Confusing, indeed.
I was disturbed after finding out that the Concerned Private Landowners Coalition (CPLC), whose website I also delved into perhaps with forest industry priorities at the forefront? received such a massive response to their ad. It was a revelation to read the comments from concerned private landowners who were probably angered and riled up about the government telling them what they could or couldn't do on their properties. I would be interested to know how many of those landowners had actually read the content of the act, as opposed to those whod been completely overwhelmed with concern because of the information and some misinformation presented to them by CPLC.
Then, I heard the act is going to be severely amended. Did I miss the public consultation process, where voices of concern on both sides of the argument could be heard in a more rational and informed way before going forward? Where in the equation stands the Law Amendments Committee, which deals with such issues?
My husband and I own property in HRM and Lunenburg County. We treasure both pieces of land equally, perhaps our Lunenburg property more. We recognize that climate change, invasive species, endangered flora and fauna are real issues. No matter where a Nova Scotian chooses to live, the health of our forests, our lakes and our coastlines are the legacy we leave to future generations.
Perhaps the Biodiversity Act is not perfect, but to hijack it before it has left the starting gate is a travesty. Can we not come together, support its goals, and reach an outcome that our grandchildren might thank us for?
Premier Rankin: listen to all the stakeholders, but dont buckle at the first sign of dissent, especially when it appears to be a knee-jerk reaction to what could be interpreted as a fear-mongering tactic engineered by one lobby group. Its a worrisome sign when we havent even got around to implementing the Lahey report yet.
P.S. I am a member of the Liberal Party of Nova Scotia.
Vivien Blamire, Dartmouth
The recent outrage and shock over the watering down of the revised Biodiversity Act highlights an ongoing reality that has informed resource policy in Canada since the country's inception. We think that because we live in a democracy that in some vague way, resource policy is open to democratic input. This has never been the case.
Resource policy is controlled by a tight network of industrial interests and their representatives in government departments who exercise jurisdictional control over the policy-making process. Any new policy must take into account past agreements, and therefore resource decision-making has been as seen as reactive and incremental.
For there to be any radical shift in policy direction, as the Lahey report calls for in forestry practices, it is necessary to change the makeup of these networks. Over the last 50 years, environmental groups have tried to break open these networks by demanding citizen input into the policy process, but as we have seen on so many occasions, this input is largely ignored in the final policy outcomes, although court-imposed duty to consult requirements have led to some successes for Indigenous groups, as well as court decisions regarding an Aboriginal moderate livelihood in the fishery.
As political economy professorHarold Innis made clear, the staples economy has shaped the very structure of Canada. The conversion of resources into products that create wealth is the reason government departments exist. This was seen to serve Canada well until environmental problems generated increased concern over a range of issues.
So we are in a moment now where citizens no longer trust the government to make decisions behind closed doors because there is the perception that they have fled into the arms of large corporate interests.
What is also clear is that this democratic input into policy-making is largely ignored. For there to be real change in forestry management practices in Nova Scotia, there needs to be a radical restructuring of who is at the table when the real decisions get made. The voices that had to resort to a logging road blockade in Digby County need to enter the halls of power if there is to be significant change in how decisions get made.
Ray Rogers, Sable River
Times are changing. It used to be that the scariest thing progressives could be called was tree huggers. The prevailing sentiment was to never, ever let tree huggers stop economic progress at any cost. Now the net is widening. In their opposition to Bill 4, the Biodiversity Act, the Concerned Private Landowner Coalition warns that this legislation puts control of private lands in the hands of Halifax activists and politicians. Its bad enough to have to cope with rural activists, but those from Halifax? Apparently, those are scary folks, indeed.
One wonders. Would those activists be the same ones who have private woodlots of their own in many instances? The same ones who voted for newly selected Premier Iain Rankin because he promised to be much more environmentally sensitive than recent governments of all stripes? Would these be the same activists who recognize that Nova Scotias best hope by far is to develop a niche green economy, for the first time ever utilizing our natural resources and natural advantages in a sustainable model for this underperforming coastal province?
If those are the activists we are talking about, perhaps its time we listened to them before it is too late .
Stewart Lamont, Tangier
Re: N.S. Liberals fold under pressure, gut their own biodiversity bill.
Jim Viberts March 25 column comes right out of the environmentalists handbook. Talk about misinformation!
If you go on these environmentalists websites, you see where he got his information. The Biodiversity Act is unnecessary and will be used by the anti-forestry, anti-mining and anti-jobs groups for years to come. The propaganda comes from these well-funded environmental groups and yes, they have been trying to turn Nova Scotia into one big park for decades. One of these groups has 29 full-time paid employees. Their ad on March 20 took up a full page. They are not poor.
Ken Mallett, Wellington (president, Nova Scotia Prospectors Association)
Contrary to the propaganda put out by industrial forestry outfits, rural Nova Scotia is full of people who dont appreciate the pillage of our forests for the profit of a few mills. We know from our neighbours that contractors working in the woods are kept on such razor-thin margins by those mills that clearcutting is the only way they can make money. High volume/low value harvesting is a race to the bottom. We are almost there.
A few of us rural activists, sickened by the planned destruction of forests in habitat necessary to the endangered mainland moose, chose to block some logging roads in Digby County last fall.
Not one of the nine people arrested for refusing to lift our blockade is from Halifax. We live and own land in Yarmouth, Digby, Annapolis and Kings counties.
Furthermore, none of the people who found their way on bumpy logging roads to our encampment to express their support on Nov. 29 came from Halifax. Not one. How do we know? Because COVID regulations at that time restricted people from travelling from the Central Zone. The 50-plus people who joined us that day all came from the Western Zone.
Over the eight weeks that we maintained those blockades, numerous hunters and guides stopped by. We drank coffee and chatted. Conversation would turn to how much they hated all the clearcutting that was driving out wildlife and ruining places they had loved from childhood. At some point, every one of them said: I 100 per cent support you. So much for Halifax activists being the only ones who care about biodiversity.
Nina Newington, Mount Hanley
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Getting to know the candidates in Whitehorse Centre – Yukon News
Posted: at 1:46 am
The Whitehorse Centre riding encompasses downtown, from the dam on the Yukon River in the south to the edges of the industrial district in the north. About 3,000 people live downtown, according to the Yukon Bureau of Statistics 2020 population report.
Downtowns residential district contains a combination of old and new homes, with few higher-density apartment buildings. The majority of the citys hotels and restaurants are in the downtown core, as well as the Whitehorse Emergency Shelter.
The riding has been represented by an NDP MLA since its inception in 1992. Liz Hanson, MLA and former NDP leader, has been the Whitehorse Centre MLA since 2010.
She won her seat with 44, 62 and 51 per cent of the vote in the last three elections. Hanson retired from politics this year. Three new candidates are running in the 2021 election. They have been profiled here in alphabetical order.
Dan Curtis Yukon Liberal Party
Dan Curtis has been the mayor of Whitehorse since 2012, during which time he prioritized collaboration with First Nations, as well as the territorial and federal governments.
He hopes to bring that collaborative spirit into a new position as the Liberal MLA for Whitehorse Centre.
Something that I want to bring to the table is, really, a good working relationship with everyone, Curtis said. I have a good track record of that team-building, and working together, and having that one-government approach of respectful dialogue and compromise.
Curtis platform focuses on climate change and affordable housing as key priorities for the downtown community.
I think everyone is concerned about the environment, everyone is concerned about vulnerable people, everyone is concerned about safety, Curtis said.
Curtis worked with both Liberal and Yukon Party governments during his term as mayor, and says the contrast between the two pushed him to join the red team in this election.
I see such a stark contrast of values and the ability to really pull everyone together, Curtis said. I didnt have the same experience in my first four years as mayor, compared to my next four years, so it wasnt very difficult to see that my values line up with the Liberal Party.
Curtis said he wants to utilize territorial and federal funds to update some of downtowns aging infrastructure, and develop better plans for safety at the Whitehorse Emergency Shelter.
I think its a wonderful opportunity to use the skills and knowledge that Ive been afforded during my time as mayor, and Im looking to put some of that into practice, Curtis said.
Eileen Melnychuk Yukon Party
Eileen Melnychuk is an educational assistant and president of the Victoria Faulkner Womens Centre. She also serves on the board of the Whitehorse Community Thrift Store and Volunteer Benevoles Yukon. She has been nominated twice for the citys Volunteer of the Year award.
The fact that Im a born-and-raised Yukoner, I have a really strong, vested interest in the future of Whitehorse and the Yukon, Melnychuk said.
Melnychuk is running on a platform focused on tackling the cost of living, electrical rates, housing and education.
The Yukon Party has some really strong plans to bring affordable land to market, by working hand-in-hand with Yukon First Nations and municipalities, Melnychuk said.
As an educational assistant, Melnychuk is an advocate for better supports in the public school system.
I see, on a daily basis, the needs of our students, and I see that those needs are not being met, Melnychuk said. Melnychuk wants to see stronger mental health support for students and teachers, and a reversal of the recent decision to move special needs students off IEPs.
The Yukon Party candidate is also prioritizing economic diversification, which she says is a strong aspect of the partys platform that will lead the territory out of the pandemic with support for the private sector.
I have seen first-hand the boom-and-bust economy that we have had forever, she said. I think that the Yukon Party has some really solid plans to explore initiatives putting the focus on local technology and local talent With the creativity of Yukoners, theres a real opportunity here to explore.
Emily Tredger Yukon New Democractic Party
Emily Tredger is a speech-language pathologist and the executive director at TeegathaOh Zheh, which supports Yukon residents with disabilities. She is also the president of Queer Yukon. She said that in her work, she often hears of the problems Yukon families face, and that inspired her to run for office.
I really love doing that work, but it was not uncommon for me to call a family and say, Do you want to do some speech therapy? and they would say, Yes, but what we really need is a place to live, Tredger said. As a speech therapist, I couldnt help them with those things like housing and food security.
Tredger hopes to tackle those issues as an elected official. Her platform focuses on housing and mental health support.
Having more affordable housing and better protections for tenants is a really big priority for me, she said, noting the NDPs plan to cap rent increases.
Im also really proud of our plan to have a walk-in mental health clinic I think when youre in crisis, its not a good time to be trying to navigate systems. There are so many barriers to accessing health care, and this is a way that we could really reduce them.
Tredger said the NDPs inclusive mandate inspired her to run for that party.
I knew right away I wanted to be on Kate (White)s team, I have so much faith in her as a leader, and I think a lot of people in the Yukon really connect to her, she said.
I really think that NDP values are what will make the Yukon the best place it can be, for everybody.
Contact Gabrielle Plonka at gabrielle.plonka@yukon-news.com
Election 2021
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Housing, families and THE Yukon: Election promises from this week – Yukon News
Posted: at 1:46 am
Its been another fast-paced week of the election campaign.
Nominations closed March 22, with the Green Party running no candidates this time. On Wednesday, an NDP candidate stepped out of the race after some distasteful social media posts from 2019 and 2013 went public. The deadline to step out of the race has now closed, so all candidates are locked in until election day.
Party press conferences did not slow down. Were now at the half-way point. In random order, heres what the parties were saying this week:
Liberals
The Liberals held daily announcements this week, including plans for sport, arts and housing.
Housing has been a big topic this election. The Liberal plan to address the unaffordability issue includes developing and releasing 1,000 new lots in the next five years and working with private sector partnerships to develop new land.
On March 19 the Liberals released their plan for improving healthcare, which recommitted to implementing the 72 recommendations in the Putting People First report, including offsetting the cost of fertility treatments, a bilingual health centre in Whitehorse and building a secure medical unit at Whitehorse General Hospital.
On March 25 they announced they would focus on building a new fieldhouse facility, a new gymnastics facility for the Polarettes Gymnastics Club, aim to host the Canada Winter Games in 2027 and said they would look into bringing varsity sports to Yukon University.
At an infrastructure announcement, the Liberals touted their $2.25 billion five-year capital plan, which was presented this month alongside the budget. Projects included a new school in Whistle Bend, a new recreation centre in Dawson, a new health and wellness centre in Old Crow and a number of new firehall buildings.
The Liberals have also committed to building a new Arts and Heritage Centre in Whitehorse, which would house a permanent art collection and cultural artefacts.
NDP
The NDP announced they would be supporting expectant parents and couples trying to get pregnant with more funding for fertility treatments, midwifery and a birth centre.
Over the weekend the NDP announced they would be putting the back in the Yukon as an official government policy.
On Monday, leader Kate White made an announcement from Riverside Grocery promising an Eat Local Buy Local rebate that would offer a yearly debate for Yukon-based businesses that buy local products.
The NDP also said they plan to help seniors and elders access in-home care and utilize paramedics more widely.
On March 24 the Yukon NDP committed to increasing the minimum wage for workers to $15.20.
In Haines Junction NDP leader Kate White promised to improve life outside of Whitehorse. Promises included a scheduled bus service across the territory, more recreation opportunities for kids, more tablets and computers in schools, better emergency services and equal pay for rural librarians.
The NDP also wants to see rural internet capped at $100 per month. White said the goal is aspirational, and the NDP is confident there are avenues to investigate when they are in government.
Many of the campaign promises aimed at improving life in rural communities hinge on aggressive recruitment of professionals like healthcare providers and mental health counsellors. The party also wants to extend government jobs outside of the capital.
Yukon Party
Last week the Yukon Party came out with plans for green jobs that include green building and retrofits and training for Yukoners to pursue those skills.
The party is also advocating for teachers to receive a tax credit to write-off supplies they buy for work and promised to replace the Ross River School.
The big announcement this week was their answer to the Liberal child care plan. Instead of reducing the cost of registered daycare by up to $700 a month per child, the Yukon Party plan is to provide $500 per child per month to all families with children under the age of five and $100 for children between the ages of five and 10.
Leader Currie Dixon said their plan allows families to decide which childcare options work best for them.
On March 25 the Yukon Party also committed to freezing power rates for two years. When asked about how the party would be able to make up for lost Yukon Energy revenue, Dixon said the government budget would compensate for the shortfall.
The Yukon Party has also committed to building a new gymnastics facility for the Polarettes Gymnastics Club.
The party also came out with a suite of anti-red-tape promises that include examining the regulatory burden on local businesses and minimizing new regulations and administration costs.
Contact Haley Ritchie at haley.ritchie@yukon-news.com
Election 2021
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Whitehall poised to send in Liverpool takeover squad – Place North West
Posted: at 1:46 am
The council's governance and leadership structures have been challenged in the wake of Operation Aloft
22 Mar 2021, 10:30Sarah Townsend
Government officials are to take over the running of Liverpool City Council amid an ongoing corruption investigation by Merseyside Police, communities secretary Robert Jenrick is expected to announce this week.
Place North West understands that a report into procurement practices within the council, commissioned by central Government at the end of last year, has been completed and given to Liverpool City Council chief executive Tony Reeves and acting Mayor of Liverpool Wendy Simon for review.
The report is to be examined more broadly by the council in the coming days, before secretary of state Jenrick makes an anticipated statement on Wednesday announcing the outcome of the study as tipped by the Daily Telegraph at the weekend.
A Liverpool City Council spokesperson said: The inspection report is due to be published by the Government in the coming days. Until that time, we are unable to comment.
The Government commissioned strategic advisor Max Caller, a former electoral commissioner and chief executive of London boroughs Hackney and Barnet, to produce the report on Liverpool City Council following a string of local scandals including the arrest of former Mayor of Liverpool Joe Anderson in connection with Merseyside Polices Operation Aloft probe into building and development contracts.
Anderson was arrested on 4 December on suspicion of conspiracy to commit bribery and witness intimidation and was later released on bail. He is currently suspended from the Labour party on unpaid leave and no charges have been brought. The police had arrested 10 other people, including the city councils head of regeneration Nick Kavanagh, in connection with Operation Aloft over the course of the previous 12 months.
Shortly after Andersons arrest, the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government sent a letter to Liverpool City Council asking for evidence that the council is now operating properly and in line with its dutygiven the seriousness of the issues.
The council was ordered to disclose by 11 December details of any of its upcoming property development or disposal plans, and its strategy to secure effective governance given the string of high-profile arrests.
Caller, meanwhile, was tasked with examining processes within key departments as well as general auditing and governance at full council level. Jenrick said at the time that given the seriousness of the issues identified through the police investigation, he wanted direct, independent assurance that the council was compliant with all performance measures set by the Government. A deadline of 31 March was set for publication of the report.
Frank McKenna, chief executive of Liverpool business membership organisation Downtown in Business toldPlace North West: Were not 100% sure yet that Whitehall will send in officials though it may continue to view the city council as a bit of a basket case even if it doesnt. I think the handling of the Liverpool mayoral process in recent weeks has not given Whitehall much confidence in how the council runs its processes.
On the plus side, I believe Tony Reeves and his executive will be able to demonstrate that they are turning things around and this will give the Government some cause for optimism. Looking at all the significant development projects planned at present, and the strength of the citys private sector, the latest events are clearly a distraction, and I believe Liverpool can look forward with confidence.
Notably, however, today is the last day of the council-run disciplinary hearing for Kavanagh following his two arrests by Merseyside Police last year, and any decisions and subsequent action taken by Liverpool City Council will be closely scrutinised by Government officials.
It is rare for Whitehall to send in officials to take over the running of a local authority though not unheard of. In 2014, then-communities secretary Eric Pickles ordered a team to go in and manage the finances and management of the London Borough of Tower Hamlets for a two-year period.
A Government-commissioned report by auditor PwC had identified a worrying pattern of divisive community politics and alleged mismanagement of public money by the mayoral administration of Tower Hamlets, and Pickles reportedly took action after failing to receive assurances from the councils leadership that it would take steps to strengthen its governance.
Similar Whitehall intervention measures have been either put in place or threatened at the London Borough of Barnet and at Northampton Council in recent years, amid concern over local finances and leadership.
Separately, Liverpool City Council came under fire at the weekend for the price at which it sold land to a property developer in 2017. Cllr Richard Kemp, leader of Liverpools Liberal Democrats, challenged the council on why it had sold a plot on Norfolk Street to Elliot Group for 925,000, which Elliot had subsequently valued at 5.7m in 2020.
However, the price differential was due to Elliot securing planning consent for the development plot in the interim, which significantly boosted its value, the companys founder Elliot Lawless said in a statement.
Planning gain is a widely-accepted concept in the development industry and, of course, among local authorities, the statement said. On buying the plot, Elliot Group went on to incur significant expenditure to bring forward a planning application.
The price for the site was set by the vendor and the sale process overseen by lawyers from both sides of the transaction.
Liverpool City Council declined to comment.
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BJP and Baggas stunt of storming the College Street Coffee House has come back to haunt them – National Herald
Posted: at 1:46 am
BJP and Bagga underestimated the emotional pull that the College Street Coffee House as it is known to differentiate it from other branches has exercised over generations of Bengalis. Ever since the Coffee House was set up in 1942 in the vicinity of Calcutta University and Presidency College, it drew passionate youth, students, writers, poets and artists besides activists who all wanted to usher in positive changes. It was always a secular place, embraced fierce debates and claims a galaxy of icons and legends as its patrons.
The heritage building, once home to philosopher and social reformer Keshab Chandra Sen, over the years hosted among others Satyajit Ray, Aparna Sen and Amartya Sen. Before independence it hosted many brainstorming sessions of Indian revolutionaries.
In an interview, celebrated author Sunil Gangopadhyay, who stopped going to the Coffee House because he felt it should be left for the younger lot, recalled, The poets had their own table, the short story writers theirs, and the film-makers their own. Artists Prakash Karmakar and Bikash Bhattacharjee and playwright Mohit Chattopadhyay would be around.
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Libertarianism – Libertarian philosophy | Britannica
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Classical liberalism rests on a presumption of libertythat is, on the presumption that the exercise of liberty does not require justification but that all restraints on liberty do. Libertarians have attempted to define the proper extent of individual liberty in terms of the notion of property in ones person, or self-ownership, which entails that each individual is entitled to exclusive control of his choices, his actions, and his body. Because no individual has the right to control the peaceful activities of other self-owning individualse.g., their religious practices, their occupations, or their pastimesno such power can be properly delegated to government. Legitimate governments are therefore severely limited in their authority.
According to the principle that libertarians call the nonaggression axiom, all acts of aggression against the rights of otherswhether committed by individuals or by governmentsare unjust. Indeed, libertarians believe that the primary purpose of government is to protect citizens from the illegitimate use of force. Accordingly, governments may not use force against their own citizens unless doing so is necessary to prevent the illegitimate use of force by one individual or group against another. This prohibition entails that governments may not engage in censorship, military conscription, price controls, confiscation of property, or any other type of intervention that curtails the voluntary and peaceful exercise of an individuals rights.
A fundamental characteristic of libertarian thinking is a deep skepticism of government power. Libertarianism and liberalism both arose in the West, where the division of power between spiritual and temporal rulers had been greater than in most other parts of the world. In the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament), I Samuel 8: 1718, the Jews asked for a king, and God warned them that such a king would take the tenth of your flocks, and you shall be his slaves. And in that day you will cry out because of your king, whom you have chosen for yourselves; but the Lord will not answer you in that day. This admonition reminded Europeans for centuries of the predatory nature of states. The passage was cited by many liberals, including Thomas Paine and Lord Acton, who famously wrote that power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Libertarian skepticism was reinforced by events of the 20th century, when unrestrained government power, among other factors, led to world war, genocide, and massive human rights violations.
Libertarians embrace individualism insofar as they attach supreme value to the rights and freedoms of individuals. Although various theories regarding the origin and justification of individual rights have been proposede.g., that they are given to human beings by God, that they are implied by the very idea of a moral law, and that respecting them produces better consequencesall libertarians agree that individual rights are imprescriptiblei.e., that they are not granted (and thus cannot be legitimately taken away) by governments or by any other human agency. Another aspect of the individualism of libertarians is their belief that the individual, rather than the group or the state, is the basic unit in terms of which a legal order should be understood.
Libertarians hold that some forms of order in society arise naturally and spontaneously from the actions of thousands or millions of individuals. The notion of spontaneous order may seem counterintuitive: it is natural to assume that order exists only because it has been designed by someone (indeed, in the philosophy of religion, the apparent order of the natural universe was traditionally considered proof of the existence of an intelligent designeri.e., God). Libertarians, however, maintain that the most important aspects of human societysuch as language, law, customs, money, and marketsdevelop by themselves, without conscious direction.
An appreciation for spontaneous order can be found in the writings of the ancient Chinese philosopher Lao-tzu (6th century bce), who urged rulers to do nothing because without law or compulsion, men would dwell in harmony. A social science of spontaneous order arose in the 18th century in the work of the French physiocrats and in the writings of the Scottish philosopher David Hume. Both the physiocrats (the term physiocracy means the rule of nature) and Hume studied the natural order of economic and social life and concluded, contrary to the dominant theory of mercantilism, that the directing hand of the prince was not necessary to produce order and prosperity. Hume extended his analysis to the determination of interest rates and even to the emergence of the institutions of law and property. In A Treatise of Human Nature (173940), he argued that the rule concerning the stability of possession is a product of spontaneous ordering processes, because it arises gradually, and acquires force by a slow progression, and by our repeated experience of the inconveniences of transgressing it. He also compared the evolution of the institution of property to the evolution of languages and money.
David Hume, oil painting by Allan Ramsay, 1766; in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh.
Smith developed the concept of spontaneous order extensively in both The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776). He made the idea central to his discussion of social cooperation, arguing that the division of labour did not arise from human wisdom but was the necessary, though very slow and gradual, consequence of a certain propensity in human nature which has in view no such extensive utility: the propensity to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another. In Common Sense (1776), Paine combined the theory of spontaneous order with a theory of justice based on natural rights, maintaining that the great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government.
According to libertarians, free markets are among the most important (but not the only) examples of spontaneous order. They argue that individuals need to produce and trade in order to survive and flourish and that free markets are essential to the creation of wealth. Libertarians also maintain that self-help, mutual aid, charity, and economic growth do more to alleviate poverty than government social-welfare programs. Finally, they contend that, if the libertarian tradition often seems to stress private property and free markets at the expense of other principles, that is largely because these institutions were under attack for much of the 20th century by modern liberals, social democrats, fascists, and adherents of other leftist, nationalist, or socialist ideologies.
Libertarians consider the rule of law to be a crucial underpinning of a free society. In its simplest form, this principle means that individuals should be governed by generally applicable and publicly known laws and not by the arbitrary decisions of kings, presidents, or bureaucrats. Such laws should protect the freedom of all individuals to pursue happiness in their own ways and should not aim at any particular result or outcome.
Although most libertarians believe that some form of government is essential for protecting liberty, they also maintain that government is an inherently dangerous institution whose power must be strictly circumscribed. Thus, libertarians advocate limiting and dividing government power through a written constitution and a system of checks and balances. Indeed, libertarians often claim that the greater freedom and prosperity of European society (in comparison with other parts of the world) in the early modern era was the result of the fragmentation of power, both between church and state and among the continents many different kingdoms, principalities, and city-states. Some American libertarians, such as Lysander Spooner and Murray Rothbard, have opposed all forms of government. Rothbard called his doctrine anarcho-capitalism to distinguish it from the views of anarchists who oppose private property. Even those who describe themselves as anarchist libertarians, however, believe in a system of law and law enforcement to protect individual rights.
Much political analysis deals with conflict and conflict resolution. Libertarians hold that there is a natural harmony of interests among peaceful, productive individuals in a just society. Citing David Ricardos theory of comparative advantagewhich states that individuals in all countries benefit when each countrys citizens specialize in producing that which they can produce more efficiently than the citizens of other countrieslibertarians claim that, over time, all individuals prosper from the operation of a free market, and conflict is thus not a necessary or inevitable part of a social order. When governments begin to distribute rewards on the basis of political pressure, however, individuals and groups will engage in wasteful and even violent conflict to gain benefits at the expense of others. Thus, libertarians maintain that minimal government is a key to the minimization of social conflict.
David Ricardo, portrait by Thomas Phillips, 1821; in the National Portrait Gallery, London.
In international affairs, libertarians emphasize the value of peace. That may seem unexceptional, since most (though not all) modern thinkers have claimed allegiance to peace as a value. Historically, however, many rulers have seen little benefit to peace and have embarked upon sometimes long and destructive wars. Libertarians contend that war is inherently calamitous, bringing widespread death and destruction, disrupting family and economic life, and placing more power in the hands of ruling classes. Defensive or retaliatory violence may be justified, but, according to libertarians, violence is not valuable in itself, nor does it produce any additional benefits beyond the defense of life and liberty.
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Libertarianism - Libertarian philosophy | Britannica
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How regulators are approaching the push for offshore wind – PBS NewsHour
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Amanda Lefton:
Certainly offshore wind has the opportunity to create a great deal of jobs and American jobs. We know that in order for us to really, truly build out offshore wind, not only are we going to need people that are physically building them and operating them, but we're going to need a supply chain to support the development of offshore wind, which can mean steel, which can mean other critical materials that can come from the United States.
Additionally, we're seeing investments in things like large vessels that are being built right here in America with materials from America. So I think undoubtedly we have a tremendous opportunity to create good family-supporting jobs with offshore wind as we continue to transition to a clean energy future, which is not just critical for climate change, but to of course support those jobs and create them here.
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Under Biden, will offshore wind finally drive major energy gains in the U.S.? – PBS NewsHour
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Ivette Feliciano:
But getting to this point has been a long road. Vineyard first leased these 260 square miles of ocean back in 2015, spent millions surveying the area, and applied to federal regulators for a permit in 2017. Two years later, the process was paused as regulators decided to look at the cumulative impact of Vineyard, and several other projects planned in the same area.
All together, there are more than a dozen leases in various stages of development up and down the east coast. and industry groups estimate that between 20 and 30 thousand megawatts of offshore wind or enough to power more than 12 million homes will be operational by 2030.
While the US has not yet approved a major project, in Europe, offshore wind has grown exponentially in the last 15 years, with more than 40 commercial-scale projects now operating.
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Developments in Offshore Wind: Part Two | Cozen O’Connor – JDSupra – JD Supra
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The Biden administrations approach to policy setting in the offshore wind context can already be seen in recent legislation and executive orders related to tax law, maritime law, and environmental law. We address the interplay of these legal issues in this white paper in the context of the new administrations overall policy objectives. In Part One, we addressed relatively recent New Jersey and New York state developments and recent Biden administration executive actions affecting the offshore wind sector. In this Part Two, we discuss some related tax, maritime, and environmental issues and developments affecting the sector.
These developments demonstrate the significant and broad role that offshore wind will have on furthering Biden administration policy objectives related to addressing climate change, expanding the availability of renewable energy and its contribution to the nations power needs, and, in the process, creating well-paying, permanent jobs.
The 2021 Appropriations Act included a one-year extension of the PTC already in place, which allows a credit against business income tax to taxpayers based on electricity produced by onshore and offshore wind projects. The credit, stated under I.R.C. 45(a)(5), is a credit of 1.5 cents per kWh of electricity produced by the taxpayer from wind at a qualified facility for the first 10 years after the project is placed in service. The amount of the credit will be adjusted for inflation and phases out based on when the facility construction started. Eligibility for the credit was set to end in 2020, but the 2021 Appropriations Act extended applicability of the credit to projects that begin construction in 2021. Projects that begin construction after 2021 will not be eligible for the credit, which will phase out in 2022.
A 30 percent ITC against business income tax is now available for certain offshore wind facilities that are located within the inland navigable waters of the United States or in the coastal waters of the United States, and that begin construction before January 1, 2026. The term of the ITC is five years. I.R.C. 45(d)(1). Unlike the PTC, this ITC for offshore wind projects does not phase out for projects that start construction before 2026. This offshore wind ITC will provide meaningful financial assistance and encouragement for qualified offshore wind projects during the next five years and will likely spur further development initiatives during the period to take advantage of the credit.
Section 3003 of the 2021 Appropriations Act authorizes the creation of a program to fund research and development and commercialization for wind energy technologies. The purposes of the program include improving the efficiency and cost effectiveness of wind energy, optimizing its performance, and reducing barriers to the commercialization of wind technology. The program includes a focus on offshore wind-specific projects and plants. Over $100 million is allocated to the program, including for awarding grants, performing research, creating demonstration projects, and providing small business vouchers. This program is an indication of the federal governments renewed focus on wind energy, including offshore wind projects, and its commitment to expanding this field.
One of the major questions facing the offshore wind industry for the past several years has been whether and to what extent foreign-flagged vessels may be utilized in support of offshore wind construction and operations. The flurry of offshore wind related activity to start the year by Congress, the president, and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) addressed this issue in part and seem to signal that more action is likely to come in the near future to resolve other open issues.
Under the Jones Act, only U.S. flagged and coastwise qualified (i.e., owned, operated, and controlled by U.S. citizens) vessels are permitted to carry merchandise between any two points in the United States. Thus, foreign-flagged vessels may only be used in support of offshore wind projects in a manner that does not involve transportation of merchandise between two U.S. points for example, by employing a stationary foreign installation vessel to install components transported aboard U.S. flagged coastwise-qualified feeder vessels. A report issued by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) in December 2020 titled Offshore Wind Energy Planned Projects May Lead to Construction of New Vessels in the U.S., but Industry Has Made Few Decisions amid Uncertainties highlighted the significance of the issue to the industry by noting that there are currently no Jones Act-compliant vessels capable of serving as a [wind turbine installation vessel] and that larger capacity feeder vessels will also likely be needed to support the industry. In other words, while reports of the construction of Jones Act compliant installation and feeder vessels have begun to surface, at least in the near term, use of foreign vessels in some capacity will still be required for offshore wind construction. Thus, it is essential for the industry to have clarity on the exact extent to which foreign vessels may be employed.
Such clarity appears to have been provided with respect to projects on the U.S. outer continental shelf (OCS). Under Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (OCSLA), the Jones Acts restrictions also apply on the outer continental shelf in some instances. Based on the prior wording of OCSLA, there was an open question as to whether OCSLAs extension of the Jones Act applied to offshore wind installations on the OCS. This question was addressed, at least in part, by passage of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2021, which included an amendment to the OCSLA, the effect of which was to clarify that U.S. law (including the Jones Act) applies to installations and other devices permanently or temporarily attached to the seabed, which may be erected thereon for the purpose of exploring for, developing, or producing resources, including non-mineral energy resources. (Emphasis supplied).
President Biden echoed this commitment to the application of the Jones Act to offshore wind projects by issuing the Made in America Executive Order. The Made in America Executive Order included the Jones Act under its definition of Made in America Laws meaning that increased intergovernmental consultation will be required before a waiver of the Jones Act may be granted. A White House press release indicated that the Made in America Executive Order [r]eiterates the Presidents strong support for the Jones Act. The President will continue to be a strong advocate for the Jones Act and that with the signing of the NDAA for FY 2021, the Jones Act has also been affirmed as an opportunity to invest in Americas workers as we build offshore renewable energy, in line with the Presidents goals to build our clean energy future here in America.
Shortly after the presidents issuance of the Made in America Executive Order, CBP, the agency charged with interpretation of the Jones Act, issued ruling letter HQ H309186 (Jan. 27, 2021), its first interpretative ruling relating to application of the Jones Act to offshore wind turbines and installations since 2011. CBP applied the amended language of OCSLA to conclude that the Jones Act would be violated by several proposed scenarios involving the lading of scour protection by a non-coastwise qualified vessel at a U.S. point (either Port Providence or a vessel anchored in U.S. waters or on the OCS) and unlading of the scour at a monopile or wind turbine generator installed on the seabed of the OCS. CBP also found that the Jones Act would be violated by scenarios that involved lading of scour at a U.S. point (either Port Providence or a vessel anchored in U.S. waters or on the OCS) and unlading on the pristine seabed of the OCS prior to the construction of any offshore wind monopiles.
While the above actions appear to have resolved questions relating to application of the Jones Act on the OCS, questions remain as to CBPs interpretation of what items carried aboard a vessel constitute merchandise (i.e., an item covered by the Jones Act and required to be transported between U.S. points by a U.S. flagged coastwise qualified vessel). In particular, CBP excludes items deemed to be vessel equipment from the definition of merchandise. At the end of 2019, CBP issued a revocation of prior rulings that relied upon a standard for such determinations tied to whether the item at issue was utilized in fulfilling the mission of the vessel because CBP determined such an approach was overbroad.1 Instead, CBP indicated that it would interpret vessel equipment to include items that are necessary and appropriate for the navigation, operation, or maintenance of a vessel and for the comfort and safety of the persons on board. CBP made clear, however, that this determination would be made on a case-by-case basis and specifically declined at that time to clarify how this standard would be applied to offshore wind projects. Thus, uncertainty remains as to how the Jones Act will apply with respect to the carriage of various components and equipment needed for offshore wind construction and operations. However, given the momentum behind the industry evidenced by congressional, executive, and CBP action in the early part of the year, further clarification on this issue in the near future seems likely.
The social cost of carbon (SCC) is an important policy tool in the climate change discussion, including with respect to environmental permitting for offshore wind, which is discussed in more detail below. The SCC, which attaches a monetary amount to the impacts of a ton of carbon (CO2) in a given year, has broad implications, depending on the amount and where it is used in any federal cost-benefit analysis. A cost-benefit analysis is typically required prior to a federal agency implementing any new rule or engaging in any governmental decision-making, including federal permitting decisions. Section 5 of the Climate Crisis Executive Order takes the first step toward restoring application of a higher value SCC and previously established values for other greenhouse gases such as methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (NOx). To that end, President Bidens Climate Crisis Executive Order recreates the Interagency Working Group on Social Cost of Greenhouse Gases (IWG), which was disbanded by executive order under the Trump administration.2 The IWG is tasked with evaluating and setting the SCC, methane, and nitrous oxide values by January 2022. The revamped SCC values and values for CH4 and NOx are likely to be in alignment with the values developed under the Obama administration, if not greater.
Indeed, on February 26, 2021, Heather Boushey, on behalf of the IWG, announced that the IWG would immediately replace the previous Administrations estimates with the estimates developed prior to 2017, adjusted for inflation (i.e., restoring Obama-era values).3 The quick decision stems from a January 27, 2021, memorandum from President Biden titled Memorandum on Restoring Trust in Government Through Scientific Integrity and Evidence-Based Policymaking. The memorandum directs federal agencies to review and expeditiously update any policy, process, or practice that does not use best available science. The IWG also anticipates an upcoming Federal Register notice to determine whether an update to the approach to value discounting is warranted and, if so, a more complete revision to the estimates is expected to be released within a year. While the full impacts of even higher SCC, CH4, and NOx values remain to be seen, continued encouragement of renewable energy development projects, including offshore wind projects, is anticipated.
Most major infrastructure projects, including offshore wind, are highly impacted by legal and regulatory developments relating to the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA). Section 207 of the Climate Crisis Executive Order mandates that Bureau of Ocean Energy Management's (BOEM) review of siting and permitting processes be in consultation with other agencies, including the chair of the Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ). CEQ is the agency responsible for overseeing and implementing NEPA. NEPA is the legal mechanism by which federal agencies must consider the environmental impacts for infrastructure projects through issuance of an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS), which is required all for major Federal actions that may significantly affect the quality of the human environment.4
NEPA is not designed to stop a project and is procedural in nature. It is designed to require thorough environmental review and public input before, for example, BOEM can issue an offshore wind lease to a potential developer through a formal Record of Decision.5 Importantly, a BOEM lease is required for any offshore wind project on the OCS,6 and typically before an application can be submitted to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) for its approval and licensing of any hydrokinetic project seeking to transmit electricity to the interstate electricity grid. Clearing the NEPA hurdling is an important milestone for any infrastructure project requiring federal approval(s). As it relates to offshore wind, developers further along in the BOEM leasing and FERC licensing process, which will include the NEPA review process, also have competitive advantages to obtaining state approvals for obtaining renewable energy credits used to fund the project.
The Climate Crisis Executive Order had the immediate effect of placing BOEM back on track for its NEPA review of the Vineyard Wind project. Changes to the Vineyard Wind turbines and signals from the previous administration that these changes might result in a deficient EIS caused Vineyard Wind to request that BOEM stop consideration of its application. Any requirement for a new application would have resulted in over a year of delay. On January 22, 2021, Vineyard Wind requested its original application continue through the review process. In a recent press release, BOEM announced that it would continue its environmental review of the Vineyard Wind project and proceed with development of a final EIS, signaling that a new application would not be required due to the turbine changes.
More changes to the previous administrations NEPA policies are also likely on the horizon. For example, Section 7(e) of the Climate Science Executive Order directs CEQ to rescind its August 2017 draft guidance on consideration of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions during NEPA review, reverting instead to the August 2016 guidance issued in the final months of former President Barrack Obamas administration. This guidance will immediately restore the environmental review advantages of all clean energy projects, not just offshore wind projects.
An even hotter issue to watch relates to the previous administrations changes to NEPA regulations. On July 16, 2020, under the prior administration, CEQ finalized a new rule effective September 14, 2020, which some viewed as limiting NEPA reviews for certain projects, particularly more carbon intensive projects. Although procedural in nature, NEPA review and litigation is known to often delay a controversial project for many years. The new NEPA rules were spurred by President Trumps August 15, 2017, Executive Order 13807 requiring federal agencies to process environmental reviews for major infrastructure projects as One Federal Decision (OFD).7 One clear purpose of OFD was to expedite environmental reviews for oil and gas infrastructure projects. The new NEPA rule implemented myriad changes to NEPA regulations in alignment with OFD. While seemingly innocuous, the changes have been argued to have broad effects on the NEPA process that make it too easy to get through environmental review without full public engagement.8 The new rule is currently subject to litigation, but is currently being evaluated by the Biden administration.
The full effect of the Biden administrations reversal or changes to NEPA in the offshore wind context remains to be seen. The new administration has stated it is reviewing the new NEPA rule to determine whether changes are required. The Climate Science Executive Order revokes OFD, the very basis for the rule change, signaling modification is likely, and the CEQ has sought stays in many of the pending challenges to the rule, with one request for stay denied in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Virginia. Thus, the new administration will need to address the issue sooner rather than later.
The NEPA process for large-scale projects also often involves consultation and collaboration with other agencies with responsibilities to protect natural resources under a variety of other statutes, like the EPA or the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS). The Climate Crisis Executive Order is a signal to these agencies that their consultation for offshore wind projects should be particularly timely, in addition to their own separate reviews, while revocation of OFD is a separate signal to reestablish clean energy project advantages in environmental permitting review.
In addition to BOEM and FERC authorization activities and the consultation process, offshore wind development will also involve the typical environmental permitting processes associated with any large infrastructure project. It will involve the crossing of wetlands and other waters of the United States (WOTUS) requiring permitting approval under the Clean Water Act (CWA), over which EPA has authority to regulate, or require review of species regulated by the Endangered Species Act (ESA) or the Marine Mammal Protection Act (MMPA), over which USFWS has authority to regulate. The building of ports or onshore office and/or maintenance spaces are likely to be on current or former industrial areas with soil and groundwater contamination issues, which would require thorough environmental due diligence under the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (CERCLA) and its state counterparts prior to acquisition or leasing.
The Climate Crisis Executive Order does not specifically address these everyday environmental considerations and concerns. Some approval processes (for example, ESA and MMPA review) will be addressed early through consultation in the NEPA process and the Biden administrations potential changes to this process. Section 401 water quality certifications under the CWA are likely to be required for the transmission crossings and onshore interconnection cables from either EPA or a state agency with delegated authority to issue Section 401 certifications. A Section 404 permit under the CWA for dredge and fill activities in wetlands is also likely to be required from either the regional U.S. Army Corps of Engineers with EPA-delegated permit authority or a state agency with EPA-delegated authority to issue such permits. The state may also have its own host of environmental siting statutes and regulations for consideration, subject to review and approval by the overseeing state agency.
In addition, Section 328(a) of the Clean Air Act (CAA) requires federal air pollution regulations to be extended to projects on the OCS if the project is located within 25 miles of the state seaward border. Assuming that applies, the construction period of an offshore wind project may generate GHG emissions, which, depending on the attainment status of that area, may trigger a robust New Source Review under the CAA. Some CAA permitting (perhaps pursuant to a general permit) will likely be required for more routine pieces of equipment that generate emissions backup generators, for example. The CAA offshore wind regulations codified at 40 C.F.R. part 55 would be managed by EPA.
While the Climate Crisis Executive Order does not address the details of an offshore wind projects robust and complex environmental permitting regime, it does signal that such projects should be given priority and should be timely.
As the regulatory and permitting regimes for offshore wind projects become clearer and more favorable, the technology behind those projects also continues to advance. Currently, the elevation of the OCS on the U.S. East Coast makes it the most technically feasible location for offshore wind. Commercial scale turbines used or planned to be used still require foundation support, which leads to an intense construction process requiring pile driving and, by extension, more impacts during construction on the sea floor and to aquatic life.
Floating turbines, however, are on the horizon. Several floating wind projects are in the early phases (pilot or small scale) either in areas where fixed foundation turbines might be too disruptive to the local economy (e.g., Maine) or areas of the OCS where the water is too deep for fixed foundation construction (e.g., Maine, California, and Hawaii). Maine is leading the way to advance this new technology via a pilot project. On January 22, 2021, in a letter to the local fishing industry, Maine Governor Janet Mills announced she would propose a 10-year moratorium on any state water, offshore wind projects, while continuing to support the planned floating turbine research project in federal waters and extending the time for public input of that project. Thus, despite opposition, Maine appears slated to move forward with advancing floating turbine technology along its coast. Other, larger projects are also slated along the coast of California and Hawaii, with Oregon and Washington expected to follow.
While too early to detail a comparison of floating vs. fixed foundation offshore wind projects from an environmental permitting perspective, it is possible that floating turbines will have the upper hand to the extent they can be built to scale, which is still far in the future. This will be the only offshore wind option in certain areas of the OCS. The less disruptive nature of the construction and maintenance of floating turbines (which can be pulled to shore for repairs, upkeep, and decommissioning) will inevitably lead to less aquatic environmental impacts and a shorter environmental permitting timeline. Whether the permitting and siting advantages will outweigh cost considerations of purchasing more expensive turbines (or, in areas where fixed-foundation is not technically feasible, of relying on other clean energy projects like solar and onshore wind) is likely to be a hot topic in the future.
The offshore wind sector is well positioned to provide a synergistic focus for addressing climate change and meeting the nations renewable energy goals. The enormous scope and scale of offshore wind development makes it a critical part of the drive for accomplishing President Bidens Climate Crisis Executive Order objectives, as well as those of U.S. coastal states where the prospects for offshore wind are under various stages of development. Navigating the legal, regulatory, political, and technical waters associated with this development requires the assistance of experienced professionals who can provide guidance and advice regarding the many complex issues and concerns.
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Developments in Offshore Wind: Part Two | Cozen O'Connor - JDSupra - JD Supra
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