Daily Archives: March 25, 2021

Jon Greenbaum, the chief counsel for the nonpartisan Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, said Republicans were engaged in an all-out effort to change the voting rules in lots of ways that would allow for greater opportunity for them to challenge the eligibility of electors, and that the party would add micromanagement by state legislatures to the process of running an election.

State Representative Barry Fleming, a Republican who has been a chief sponsor of the bills in Georgia, did not respond to requests for comment. In a hearing on the bill this month, he defended the provisions, saying, We as legislators decide how we will actually be elected, because we decide our own boards of elections and those of the counties we are elected from.

Gov. Brian Kemp of Georgia, a Republican, has not weighed in publicly on the changes to election administration and oversight. Asked for comment, his office offered only that he was in favor of strengthened voter ID protections.

At the local level, at least nine Republican counties in Georgia have passed local legislation since November dissolving their current election boards often composed of three Republicans and two Democrats and replacing them with a new membership entirely appointed by the county commissioner, resulting in single-party boards.

A new law in Iowa restricting access to voting also targeted county election officials. In addition to barring them from proactively sending out absentee ballot applications, the bill introduced criminal charges for officials who fail to follow the new voting rules.

The threat of increased punishment seemed to be directed at three county election officials in the state, who last year chose to mail absentee ballot applications to all registered voters in their counties, drawing the ire of state Republicans.

We can be fined heavily now, removed from office, said one of those officials, Travis Weipert, the Johnson County auditor. And instead of just saying, Dont do it again, they brought the hammer down on us.

Link:

Republicans Aim to Seize More Power Over How Elections Are Run - The New York Times

The Republican Party has lost majorities in both the House of Representatives and the Senate and now leaders of the party are trying to strategize the path forward. Many Republicans disagree on whether or not former President Donald Trump should have a critical role in the party moving forward.

Kimberley Hirschi and Patti Siegmann say they were both attracted to the Republican Party because of its core values. While they both voted for President Trump in both 2016 and 2020, Hirschi stopped supporting the former President completely in the aftermath of the insurrection on January 6.

"We need the Republican leaders to stand up against Trump and say we're not going to allow him to have an influence, we're not going to allow him to incite any further violence, we're not going to allow him to overthrow democracy," Hirschi said.

Hirschi said she always had concerns about President Trump, but could not support any of his Democratic opponents. Now she says she would not vote for Trump even if he was the only Republican in a race.

Siegmann, on the other hand, has been and still is a loyal supporter of Trump and says he should still continue to play a critical role in the party moving forward.

"I do believe that Trump united a lot of people, more people than others can even imagine and we voted for Trump not that he was a pastor or that he had this tremendous, perfect life; we voted for him because he is a businessman and he had to lead and get us out of tremendous problems," Siegmann said.

Both women say they believe that the future of the Republican Party is strong and neither thinks that a third party will emerge made up of Trump supporters.

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San Diego County Republicans Weigh in on Trump's Future in the Party - NBC San Diego

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Sam Webb says hes not against vaccines. His kids are up to date on their vaccines for school, and he got a flu shot a few years ago, the Weatherford truck driver said.

But he wont be getting a COVID-19 shot.

Webb, a former Army medic, is among the thousands of Republicans in Texas and across the country who say they do not trust COVID-19 vaccines and will refuse to get one even as public health experts and elected leaders say mass vaccinations are the key to a return to normalcy from the pandemic that has plagued the nation for a year.

At the beginning of the nations vaccine rollout, experts warned that people of color, particularly Black and brown people, could be skeptical or fearful about getting vaccinated. But over the past few months, white Republicans have emerged as the demographic group thats proven most consistently hesitant about COVID-19 vaccines.

In Texas, 61% of white Republicans, and 59% of all Republicans regardless of race, either said they are reluctant to get the vaccine or would refuse it outright, according to the February University of Texas/Texas Tribune Poll. Thats not an insignificant portion of the states population over 52% of the states ballots in November were cast for former President Donald Trump.

Only 25% of Texas Democrats said they were hesitant or would refuse to get a COVID-19 shot, according to the poll.

Scientists and doctors stress that vaccines are safe and highly effective at preventing the worst outcomes of COVID-19, including hospitalizations and deaths. No one has died because of the vaccines, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports. Some people may experience short-term side effects, but those effects quickly subside.

But the trend among Republicans is nationwide. A Civiqs poll updated in March indicated that white Republicans make up the largest demographic of people in the U.S. who remain vaccine hesitant with 53% saying they were either unsure about or not getting the vaccine.

Meanwhile, people of color have shown increased confidence in the vaccine over the past few months. In October 2020, 53% of Black Texans said they would not get a COVID-19 vaccine a percentage that dropped to 29% when asked last month, according to UT/Texas Tribune polls. By comparison, 43% of Texas Republicans said they would not get the vaccine in October, compared with 41% last month.

Most hesitancy among Republicans stems from a distrust of scientists and an unfounded concern about how new the vaccine is, said Timothy Callaghan, an assistant professor of health policy management at the Texas A&M School of Public Health.

What you do find is that over time conservatives have been more vaccine hesitant than liberals, which you can largely attribute to higher levels of distrust in the scientific establishment among conservatives, Callaghan said. However, the actions of certain political actors over the past few years have sort of intensified those beliefs within the party.

For Webb, he said he thinks its more about Republicans being distrustful of the government, and this has been pushed really hard by governmental authorities.

I'm not against vaccines, Webb said. Im against something that was rushed out so quickly.

Scientists and medical experts say no corners were cut for the COVID-19 vaccines. Built on years of research of coronaviruses, combined with global collaboration and large infusions of funding, COVID-19 vaccines were able to be developed quickly. Each of the three vaccines approved so far in the U.S. underwent clinical trials meticulously reviewed by the Food and Drug Administration.

It wasn't just this brand new thing, said Dr. Philip Huang, Dallas Countys health and human services director. It was built on prior research and development, but it is a great tremendous scientific breakthrough.

Andrea Norman Harmon, a Springtown resident, said she distrusts the vaccine and is relying on her Christian faith.

I haven't even done any research on it, because in my mind, there's no way that you can 100% convince me that you can tell me what the effects are five years down the road if I take this vaccine today, said Harmon, a conservative. Research shows strong evidence that mRNA vaccines like the COVID-19 vaccines will not cause long-term harm.

Harmon said she does not trust government officials, regardless of party. Shell only get her high school-aged son vaccinated for COVID-19 if it is required for school, although her children are vaccinated for other diseases, she said.

If it's voluntary, and it stays voluntary, I will never take the vaccine, she said. If it comes down to I have to take it in order to keep my job I will be in heavy prayer over what I need to do.

That pervasive distrust across such a broad demographic is particularly concerning for public health experts with the goal of reaching herd immunity.

Anytime there are pockets or segments of the population that don't get vaccinated, it creates pockets of vulnerability, Huang said. We want everyone to take this public health measure.

Epidemiologists estimate to reach herd immunity, between 70% and 90% of the population needs to be vaccinated. Because the vaccines arent approved for people under 16, that means virtually all adults in Texas.

Its not only Texas, but we look at some other states where a large proportion of them are Republicans, said Jamboor K. Vishwanatha, founding director of Texas Center for Health Disparities. Its a brutal fact I mean it's going to affect all, because we will not be able to reach herd immunity. And with all of these new variants that may be coming, COVID may be with us for the long haul.

COVID doesnt discriminate between political affiliation, Vishwanatha added. [But] unfortunately, it got politicized from the beginning.

Elected leaders like former President Donald Trump have at times downplayed the severity of the virus while denigrating scientists who urged for increased caution. Trump, who received the vaccine, did so off camera and did not make a strong public push for Americans to get vaccinated.

Tasha Philpot, a University of Texas at Austin political science professor, said Republican Gov. Greg Abbotts messaging has been tepid in its encouragement of Texans getting vaccinated. Abbott received his first dose live on TV, but he also stresses in his public statements that the vaccines are always voluntary, a nod to members of his party who reject the vaccine.

Philpot said Abbotts decision to end most of the states COVID-19 restrictions earlier this month also sent a message to his party: The pandemic is over.

It's a signaling game, she said. I think if the signal had come from a credible source in their eyes, that we would be having a completely different discussion going on right now.

Abbott did not respond to request for comment.

Many Republican officials are attempting to simultaneously appeal to two different crowds with the Republican party nearly split down the middle on attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccines, she said.

The last thing they want to do is upset their base, said Callaghan, the health policy management professor at Texas A&M. If Abbott came out, full-throated, saying everyone really needs to do this so we can put the pandemic into decline and get back to normal and get Texas back to the way it should be that might send a different signal to get more Republicans to vaccinate.

Dallas GOP chairperson Rodney Anderson stressed that the Republican Party isnt a monolith there are many who want the vaccine and there are a variety of reasons some might not want it. However, Anderson declined to share his personal views on the vaccine.

Anderson said most of his fellow party members that hes talked to cite concerns that the vaccine was quickly developed. He said he thinks those who believe in conspiracy theories surrounding the vaccines or virus are in the minority.

But Anderson said GOP leaders like Abbott and others have done an admirable job encouraging Texans of all political leanings to be vaccinated.

The communication at the state level between the governor, lieutenant governor of encouraging individuals [to] get vaccinated, get vaccinated, get vaccinated, has been appropriate and has been effective, he said.

When the vaccine first began rolling out, headlines and polls emerged indicating that people of color, especially Black and Hispanic people, were more hesitant about getting vaccinated than other demographics.

However, over time those numbers have changed. According to the UT/Texas Tribune polls, Black Texans hesitancy dropped by 24 percentage points from November to February.

Among Hispanic Texans, attitudes toward the vaccine diverge based on political affiliation. About half of Hispanic Republicans said they were either against or unsure about getting a vaccine, compared with 34% of Hispanic Democrats who said the same.

Still, a higher percentage of Hispanic Republicans in Texas who were polled said they would get vaccinated than white Republicans.

The UT/TT Poll did not receive a large enough sample of Black Republican respondents to derive meaningful results.

Some initial surveys indicated that there was vaccine hesitancy among people of color, but recent polls are showing that sentiment has largely decreased, Vishwanatha with the Texas Center for Health Disparities said, saying the problem is more about access.

The sentiment that Black and Hispanic people are less likely to want the vaccine is dangerous, Vishwanatha said, because of the disparities that persist. Black and Hispanic Texans already face disproportionately higher rates of dying or being hospitalized after being infected with COVID-19. And according to state data, they are being vaccinated at rates much lower than white people.

By kind of pushing this narrative that Black people don't want the vaccine anyway it's kind of blurring over the fact that there's this racial divide in terms of the dissemination of the vaccine and who gets who's actually getting access to it, Philpot said.

Also notable is the difference in the root cause of why people of color are hesitant to get vaccinated compared to white Republicans.

The huge difference between those two groups is this unique mistreatment of the Black community by the medical establishment, both historically and in modern times, that gives them additional pause about participating in a new vaccination program, Callaghan said. And that's simply just not a reason why Republicans are hesitant to vaccinate against COVID-19.

Disclosure: University of Texas at Austin has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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Texas white Republicans are the most hesitant of COVID-19 vaccine - The Texas Tribune

There was an era when New Jersey Republicans could be proud of their partys role in furthering the cause of ending discrimination against African-Americans. And the high-water mark of that era in Garden State politics was the election of 1985.

That was the year in which incumbent Republican Governor Tom Kean scored a landslide reelection victory over Democrat Essex County Executive Peter Shapiro. Going into 1985, Shapiro was viewed as THE coming superstar in the Democratic firmament of New Jersey politics.

In the 1985 gubernatorial general election, however, the Shapiro supernova was irrevocably extinguished, as Tom Kean carried every county in the state and actually won an astounding 60 percent majority of the African-American vote. In the words of that great political sage, Lorenzo Pietro Berra, a/k/a Yogi Berra, it never happened before, and it hasnt happened since.

The GOP 1985 triumph among Black voters was a tribute to three individuals: Governor Tom Kean, the then Department of Energy Commissioner Lennie Coleman, and the late New Jersey GOP State Chair Frank B. Holman, Jr. In the second Kean term, Coleman served as the Commissioner of the Department of Community Affairs.

Each of these three individuals served separate distinguishable roles in that memorable 1985 campaign. Since the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of the 1960s, no Republican trio in any state has more effectively conducted outreach to and dialogue with the African-American community in any state in the nation.

Tom Kean set the tone of this relationship with his slogan, The Politics of Inclusion. For Tom, this was more than a mantra: it was a determination to have government decision making include in its process those ethnic groups and economic sectors that had been traditionally excluded. This was a key factor as to why Kean will rank in history as New Jerseys greatest governor of the Twentieth Century.

To me, Lenny Coleman is an authentic New Jersey hero. He is a proud African-American who overcame the most severe obstacles of racism to achieve outstanding success in the arenas of academia, government, and business. He was the ideal ambassador of the Kean administration to and from the African-American community.

My only regret: Lenny Coleman was a superb president of baseballs National League, but he should have been the Commissioner of baseball as well.

Frank Holman, a great patriot, was a Brigadier General in the US Air Force, serving during the Korean War. He had a gruff voice and a tough way of presenting himself, but that was all a cover for a heart of gold. His heart and strength made him the greatest street politician I ever saw in either party during my nearly four decades of involvement in New Jersey politics.

And as Tom Kean put it in his book, The Politics of Inclusion, Frank Holman was absolutelycommitted to reaching out to the people Republicans have always ignored. This made Frank a beloved figure among all New Jersey racial and ethnic groups.

Frank was a dear friend of mine, and I have often compared him to my all- time favorite baseball manager, Leo Durocher. Leo was a virtual father figure to Willie Mays, and like Frank Holman, he didnt care what was your race or creed, as long as you helped his team win. When Southerners on the Brooklyn Dodgers in spring training in 1947 circulated a petition in opposition to Jackie Robinson playing, Leo awakened his teamat 1:00 amand screamed, I dont care what color Jackie Robinson is I dont care if he has stripes like a f__k__g zebra! The man is going to win us a lot of ball games! Then Leo proceeded to tell the racist players on the Dodgers, in most colorful terms, that they could use that petition for toilet paper.

I could have seen Frank Holman doing the same thing if he had been the manager of the 1947 Brooklyn Dodgers!

The triumvirate of Kean, Coleman, and Holman made me proud to be a New Jersey Republican. It was truly a party promoting racial and ethnic understanding.

Todays New Jersey Republican Party, however, under the leadership of Republican State Committee Chair Mike Lavery, is now marching in lockstep with the national Republican Party in a determined effort to suppress the African-American vote.

My hero of the 2020 presidential election was the African-American voter. The increased participation of African-American voters, men and women, was the key factor in the defeat of Donald Trump, an authoritarian racist who would have further destroyed the social fabric of America during his second term.

A major factor in the increased African-American vote was the passage of state statutes throughout the nation enhancing and protecting the ability to vote by mail. Republicans opposed passage of these statutes, claiming that they would result in voter fraud. This proved to be nonsense. Trumps owndirector of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, Chris Krebs, called this 2020 election the most secure in American history.

The leadership of the national Republican Party knows this, and they are hellbent on suppressing the African-American vote wherever possible. They are engaged in massive efforts to erect barriers to voting by mail, and they also are trying to get states to require voter ID, which severely impacts the ability of African-Americans to vote.

Minority voters disproportionately lack government issued identification cards. Nationally, up to 25 percent of all African-Americans lack government issued identification cards, compared to only eight percent of whites.

And requiring these African-American voters to obtain voter ID places a further impact on their exercise of the voting franchise. They have to bear the cost of obtaining the underlying documents necessary to support the application for the ID,the expense of travel to the place of filing of the application, and the decrease in income attributable to the lost time at work spent in pursuit of the application.

There was a time nationally when the Republican Party could well be proud of its effort to both protect and enhance the right of African-Americans to vote. In 1965, one of the truly good and great men of American history, Republican US Senate Leader Everett McKinley Dirksen of Illinois played a vital role in the shaping and passage of the landmark Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Today, the national Republican Party, massively infested with the racist cancer of Donald Trump, is led by a pusillanimous collection of morally myopic fools dedicated to the maximum possible vitiation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. They are at war against the passage of House Resolution One, the For the People Act, a vitally needed set of measures that will honor the heritage of those who heroically marched on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama in 1965 and provide a permanent protection of the hard won African-American right to vote.

In the era of Tom Kean, the New Jersey Republican Party would have stood in firm opposition to the national Republican Partys effort to suppress the African-American vote by the erection of barriers to vote by mail and the implementation of voter ID requirements. Todays New Jersey Republican Party, however, has rejected Tom Keans Politics of Inclusion and replaced it with the Politics of Exclusion.

The new NJGOP Politics of Exclusion first manifested itself during the 2020 campaign when the New Jersey Republican State Committee, under the leadership of former Chair Doug Steinhardt, ina despicable act of blatant attempted racial voter suppression, joined Trump for President, Inc. and the Republican National Committee infiling suit to invalidate New Jersey Governor Phil Murphys Vote-by-Mail plan. I authored a column at that time denouncing the suit, No White Republican will be Elected Governor or U.S. Senator in N.J. for at Least a Decade.

https://www.insidernj.com/no-white-republican-will-elected-governor-senator-decade/

The lawsuit failed, and I hoped that the New Jersey Republican State Committee would thereafter refrain from further efforts to Suppress-the-African-American vote.

The Politics of Exclusion reigns supreme at the New Jersey Republican State Committee, however, and on March 2, 2021, the New Jersey Republican State Committee issued a report drafted by its dubiously named Election Improvement Committee, which advocated both the enactment of Voter ID and making the exercise of vote-by-mail more burdensome. The report had the endorsement of both Chair Mike Lavery and National Republican Committeeman Bill Palatucci. The link to the report follows:

https://www.njgop.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/NJGOP-EIC-Report.pdf

I cannot say whether or not Doug Steinhardt, Mike Lavery, or Bill Palatucci are personally racist. Yet it strains credulity to believe that either the aforesaid lawsuit or this Election Improvement Committee Report is anything but a blatant effort to suppress the African-American vote, motivated by the fact that the African-American vote leans so heavily Democratic.

During the era when the Tom Kean Politics of Inclusion prevailed in the New Jersey Republican Party, the message to the New Jersey African-American community was a positive one: We want to facilitate the exercise of your right to vote, and we hope that you will vote Republican.

Under the Politics of Exclusion which now prevails in the Republican Party both nationally and in New Jersey,the message to the African-American community is a negative one: We know you vote Democratic, and we will do everything possible to suppress your right to vote.

The Republican Party has been irrevocably poisoned by Trumpian racism. The party of Lincoln is now the party of hate mongers like Ron Johnson, QAnon, and Marjorie Taylor Greene. In New Jersey, it is also the party of State Senator Mike Doherty, who denies the existence of systemic racism. The profoundly anti-racist brand of conservatism of a William F. Buckley is totally ignored in todays Trumpian-dominated Republican Party, both nationally and in New Jersey.

No thoughtful right-of-center voter who rejects racism can any longer maintain allegiance to todays Trumpian Republican Party. The creation of a new center-right political party is sorely needed,both nationally and in New Jersey. How this could come about will be a focus of my future columns.

Alan Steinberg served as Regional Administrator of Region 2 EPA during the administration of former President George W. Bush and as Executive Director of the New Jersey Meadowlands Commission.

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Under its New Politics of Exclusion, The New Jersey Republican State Committee Joins the National Republican Suppress-the-Black-Vote Effort -...

President Biden campaigned on a proposal for a massive infrastructure plan to transform the economy and on the idea that he could work with Republicans. Trying to bring the infrastructure plan into reality forces a key decision on bipartisanship. Alex Wong/Getty Images hide caption

President Biden campaigned on a proposal for a massive infrastructure plan to transform the economy and on the idea that he could work with Republicans. Trying to bring the infrastructure plan into reality forces a key decision on bipartisanship.

President Biden is continuing his victory lap this week after passing the $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill, which addressed the most immediate crises Biden has faced coming into office: a pandemic still spreading and an economy still millions of jobs short of where it was a year ago.

But if the relief bill was designed to put out the fire, Biden's next goal is to rebuild the house, with an infrastructure bill fulfilling the president's campaign promise to "build back better."

"The Build Back Better bill is the legacy bill," said Bill Galston, former domestic policy adviser in the Clinton White House. "It's the bill that will define the meaning of the Biden presidency."

White House aides are reportedly compiling a $3 trillion plan that would include a wide range of priorities, including social programs and tax changes, though press secretary Jen Psaki said on Monday that nothing was decided: "President Biden and his team are considering a range of potential options for how to invest in working families and reform our tax code so it rewards work, not wealth."

This is going to be an infrastructure bill that goes far beyond roads and bridges. It's designed to be a major investment in manufacturing and the technologies of the future, including 5G, a green electric grid, universal broadband Internet access, semiconductor production and carbon-free transportation.

Galston says it's a bill that could transform the country: "A country that has not invested in itself for a very long time. A country that is on the verge of losing its technological and economic superiority to the rising power at the other side of the Pacific."

That means China. Outcompeting Beijing is something that both parties agree on, and it's at the heart of Biden's sales pitch for the Build Back Better agenda.

"If we don't get moving, they are going to eat our lunch," Biden said at a bipartisan meeting of senators in the Oval Office last month, the day after he spoke with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

But Biden has a number of decisions to make about how to get that plan moving, such as how and whether to pay for what will be a multitrillion-dollar investment, what pieces of the plan should be introduced first and whether it's possible to get Republican votes, something Biden failed to do on the pandemic relief bill.

"The big question is whether the strategy for passing the COVID-19 bill is a template or whether it's an exception," Galston said.

To pass the COVID-19 relief bill, the White House came up with its plan a $1.9 trillion package. Then the Republicans came back with a much smaller offer at $681 billion. There were a few bipartisan discussions, but the gap was too big to bridge, so in the end the bill passed with no Republican support at all.

To pass Build Back Better, the White House is trying a different approach, inviting Republicans in on the ground floor to craft the legislation. There have already been bipartisan meetings at the White House and in the Senate. In the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi has instructed her Democratic committee chairs to work with their Republican counterparts to develop infrastructure legislation.

That would be kind of old-fashioned, but there's no one more enamored of old-fashioned bipartisan buy-in than Joe Biden. That was clear after one of those bipartisan infrastructure meetings at the White House last month.

"It's the best meeting I think we've had so far," the president said. "It was like the old days people are actually on the same page," he added.

President Biden and Vice President Harris meet with a bipartisan group of senators to discuss infrastructure on Feb. 11 Doug Mills/The New York Times/Bloomberg via Getty Images hide caption

President Biden and Vice President Harris meet with a bipartisan group of senators to discuss infrastructure on Feb. 11

The latest thinking among Democrats is that there are pieces of an infrastructure agenda that could be broken off and passed as smaller individual bills with GOP votes, including things like universal broadband and anything that confronts China through investments in manufacturing or intellectual property protection.

But Republicans are skeptical after Biden decided to go it alone with Democratic votes only on the coronavirus relief bill.

"The notion is we could get together there because Republicans and Democrats both believe our infrastructure needs help. It's crumbling. It will help the economy if done right," said Ohio Republican Sen. Rob Portman on Fox News. "My concern is once again they're going to ignore the Republicans as they did this time around."

Democrats hear that and think Republicans will do what they did to President Obama refuse to compromise, then attack the president for failing to get them to compromise. Republicans do not have a lot of political incentives to compromise with Biden, and it's possible that the relationship between the two parties on Capitol Hill is just too broken for bipartisanship. Especially after Jan. 6, when a majority of Republicans voted to overturn the 2020 election, neither side thinks the other is acting in good faith.

In the White House, bipartisanship is seen as something to strive for it's part of Biden's political DNA. But in the end, as long as voters see that Biden tried hard to work across the aisle, achieving bipartisan success is not seen as a political necessity.

"The only thing that bipartisanship really buys you is some protection against the inevitable screw-ups," said Elaine Kamarck, a former Clinton White House aide and author of Why Presidents Fail. "The process of implementation, particularly on big big projects like this, there are hiccups in it. Obviously, if it's bipartisan you weather those hiccups better than you do if you've only passed it with one party. In the end, it doesn't really matter that much as long as it gets implemented."

In other words, the process isn't as important to voters as the product. Whether it's vaccines, school openings or infrastructure jobs, the idea is that voters just want Biden to deliver.

But that might be a misread of the politics, according to Galston, who thinks getting Republican votes is a political necessity for Biden because of his promises in the campaign: "That he could work harder than his predecessors did to restore the ability of the two parties, not only to talk to each other civilly, but also to work together."

Galston thinks that promise really mattered to swing voters in the suburbs who made the difference between victory and defeat for Biden. In other words, those voters took the president's promise of bipartisanship seriously and literally.

Biden was asked about his prediction that Republicans would see the light after the election during an interview with ABC News last week.

"They haven't had that epiphany you said you were going to see in the campaign," said anchor George Stephanopoulos.

"No, no, well I've only been here six weeks, pal, OK? Gimme a break," Biden said before going on to talk about how popular the relief bill was with ordinary Republicans, if not GOP members of Congress.

Then Biden revealed how important those voters are to him, eventually landing on a declaration: "I won those Republican voters in suburbia."

The president won't be on the ballot in 2022, but his agenda will be. Democrats need to do better with those Republican voters in suburbia if they are to hang on to their tiny majorities in both houses of Congress. How Biden goes about passing his next big proposal may determine whether his party wins them or not.

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Biden Infrastructure Plan To Test His Bipartisan Promises - NPR

As Peters notes,

Those include laws that would require identification for voters and limit the availability of absentee ballots, as well as other policies that Heritage said would secure and strengthen state election systems.

The other side of this effort to restrict the vote is a full-court press against the For the People Act, which would pre-empt most Republican voter-suppression bills. It kind of feels like an all-hands-on-deck moment for the conservative movement, when the movement writ large realizes the sanctity of our elections is paramount and voter distrust is at an all-time high, Jessica Anderson of Heritage Action for America told The Associated Press.

And in a recording of an address to Republican state legislators obtained by the A.P., Senator Ted Cruz of Texas warned that a voter-protection bill would spell the end of the Republican Party as a viable national party. H.R. 1s only objective is to ensure that Democrats can never again lose another election, that they will win and maintain control of the House of Representatives and the Senate and of the state legislatures for the next century, he said.

Some of this is undoubtedly cynical, a brazen attempt to capitalize on the conspiratorial rhetoric of the former president. But some of it is sincere, a genuine belief that the Republican Party will cease to exist if it cannot secure election integrity.

Whats striking about all this is that, far from evidence of Republican decline, the 2020 election is proof of Republican resilience, even strength. Trump won more than 74 million votes last year. He made substantial gains with Hispanic voters reversing more than a decade of Republican decline and improved with Black voters too. He lost, yes, but he left his party in better-than-expected shape in both the House and the Senate.

If Republicans could break themselves of Trump and look at last November with clear eyes, they would see that their fears of demographic eclipse are overblown and that they can compete even thrive in the kinds of high-turnout elections envisioned by voting rights activists.

Indeed, the great irony of the Republican Partys drive to restrict the vote in the name of Trump is that it burdens the exact voters he brought to the polls. Under Trump, the Republican Party swapped some of the most likely voters white college-educated moderates for some of the least likely blue-collar men.

In other words, by killing measures that make voting more open to everyone, Republicans might make their fears of terminal decline a self-fulfilling prophecy.

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Opinion | What Are Republicans So Afraid Of? - The New York Times